1
Youth, labour market insecurity and
institutions
Ondřej Hora
2
Abstract:
In the last decades, we have witnessed changes in society that can be in some respects
individually both beneficial and demanding for young people. The situation of young people
seems dependent on their initial position and economic situation during their crucial
transition from school to work. Part of young people is unable to tackle their situation, and
they find themselves in an insecure position. I want to know what happens to young people
and how they reflect these processes in their life stories – how young people themselves
perceive their situation. The book's goal is to get insight into the critical moments and places
in the life stories of young people so that an understanding of how (if at all) their behaviour in
interactions with structural conditions allowed them to live a preferred kind of life. Following
stories by more than 70 young people is the way to reach this goal. I address the following
questions reading these stories:
• What strategies young people used to tackle their situation?
• What key aspects were in the concrete cases relevant for their situation?
• How key institutions (including education, employment protection, unemployment
protection, and active labour market policy) play a role in the life situation of young
people?
The presented mostly qualitative study is limited to one single country (the Czech Republic).
The book is rooted in the work done during my participation on EU projects CYTISPYCE (7th
framework) and NEGOTIATE (Horizon 2020). In these projects, the team members
investigated the life situation of young people who lived in deprived neighbourhoods or who
perceived their lives to be insecure. To follow the aforementioned goal and questions I use an
approach inspired by cultural studies (Saukko 2003, 2005) in combination with the narrative
approach and structural reflection of key aspects.
3
This book could not be written without my participation in the project ‘CITISPYCE – Combating
Inequalities Through Innovative Social Practices of and for Young People in Cities across
Europe’ (2013-2014) funded by the European Union’s Framework 7 Socio-economic Sciences
and Humanities Research and Development Cooperation Programme under the grant
agreement no. 320359 and in the project ‘NEGOTIATE – Overcoming early job insecurity in
Europe’ (2015−18) funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation
programme under grant agreement no. 649395. I am very grateful for this, as it gave me a
unique opportunity for writing this book as well as for my personal development.
4
Contents:
Abstract: .....................................................................................................................................2
Contents: ....................................................................................................................................4
Introduction..............................................................................................................................10
Chapter 1: Methodological remarks on our research of young people...................................13
The influence of cultural studies on the framework of our analysis .......................................14
Contextual dimension.......................................................................................................15
Dialogic dimension............................................................................................................17
Self-reflexive dimension....................................................................................................19
Narrative approach to data analysis.................................................................................21
Young people as our communication partners ................................................................ 25
Chapter 2: Transitions and position of young people in the labour market............................28
Transitions and their role in the life of young people..............................................................28
Situation of young people on the labour market.....................................................................31
Chance to find work and unemployment .........................................................................33
Living in different times ....................................................................................................36
Employability.....................................................................................................................37
Story of Sabina .............................................................................................................38
Theory of dualization in the labour market......................................................................40
Aspects of marginalisation and precarity .........................................................................41
Scarring effect...................................................................................................................42
Reflecting on general patterns of marginalization of young people................................ 44
Understanding insecurity.........................................................................................................45
Story of Tony ................................................................................................................48
Legitimacy of focus on insecurity......................................................................................52
Conclusion of the chapter.................................................................................................53
Chapter 3: Strategies of tackling with insecurity .....................................................................54
Theory of individual behaviour and choice at micro- and meso- level....................................54
Capability perspective.......................................................................................................56
Story of Herbert............................................................................................................57
Strategies to tackle insecure trajectories.................................................................................59
Types of strategies used during education ..................................................................60
5
Types of strategies used during unemployment..........................................................61
Choices and types of activity ............................................................................................63
Strategies used when looking for work ............................................................................66
Help of friends and relatives in bridging/matching during the job search..................70
Strategy of self-employment ............................................................................................71
Working without work contract........................................................................................72
Need of change and engagement ............................................................................................72
Motivation and willingness to work/study.......................................................................73
Story of Bonny..............................................................................................................73
Story of Pablo ...............................................................................................................78
Alternative motivations ....................................................................................................79
Story of Sophie .............................................................................................................79
Engagement and limits of engagement............................................................................82
Story of Doris................................................................................................................83
Orientation in the system and in the opportunities ................................................................ 86
Orientation and career choices in education ...................................................................87
Story of Lampert...........................................................................................................88
Story of Janine..............................................................................................................89
Story of Fred.................................................................................................................91
Orientation during unemployment...................................................................................97
Story of Violet...............................................................................................................98
Influence of relatives on the orientation and strategy..............................................100
Story of Rudy..............................................................................................................101
Story of Leo.................................................................................................................102
Story of Bob................................................................................................................103
Difficulty of decision and theory of intuitive judgements and choice............................105
Story of Nancy ............................................................................................................108
Story of Clara..............................................................................................................109
Success and failure in the strategies......................................................................................112
Story of Rebeca ..........................................................................................................112
Story of Philip .............................................................................................................113
Story of Peter..............................................................................................................115
Coping, resistance, and social resilience.........................................................................117
6
Story of Magda...........................................................................................................118
Story of Rachel ...........................................................................................................120
Conclusion of the chapter...............................................................................................123
Chapter 4: Factors of insecure position .................................................................................125
Locality of residence .......................................................................................................126
Story of Rupert ...........................................................................................................127
Social, economic, and spatial segregation .................................................................130
Story of Josephine ......................................................................................................130
Discourse of Sandra....................................................................................................132
Ethnicity and ethnicity-based discrimination .................................................................134
Story of Melinda.........................................................................................................135
Story of Amanda.........................................................................................................137
Age of young people .......................................................................................................140
Story of Quido ............................................................................................................140
Story of Randolph.......................................................................................................142
Health problems of young people ..................................................................................145
Story of Ellyn...............................................................................................................145
Gender and family dimension in insecure trajectories...................................................148
Family sphere of situation..........................................................................................149
Story of Otto...............................................................................................................150
Story of Karin..............................................................................................................151
Story of Greta.............................................................................................................153
Story of Barbara .........................................................................................................154
Help from family and friends .....................................................................................157
Work sphere and its influence on life situation .........................................................159
Social policy sphere....................................................................................................161
Role of employers: selection process and job quality ....................................................163
Story of Vendelín........................................................................................................165
Story of Betty..............................................................................................................166
Story of Helen.............................................................................................................168
Specific tale of Magda................................................................................................170
Story of Ben and Ken..................................................................................................171
Other factors...................................................................................................................176
7
Debts and executions.................................................................................................176
Story of Simon ............................................................................................................176
Savings........................................................................................................................179
Knowledge of languages, computer skills and driving licence, need of equipment..180
Story of John...............................................................................................................180
Imprisonment experience ..........................................................................................182
Story of Harrold..........................................................................................................182
Story of Steve .............................................................................................................184
Drugs and gambling....................................................................................................186
Story of Mortimer.......................................................................................................186
Conclusion – Concept of multiple disadvantages...........................................................188
Chapter 5: Personal consequences of insecure trajectories..................................................191
Changed life attituded, work attitudes, and work behaviour....................................191
Consequences on the labour market, enforcement to leave the labour market and
future work prospects................................................................................................194
Lower or missing future social protection .................................................................194
Financial situation and low ability to maintain living.................................................195
Story of Bruno ............................................................................................................196
Going into debts.........................................................................................................199
Limited housing options.............................................................................................200
Story of Lucy...............................................................................................................200
Story of Maria.............................................................................................................202
Leaving parent's home - delayed or reduced economic independence....................208
Family formation, having children, family conflict or family breakdown..................211
Low self-esteem, feelings of shame, inferiority, and embarrassment ......................217
Sadness, unpleasant feelings, and connected psychical problems ...........................217
Influence on relationships and reduction of social contacts .....................................221
Moving, going abroad and migration.........................................................................224
Learning and getting experience................................................................................226
Conclusion of the chapter...............................................................................................227
Chapter 6: Institutional determinants of early job insecurity................................................228
Normative underpinnings and discourses of policies towards young people.......................228
Transitional labour market approach .............................................................................229
8
Integrated transition policies approach..........................................................................230
Flexicurity approach........................................................................................................231
Activation approach........................................................................................................233
Employment and transition regimes......................................................................................236
Important institutions and their expected role in the life of young people..........................240
Discourse of aiming to young people.........................................................................240
Key policies included in this book and dimensions for their assessment..................241
Initial education and lifelong learning ............................................................................243
Structure of the education system and education attained by respondents............243
Quality of the education system ................................................................................246
Story of Ron................................................................................................................249
Ability to use attained education on the labour market............................................252
Story of Laura .............................................................................................................252
Story of Vanda............................................................................................................253
Anti-education discourse ...........................................................................................256
Drop out from education to low qualified job/unemployment.................................257
Story of Roman...........................................................................................................257
Story of Derek.............................................................................................................259
Prevention and second chance measures..................................................................263
Further education and informal learning...................................................................265
My final reflection on education................................................................................266
Employment protection..................................................................................................267
Reasons to accept low employment protection ........................................................273
Unemployment protection and social assistance...........................................................275
Eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance, and social assistance .....................276
Benefit generosity/level of protection.......................................................................281
Unemployment trap and poverty trap discourse ......................................................283
Discourse of claiming Roma .......................................................................................285
Active labour market policies .........................................................................................286
Characterisation (picture) of the system and the relationship among the four types of
measures.........................................................................................................................292
3.4 Interaction between young people and policies addressing their problems ..................293
Ability and willingness of street level workers at Employment office to help ..........297
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Ability and willingness of street level workers at Social Assistance to help..............301
Story of Eugenie .........................................................................................................303
Job offers provided by Employment Office................................................................304
Story of Alice ..............................................................................................................309
Active labour market policy offers.............................................................................311
Enabling and restrictive behaviour of street level workers .......................................314
Reflecting the work of NGOs...........................................................................................318
Conclusion of the chapter...............................................................................................321
Conclusion ..............................................................................................................................322
Literature:...............................................................................................................................326
Annex:.....................................................................................................................................342
10
Introduction
In the last decades, we have witnessed a demographic change which, although it seems to be
demanding for the whole society, can be in some respects individually beneficial for young
people. Competitive effect in the education system and the labour market is somehow
lessened by the fact that less numerous cohorts are entering the labour market. Still, the
position of young people can be dependent on their initial position and economic situation
during their ‘great transition’ (from school to work). This transition seems to be essential for
their future lives. Demanding are the formal as well as less formal changes of the labour
market including technological changes, qualification-labour market mismatch, and pressure
for greater adaptability and flexibilization of the labour force (see O’Reilly et al. 2015 for a
discussion of some of those aspects). Part of young people is unable to tackle these changes.
We assume that the transitions' character is changing, which may lead to a more pronounced
marginalisation of young people in the labour market and to the situation when they are in
more marginalised and insecure positions than people in the older cohorts. Due to changes in
social policy, their citizen rights may be reduced (see Chevalier 2016). Instead of ‘normal
transitions’, providing stability and career development, a part of young people is pushed to
unstable and reversed (yo-yo) transitions. They are challenged by unforeseen problems and
they are at risk of scarring effects and permanent marginalisation. Institutions are key for the
success or failure of their strategies. This is a great policy challenge which is not always
successfully addressed, because changing structural conditions as well as changing life goals
of young people are in interactions. Some authors argue that employment policy changed to
provide standardised output rather than tailor-made solutions. The needs of young people are
not well addressed or met in the employment policies (see Sirovátka and Spies 2018).
We want to know what happens to young people and how these processes are reflected in
life stories. Walther proposes taking young peoples’ voices more seriously:
“This means that peoples´ biographical perspectives – their subjective appropriation of
their own life courses – have to be taken more seriously into account” (Walther 2006:
120).
We want to know also how young people themselves perceive their situation. The symbolic
goal of this study is not only to understand young people lives and perspectives but also to
find assumptions for changes in critical structural conditions that would help young people to
be change agents in their lives and act as full citizens (and not to be neglected nor chained in
conditions that cannot be changed from their perspective). The goal of the book was to get
insight into the critical moments and places in the life stories of young people by both
following their stories and understanding how their behaviour in interactions with structural
conditions allowed them to live a preferred kind of life (addressing their ability to get valuable
functionings). We addressed the following main questions:
• What strategies young people use to tackle their situation?
11
• What key aspects are in concrete cases relevant for their situation? (including various
drivers and barriers for achieving their life goals as well as concrete, specific
consequences of their situation)
• How key institutions (including education, employment protection, unemployment
protection, and active labour market policy) play a role in the life situation of young
people?
This book is mostly about social policy and written from the perspective of social policy. The
role of institutions is highlighted. However, we cannot understand the role of the instructions
without deeper insight into the development of the life situation of young people. For
example, having a child as a single parent may have tremendous relevance for strategies of
the mother to participate in the labour market and in her perception of her needs and
interactions with institutions. We based the book on two main strands of literature: literature
about macro-level theories, trajectories, and institutional determinants and the literature
about the individual agency of young people who are unemployed or who are in an insecure
position on the labour market. The presented empirical, mostly qualitative study is limited to
one single country (the Czech Republic). However, the theoretical background for our research
is international, with studies from various countries, mostly from Europe, but also from United
States and Australia. This is important for both broadening theoretical perspectives (the
research community in social policy in the Czech Republic is very small) and for understanding
of the presented results in a wider social policy context. Even the country (especially a
postcommunist country like the Czech Republic) is in some process of transformation related
to the need to further develop its institutions and to get inspiration in other countries.
The book is rooted in my previous research during my dissertation thesis (published as Hora
2008a, Hora 2008b) and my latter work during my participation on EU projects CYTISPYCE (7th
framework) and NEGOTIATE (Horizon 2020). In these projects, we investigated the life
situation of young people who lived in deprived neighbourhoods or who perceived their lives
to be insecure. I thank once again for financial support of this research. I would like to thank
also all my colleagues both from my department and from partners’ institutions (for their
sincere cooperation during many common publications) as well as all our respondents (for
their honesty and willingness to share their stories) and my beloved family (for all
understanding and help without which this book could not be written).
Our study follows a specific design (inspired by Cultural studies) which led us to a very unusual
presentation of information. Theory is in this book usually presented as close to the data as
possible. In addition, thorough the book, we tried to keep the theory and results of previous
research, original live stories of the respondents, and my interpretations partially separated
until conclusions. When we present the stories of the respondents, they are most often
included in the text of the book according to the most important or relevant topic within the
interview, although sometimes there are more than one key relevant topics in one story. We
also wanted to present stories and discourses together and we only rarely separated them if
there was a specific reason for doing so (e.g., there were several particularly important
12
discourses or stories presented in one interview). See the methodological chapter for more
discussion about our approach.
The book is structured as follows. In the next chapter, we present our research approach. In
the following second chapter, we first define the social problem in focus (position of young
people in the labour market and insecurity) and its key aspects. Third chapter is dedicated to
the discussion of individual strategies of young people. The fourth chapter is about the
discussion of key aspects of the living situation that may influence situation of young people.
The fifth chapter is about the potential consequences of an insecure position. The sixth
chapter presents the role of institutional determinants including education system,
unemployment and employment protection, and active labour market policies. The last
chapter concludes the book.
13
Chapter 1: Methodological remarks on our
research of young people
In this introductory chapter, we define some basic principles of our research approach. Every
researcher in our opinion should provide some insights into his/her stance, own place in the
analysis, ideas about research work, and the subject(s) he/she focuses on. Our analysis is built
around a concrete view of the social and research problems which we have to define, as plenty
of approaches are possible. Denzin and Lincoln noted:
“There have never been so many paradigms, strategies of inquire, or methods of
analysis for researchers to draw upon and utilize….Every researcher speaks from within
a distinct interpretative community that configures, in its special way, the multicultural,
gendered components of the research act…This perspective leads the researcher to
adopt particular views of the ‘other’ who is studied. ” (Denzin and Lincoln 2003: 29-30).
The paradigm of qualitative research encompasses, according to Denzin and Lincoln (2005),
four terms: axiology (ethics), epistemology (nature of knowledge and position of the
researcher), ontology (nature of the world) and methodology (means of acquiring knowledge).
Qualitative inquire movement is built on a profound concern with understanding what other
human beings are doing or saying. Knowledge what others are doing and saying always
depends upon some background or context of other meanings, beliefs, practices, and so forth
(Schwandt 2003).
When we started to write our study, we reflected that there are already many qualitative
studies about the transitions of young people and about unemployment realised during
national and international projects (Evans and Heinz 1994a, Kieselbach 2003, Hussain et al.
2016, Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018) and some specific studies realised in the Czech
Republic (Hora 2008a, Hora 2008b, Formánková and Křížková 2010, Trlifajová et al. 2015,
Dvořák et al. 2016, Trhlíková 2017). These studies are for us both sources of inspiration as well
as they helped us to define our own position.
The basic question sometimes is whether the research can produce (communicate) something
meaningful about the world (Vidich and Lyman 2003). Lincoln and Guba (2003) argued that
criteria for judging ‘reality’ are derived from community consensus regarding ‘what’ is real,
what is useful, and what has meaning (especially meaning for action and further steps). The
meaning making is not solely done by authors of the text but ‘important others’ are involved.
Qualitative investigators think that they can get closer to the actor's perspective (definition of
situation) through detailed interviewing and observation (Denzin and Lincoln 2003, Schwandt
2003). The primary field of interest is the subjective and intersubjective social knowledge and
the active construction and cocreation of such knowledge by human agents that is produced
by human consciousness (Lincoln and Guba 2003).
However, we reflect that our research is done with the aim to find both ‘laws’ and ‘meanings’.
In other words, we believe that we do not have to fully abandon the logic of finding specific
14
structures within the data and incorporate quantitative information to our research (see
Murdock 1997, Saukko 2018). Research cannot be limited to reflecting on a specific
experience, it has to be set into the wider context of structures. This is well reflected in the
cultural studies approach to analysis which we have chosen to adapt for our work.
The influence of cultural studies on the framework of
our analysis
Authors from the group of cultural studies greatly influenced our approach to analysis. Here
we refer to cultural studies more as to a specific theoretical and methodological approach to
address social reality (and especially the works of Saukko 2003, 2005) than to an academic
field of study (discipline) that is itself somehow fragmented (Ang 2008) and in many aspects
quite far from our own background in social policy. Theoretical and methodological approach
of cultural studies is relevant here because it is:
• Particular (and unique),
• It seems to be appropriate to help define and answer our questions,
• It helps us to define the outer borders of our analysis,
• It helps us to focus on specific concrete aspects of social reality.
Culture in cultural studies is defined as a network of embedded practices and representations
that shapes every aspect of social life (Frow and Morris 2003). According to Frow and Morris
(2003: 491)
“culture is thought of as directly bound up with work and its organisation; with relations
of power and gender in the workplace, the home, the neighbourhood, and the street;
with the pleasures and pressures of the consumption; with the complex relations of
class and kith and kin through which a sense of self and belonging is formed; and with
the fantasies and desires through which social relations are carried and actively
shaped“.
Ang (2008) wrote that culture is invoked as the ground for the negotiation and contestation
of meanings, values, and identities. This perspective of culture gives emphasis on agency and
contestation – (sites of) struggle of interests, allowing for the role of discourse and power (see
Frow and Morris 2003, Pickering 2008a, Keightley 2008, Ang 2008). Saukko (2005) further
characterised cultural studies:
“The distinctive feature of cultural studies is the way in which it combines a
hermeneutic focus on lived realities, a (post)structuralist critical analysis of discourses
that mediate our experiences and realities, and a contextualist/realist investigation of
historical, social and political structures of power.” (Saukko 2005: 343).
The subject of the research is described as complex – context-specific, multidimensional, and
contingent (Ang 2008). In the cultural studies approach, the gist of the qualitative research
process is a case analysis of a locally bounded system, contextualised within a larger historical
and cultural framework (Alasuutari 1996). It can be studied at any level, allowing cultures to
15
divide as well as unify (see Frow and Morris 2003). It shows how each instance of a
phenomenon is embedded in its historical space, a space marked by politics, culture, and
biography (Denzin and Lincoln 2005). Cultural studies often focus on the studying of specific
individuals or groups (see Alasuutari 1996, Frow and Morris 2003). In our case, this means
studying the life of young people without a priori expectation that they are a homogenous
group and that they are in all aspects different from other (not studied) people.
Cultural studies are interested in the interplay between lived experience, texts or discourses
and the social context. Lived experience is shaped by social discourses and by the historical
and social context, in which it is located (Saukko 2003). Quality of the research is evaluated in
terms of how well (truthfully) it manages to capture the lived experience of others, it is able to
unravel the discourses that mediate the way in which we and they perceive social reality and
how well it understands the social, economic and political context it is studying (Saukko 2003).
However, we need different methods to cover different parts of the problem (to provide a
more complex and nuanced picture and dialogue between the methods) or we can choose to
study only a smaller part of the problem (Saukko 2003). According to Saukko (2005), three
dimensions are involved:
• Contextual – aimed at structures, processes (and discourses)
• Dialogic – being sensitive to local realities
• Self-reflexive – aimed to the inner stance of the author and the ways of conducting
research used by the author
We can see the relationship among these three levels as hierarchical (Saukko 2005) or we can
see it as an hourglass focused on the hearth, which is within the local explanation of the middle
level (Alasuutari 1996). In this case, the dialogic dimension is in the hearth of our analysis.
Next, we will discuss all three dimensions in more detail.
Contextual dimension
Contextual analysis (see Saukko 2005) refers to the analysis of social (gender), political,
economic, and historical processes. These can be seen as more or less determining structural
elements which can be used to integrate lived experience within a wider context (see Gray
1997, Saukko 2018). Analysis is started with a rather broad theoretical and structural
framework that places a research in the large context and validates the choice of that
particular case (Alasuutari 1996). Contextualist analysis of social structures and processes may
focus on what these structures ‘are’ (Saukko 2003). In this aspect, the analysis can work with
quantitative data, institutional characteristics of the systems, and discourses. The question is
how accurately or truthfully research is aware and makes sense of the historical and social
reality. Spatial and temporal framings of experience are important for contextual analysis that
seeks to grasp the complexity of mundane processes, events, and occasions in which
‘identities’ are formed and transformed (Frow and Morris 2003). According to Saukko (2003:
26):
16
“Yes, there is stubbornly ‘real’ dimension to global structures that is similar everywhere;
even if economic and political processes are experienced in perhaps highly different
ways by different people and in different places, they still affect all of us, binding out
realities and fates together”.
Later (2003: 28) she adds:
“Research is both enabled and constrained by a host of intertwined
cultural/political/economic/ecological processes, and we need to understand these
processes, if we are to intervene in them”.
Contextualisation of the phenomenon may give a richer and more multidimensional
understanding of it (Saukko 2003). As such, it can also have the power to establish the
correspondence or noncorrespondence between a particular person and data about wider
structures (see Riessman 2008). It helps to respond to the political and intellectual
requirements of the time and reflect the fact that arenas of social life have become politicised
(Ang 2008).
Still, we reflect that the context of the lived experience may change in time and is dependent
upon the moment of doing the interview. For young people there are ‘bright days’ and ‘dark
days’ (Alasuutari 1996). Some young people are in the middle of storytelling and their stories
are unfinished. This also somehow neglects that data about the structures are themselves
artefacts manufactured by humans for a certain purpose, and their interpretation depends on
the (in)ability of the researcher to provide ‘unbiased’ results and reflect on the ideas leading
the data and the possible consequences of the research (see Saukko 2003: 164). In her later
chapter, Saukko (2018) proposed that there are structural elements such as artefacts,
infrastructures, technologies, and regulations that are relevant for the research. Thus, this
later turn adds more concrete shape to the research of structures.
Special attention in this book is focused on the role of the discourse, both those shared among
young people and those created as part of the political and academic process (which we
conduct mainly in chapter six). We understand the discourse here as:
• A set of statements,
• Circulated around a specific issue,
• That have broader meaning and sense,
• Those are backed by a wider philosophical position (Barker 2008),
• That are widely distributed and presented for a specific audience (Barker 2008).
Emergence of discourse is rooted in a specific historical context. The texts codify patterns of
belief and structures of feelings (Murdock 1997)1. The role of discourse can be identified in
1
Riessman (2008) quotes the previous work of Bakthin and points to several specific aspects relevant for the
understanding of discourse: any text is multivoiced (includes hidden voices other than voice of the author); a
17
changes, both symbolic and concrete, that are initiated by using concrete discourse and are
intertwined with events and processes in other places (see Saukko 2003). In this respect,
discourses are more or less powerful and authoritative, repeating, dominating, or
empowering (Saukko 2003). Analysis of discourse may include both structuralist elements
(constituting key parts of the text and setting them in context) and interpretative elements
(looking at the meaning from different angles and politics included in them).
There is a question proposed by Barker (2008): “What standards of evidence are required to
name something as a coherent discourse?” We reflect that even academic texts can be seen
as both a source of knowledge and a specific type of discourse (see Hartley 2006), reflecting
that within academic texts facts are often rather freely mixed with ideas about flexicurity,
insecurity etc.
Critical for any discourse analysis is sample selection, which depends on the number of
analysed texts, their theoretical representativeness, and quality of the texts (Davis 2008,
Barker 2008). We look at the texts in a qualitative way – we want to look at the meanings. We
can, e.g., consider who authors of the texts are (what is their relationship to the discussed
discourse2) and whether there are any hidden assumptions embedded in the text (Davis 2008,
Barker 2008). Our own claims about discourse are provisional (not ultimate) and they should
be somehow testable (Barker 2008).
In our analysis, we looked for ‘personal discourses’ presented in the main, often repeated
ideas and types of reasoning. Often in the interview there was one prevailing discourse. Quite
surprisingly, there was a really a great variety of such discourses. There were also other types
of discourses (minor discourses) which were often mentioned ‘by the way’, but they were
often presented in many interviews. They represented reference frames – common truths
widely shared among the respondents. We also separately reflected on some of the typical
discourses presented in the public space of academic arguments and politics, although such
discourses were much less presented in the reasoning of respondents than we initially
expected.
Dialogic dimension
Structures are always structures-in-use, and these uses cannot be contained in advance (Frow
and Morris 2003). Contextual analysis will be enriched by paying attention to the way in which
these social processes may be experienced very differently in particular local and historical
contexts, i.e., benefiting from the dialogic principle of ‘being sensitive to local realities’
(Saukko 2003, 2005). Researcher analyses in detail a very specific, closely defined object of
study as a world of its own (Alasuutari 1996). Cultural studies focus on the everyday life of the
given word is saturated with ideology and meanings from previous usage; social scientists can identify the hidden
discourses speakers take for granted.
2
The specific issue is the sidedness of the author – he/she is often for or against the discourse, however
sometimes his/her position is hidden.
18
chosen group, trying to understand its significance from the point of view of the people
involved as well as its relation to the wider social context.
“One of distinguishing features is focus on the subjective dimension of social relations,
on how particular social arrangements and configurations are lived and made sense of,
so highlighting the complex intersections between public culture and private
subjectivity… vital for our changing identities and changing conceptions of the social
worlds we live in.” (Pickering 2008b: 18).
People cannot be presumed to be ‘dupes’ or unaware of their relationship with the wider
system. On the contrary, they actively engage with it (see Ang 2008). Frow and Morris (2003)
argue that historically cultural studies were concerned with examining the political conflicts
at stake in concrete contexts and for particular groups.
Saukko (2005) referring to Lincoln (1995) and Denzin (1997) quoted that research participants
are ‘involved in the project of capturing or constructing their reality’, sharing ‘lived
experiences within a specific social context’ and giving ‘emphasis also on emotional and
embodiment forms of knowledge and understanding’. They may speak for wider social issues
(Saukko 2003). Presentation has to be approached carefully because it is not equivalent to
what happens to us (Pickering 2008b).
Frow and Morris (2003) explained that cultural studies often start with a particular, a detail,
the scrap of ordinary or banal existence, and then work to unpack the density of relations and
of the intersecting social domains that inform it. By systematically working and toying with
concrete examples of everyday life and culture, one can often realise such aspects of our
mundane self-evident reality as we have this far failed to see (Alasuutari 1996).
Among the building blocks (methodological touchstones) of cultural analysis is ‘lived
experience’ (Alasuutari 1996, Gray 1997, Saukko 2005, Pickering 2008b). Pickering (2008b)
distinguishes between experience as a process and experience as product. We want to know
how people understand their experience (what has happened and what is made of it).
Experience involves the interpretation of what happens in life (events), of what makes our
perceptions, feelings, and actions meaningful, and what is distinctive in our way of knowing
the social world (Pickering 2008b)3. We can see how ‘meanings’ and ‘meaning structures’ in
different aspects of life are related (Alasuutari 1996). People may (or may not) be aware of
the social frames – discourses that underline their lives (Saukko 2003). Research respects that
there are different meanings among young people and other groups, being both truthful to
the ideas presented by young people and pluralistic (contrasting their stories) at the same
3
Similarly, Gray (1997) defined experience as representations and expressions of: a) direct personal participation
in the observation of events, b) accumulated knowledge of the world in particular sets of circumstances, c) what
is it to live in these circumstances and the personal feelings and emotions which are engendered.
19
time (see Saukko 2003)4. There is only a finite group of possible meanings (Lawler 2008). These
meanings are influenced by life orientation, frames of reference, and social discourses
(Alasuutari 1996). In other words, the exploration of the struggle for meaning is in connection
with the construction of social and cultural identity (see Gray 1997, Murdock 1997). Identity
(understanding themselves as living through time) in post-modern conception is relational,
continually produced, and defined within specific historical and discursive contexts (Elliott
2006, Riessman 2008). Bamberg (2012) identified three realms, dilemmatic spaces of identity
construction.
• Realm of positioning: marking ourselves as similar, the same (being just like them) or
different (being special) with respect to others. Dilemma of sameness or difference.
• Realm of agency: direction of fit from world to person (acted on by the world) and from
person to world (acting on the world). Dilemma between agency and
passivity/recipiency.
• Realm of time, change and development: the dilemma between constancy and change.
Although these meanings presented by young people may look nonrational from a researcher
perspective, they may have its logic in the perspective of these people. People are facing the
same dilemmas yet arriving at different solutions (Murdock 1997).
Self-reflexive dimension
An in-depth analysis of the cultural world of a group or an individual helps in grasping a more
general picture. At the final stage, case analysis is broadened through the search of contrary
and parallel cases, into the example of a broader entity (Alasuutari 1996). It is focused on both
agency and ideology. Walther and McNeish (2003) argued that young people constitute a
strategic group that can be analysed to understand the broader trends of contemporary social
and economic change due to the coincidence of their biological transition from education to
employment with a historical shift of societal constellations referred to as late modernity. Our
analysis goes beyond individuals without the ambition to refer to a general (e.g., national)
level but allows discussion with reference to general structural processes. However, it can be
compared with knowledge from elsewhere. Alasuutari (1996) argued that it is possible to
indirectly (e.g., by referring to other research) conclude in which respects and how exceptional
the living styles of people are, in which respects they are comparable to solutions typical for
other social groups and what sorts of different solutions exists. In this book, the results of two
quite different researchers with a bit different target groups are presented (see below).
It also will benefit from thinking through how the research itself, for its small or big part,
influences the processes it is studying (Saukko 2003). Both our understanding of other people
as well as their understanding of themselves is mediated by social discourses. We are
4
At the same time, we can reflect the possible importance of the discrepancy between structural inequality
illustrated by ‘hard data’ and its perception by teachers, as it was well illustrated, e.g., by the analysis of Roma
children by GAC (2009).
20
positioned in institutional contexts that include both academic and intellectual discourses
(Gray 1997). There is a need to be self-reflexively aware of the political commitments
embedded in the concepts and categories that drive one’s work and also in addressing
someone’s experience (Saukko 2003)5 and to discuss how our own theoretical and
biographical perspectives might impact on our relationships with research subjects, the
interpretation of research evidence and form research is presented (Elliott 2006).
We expect to present information about young people in a way that respects the integrity of
their stance and [we hope] that they can in main agree with it (Saukko 2003)6. Pickering
(2008b) calls for balancing what is said by research subjects with a critical regard for what it
might mean and how it relates to the structural location of research subjects. At the end, there
may be three different interpretations: one by the author of the narrative, one by the
researcher, and one by the reader of the completed research (Lawler 2008). When we assess
concrete ideas (lived experience) or discourse, we expect that they may be in some aspects
both right and wrong, reducing our tendency to one-sided judgements and reflecting the
political underpinnings of our own knowledge and our own feelings (e.g. discomfort) about
the presented stories (see Saukko 2003).
Researcher is not neutral. Our analysis is not free from values and action. We understand and
propose that we did our analysis while having in mind the need to help young people to live
‘better lives’. We see the action on research results as a meaningful and important outcome
of inquiring processes (see Lincoln and Guba 2003). Research is viewed as being not above or
below but in the middle, as one among many actors that forges connections between different
institutions, people, and things, creating, fomenting, and halting social processes (Saukko
2005).
We also believe that young people should have a voice in that process (see Down, Smyth, and
Robinson 2018 for a discussion of this issue). Nevertheless, interpretation of the data is
inevitable. We do not believe that the meaning that we give to things around us has to be
always the original meaning intended by young people. Our own addition to the research is
driven by our own history, a bag of knowledge, ideas, and ‘prejudices’. We hope to show
sufficiently our own voice and to clearly distinguish our own ideas. This is the reason why we
put our interpretation to clearly distinguished parts of the text, which are usually introduced
by heading “My reflection of ….”. We also at least tried on be self-reflexive to the extend
allowing not to use our research for purposeful, one-sided and selective interpretation of
social reality leading to concealing (silencing) or proposedly manipulated results. We know, as
5
The research work is integrative “bringing together a variety of perspectives to draw out the multifaceted
complexity of a particular issue or problem rather than working towards a singular, definite explanation” (Ang
2008: 4).
6
Saukko (2003) argues that being true to the lived experience of people may be difficult to combine with a critical
analysis of discourses and global structures. Often, e.g., people reject the discourses presented to them, leading
to somehow less useful discussion about knowing or not knowing about themselves (see Saukko 2003).
21
people who do research in social policy for a long time, that we as well as others (users of text)
very often are prone to one-sidedly interpret the results of research.
Narrative approach to data analysis
There is not a fully established method of data analysis in cultural studies. Rather, cultural
studies have preferred to borrow methods and techniques from established disciplines
without subscribing to any disciplinary credentials itself and without confining research
activity to any single avenue of investigation (Pickering 2008a, Ang 2008). Some of the authors
connect cultural studies with life story research (e.g., Gray 1997). There are several reasons
why we propose that the life story and narrative approach is relevant for our analysis. First,
the interviews done during both projects that we used in this book were done partially in a
life course perspective and we consider it foolish to deny or hide it. Second, when reading
Elliott (2006: 6, 129, 153) or Chase (2018), we can see that there are many similarities in the
way that specific aspects are defined in cultural studies and in the narrative approach to data
analysis: especially focus on experience, retrospective meaning making, dialogic character,
trying to understand each other and ‘institutional narratives’ and author´s reflexivity.
Young people are influenced by specific factors such as scope of the cohort entering the labour
market or events such as economic recession. Other factors seem to be fixed or changed only
very slowly (such as education system, employment protection system, unemployment
protection system, and active labour market policies). Anxo and Erhel (2006) defined an
analytical framework for life-course perspective. This framework includes cohort, age, and
gender dimensions. They argue that such dimensions are in interaction with critical events
and they are embedded in social policy and labour market structures. They propose a dynamic
perspective that includes institutions and individual trajectories over time. We have decided
to dedicate specific chapters of the book to discussion of the factors in the life of young people
from the theory-based (non-statistical) perspective. This includes both structural (contextual)
and individual determinants.
“Young people’s transition from school to work, and the achievement of an
occupational and personal identity, may be a short or long-drawn-out process.
Whatever its length, it can be conceived as a process of making choices of, of taking or
failing to take opportunities, in the context of set of environmental conditions: local
labour markets, national educational and welfare institutions, family and social
networks, as well as past educational achievements or failures” (Clark and Kupka
1994b: 162).
Biographical construction includes youth adults’ subjectivity in constructing their biographies
(Stauber and Walther 2002, Walther 2006). This may include personal interpretations of past
events and making sense of it as well as their own definitions of the living situation (Evans and
Heinz 1994c, Walther 2006), role expectations (Wallace 1994), subjective risks (Biggart et al.
2002) and personal views on future, expected events, wanted lifestyle, etc. Analysis of
individual lives should be contextual (EGRIS 2002). According to EGRIS (2002), we should ask
how individual’s life plans of young adults relate to socio-economic and institutional
22
constraints with respect to the opportunities for integration and self-fulfilment or risk of
marginalisation. Development of personal sense of identity is regarded as central to the
process of youth transition (Evans and Heinz 1994b). Transition experiences and identity
formation seem to influence each other in a reciprocal process (Clark and Kupka 1994b). We
reflect that Behrens and Brown (1994b) rightly see particular opportunities and barriers as
time and place dependent. Some aspects of the situation that are described by young people
are no longer relevant, they refer to past events, no longer existing policies, etc.
Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco (2003) defined ‘normal biography’ as a biography where
there are clear gender and class roles and perspectives. Many authors (e.g., Walther 2003)
refer to normal biography as a relic of past times that are harder to achieve, or they are
definitely gone. We believe that normal biography is context dependent (dependent on
structural as well as cultural factors). Rather than expect that there is one ‘miracle’ of a normal
biography for all, we seek for various normal biographies (see also Mørch and Stadler 2003).
We additionally reflect that while such normal biography may be available for some young
people, it is less probable that it is available for all young people and that all young people, we
focused our research to, are among those who live according to normal biography. Rather, we
expect that (as quoted by Burgess 2003) ‘they may feel that they do not fit in’.
We should respect that there is a narrative perspective inherently included in the data. This is
a specific functional form of communication with a specific (sometimes strategic) purpose
(Riessman 2008). The first form of narrative is first-order narrative – the stories that
individuals tell about themselves (Elliott 2006). Stories are central to the way in which people
make sense of their experiences and interpret the social world (Pickering 2008a). Memories
are repositories of accounts of the past that we call up when we desire, or sometimes
involuntarily in response to a contemporary trigger in a concrete social context (Keightley
2008). Stories are not simple reflections of a set of facts, rather they are organising devices
through which we interpret and constitute the world (Lawler 2008). Some stories are told and
retold, and often honed and polished in the retelling, and how they are heard and understood
depends on the social location and historicity of their auditors (Pickering 2008b: 29). Narrative
has at least three elements: character(s), action, and plot. It uses memory and experience to
tell the story. Some of the key elements of the narrative were mentioned in Elliott (2006) and
Riessman (2008):
• Narrative provides an account of how one event followed another under a specific set
of circumstances,
• Experience is mediated,
• We try to understand how the subjects of our research make sense of the events and
experiences,
• The task of making sense of experiences is an intrinsic part of the research process,
• Can indicate which elements of these experiences are most significant,
• ‘Evaluation’ is about providing specific meaning to the story,
• ‘Coda’: is the presentation of relevance for the present time.
23
Sharing of meaning and coherence of the story are important but not guaranteed parts of
telling the story (see Chase 2018). Audience has also to consider whether the story is in
accordance with his/her own knowledge and experience as well as whether to bother if the
story is actually true (see Lawler 2008).
We also used the ‘portraiture’ as a form of textual representation of some young people (see
Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018), describing key past events in the lives of young people,
dominant themes and their perspectives. The difference here is that portraits are usually done
by authors of the text (author) to retell the story shattered in various parts of the text in a
more meaningful (and hopefully more coherent?) way (i.e., this is a specific form of the
second-order narrative). Situation can be sometimes better explained by combining
information about various aspects of the life of young people (see Kieselbach 2003). We reflect
that the life of young people is often complex, and it is not possible to explain it without
reflecting the context of a decision or situation. The line between text and the context of the
situation is blurred (Denzin and Lincoln 2003). However, we did not want to have general
universal portraits reflecting the whole lives of young people, including all aspects in detail.
Rather, we built portraits around specific problems and situations. Evan and Heinz (1994a)
and Bøhler et al. (2019) previously used a similar approach.
Among the advantages of using stories is that respondents have space to set the agenda, we
can learn a lot about the communication of the story to others and the generally less
fragmented character of the information (see Elliott 2006). However, we also agree with
Bamberg (2012) that the story is something mundane that should not be glorified with special
or exceptional status. In other words, we would like to use stories, but not only stories in our
analysis, reflecting that there are other types of exchanges (Riessman 2008), including
arguments, questioning, and answering. Stories are welcomed but not necessarily required,
nor enforced. We are interested in both holistic and categorical analysis (see Elliott 2006 for
distinction). We also apply a comparative perspective to highlight similarities and differences
among individuals and groups and compare various contexts influencing their situation (see
Evans and Heinz 1994b). We reflect that some aspects of the life situations of young people
tend to be similar, perhaps mirroring the underpinning structural, economic, institutional, and
cultural patterns. This is another form of second-order narrative – the collective story.
Although narrative analysis is ‘case-centred’, it can generate ‘categories’, or put it differently,
general concepts, as other case-based methods do (Riessman 2008).
Our analysis is not without theory. Instead, we want to use the theory as both a vessel and
outcome of our analysis. Silverman (2000) argued that any scientific finding is usually to be
assessed in relation to the theoretical perspective from which it derives and to which it may
contribute. Alasuutari (1996) stated that if a researcher is not informed about theories and
different perspectives on qualitative data, he or she will not be able to see many things in the
data. We did a literature review and reflected it before we started to conduct our analysis of
qualitative material. However, as Saukko (2005) argued, there is a danger that a strong
commitment to a particular theory may carry the analyst away to see what he or she wants to
see in the data. Exploring several perspectives in an open faction may enrich systemic analysis
24
by focusing attention on developments that do not fit the initial framework. Pickering (2008b)
argued that we should not use our positionality to displace other people’s accounts of
experience. Experience always has the potential to offer empirical exceptions that do not fit
the theoretical rule.
“Experience seems at some points to confirm what we know, and at others to pull us
up short, surprise us into rethinking, make us reassess what we have previously
accepted or taken for granted.” (Pickering 2008b: 29).
Alasuutari (1996) wrote that the main function of data collection and analysis is to make one’s
underlying premises as visible as possible and to challenge and develop the initial framework.
Theoretical idea may be based on a single empirical observation or event in the field
(Alasuutari 1996). We need to look for new (novelty value of data) and not to only confirm
what was found in other studies. We would like to include new perspectives, meanings, and
unanticipated stories. In other words, we look for new insights into the world of young people.
During our work, we gradually concluded that all levels of our work concerning concrete
aspects, e.g., family, or concrete type of policy (including both reflections of previous research
and our data) should lie as close to each other as possible. This means bringing the theory
closer to the data. There are two main reasons for this approach. First, in a situation of rather
high complexity of the topics covered in this book, it allows the reader to have information on
one topic in one place/space without the need to constantly list the book from the first half
to the second half. Second, this approach allows for easier reflection of the relations between
various dimensions of the cultural approach (and the specific cultural approach ‘the hourglass’
model) as the data can be directly interlinked. Therefore, we rebuilt the theoretical part to be
directly in the relevant chapters and put it as close to the concrete data as possible.
Definition of initial categories in the research before the
analysis
KEY CATEGORIES TOPIC CATEGORIES
Lived experience Perceptions of insecurity: job insecurity,
employment insecurity, income insecurity,
combination insecurity
Biography/live events Previous work career
Story Transitions:
- from work to the labour market
- other transitions
Discourse (internalization) Employers (role, experience)
Structures Work intensity
Structurally embedded constraints Resistance / resilience / acceptance
25
Structurally embedded opportunities
support
Health
Meaning Centrality of employment
Agency (freedom of choice, autonomy,
orientation, dependability, and types of
activity)
Unemployment
Identity (conformity, belonging) Chance to find work
Sameness/change Aspects of quality of work
Functioning (valued) Scarring effect
Outcomes (success, survival/ individual,
family)
Employability
Motivation, ambition, engagement
Orientation
Decision making and judgement
Locality of residence
Ethnicity
Family, partner, children
Imprisonment
We also used purposeful coding for the analysis. Key categories are mainly driven by this
methodological chapter, while topic categories are mainly driven by previous research. We
looked further for subthemes in the data, and we organized the data according to
corresponding and conflicting information on patterns of similar (different) life stories
(experiences, events), life situations, and opinions. This book combines both a ‘wide’ and
‘across’ approach to data analysis.
Young people as our communication partners
This book is based on interviews from two international projects: CITISPYCE and NEGOTIATE.
In both these projects, we did interviews with the aim to map the life of young people,
including both past events and future wishes and expectations. See the data table in the annex
for an overview of the respondents. At the time of most interviews, most young people were
still in the forming phase of their lives, although we did also 15 interviews with older people
who had the possibility to reflect on past events during their youth adulthood. From other
analysis (Evans and Heinz 1994a), we know that for young people such ‘snapshots’ from
interviews are not definite, as trajectories can change, and sudden disasters and upward shifts
can completely change the original picture found at the time of the interview. This may be
especially true for CITISPYCE respondents. However, using data about younger respondents
26
has also a substantial advantage because we can more closely witness their situation during
years of education.
During the NEGOTIATE project, together we (in the Czech team) made interviews with 33
people; about half of them were males and half were females. Substantial group of
respondents (about one-third) were people who considered themselves to be ethnic Roma
(or rather Czech Roma)7. We did interviews with people from only two cohorts in the Czech
Republic – middle cohort (1970-1975) and the youngest cohort (1990-1995). Interviews with
the oldest cohort realised in other countries participating in the NEGOTIATE project were not
realised in the Czech Republic. The situation of the oldest cohort (1950-1955) is very specific
in the Czech Republic as well as in other post-communist countries and doing interviews with
this people who were young in a very different setting would have only limited value for the
research in focus. This expectation was rather confirmed in one sample interview we did with
a person from this cohort. This one interview is not included in this analysis.
During the CITISPYCE project, we did forty interviews with young people living in two deprived
localities within the same city. In local discourse, these localities have an unofficial status of
‘ghetto’ where mostly Roma and poor people live. The young people we spoke with were
generally younger than the people involved in the NEGOTIATE project. Most of the
respondents were aged 15-24 and most of them were Roma (in the sense that they often
themselves mentioned their Roma origin during the interviews).
Further information about the respondents is provided in the enclosed tables in the appendix
of this book.
We know that in both project cases (CITISPYCE and NEGOTIATE) we selected our respondents
on criteria that lead to some specific selection of informants; i.e., we have chosen the
respondents because they believed to live or lived in the situations, context and problems we
wanted to study. After a lengthy discussion about our respondents, we concluded that most
of them were in a marginalised position in the labour market (as it was intended). We do not
have interviewed young people who would represent all groups of young people and types of
transition in the Czech Republic. This is necessary to focus our study to specific topics but is
has substantial drawbacks. First, it may somehow limit the scope of various life experiences.
Second, we cannot completely reject the risk of dependability of the results on our choice.
May be their problems are not typical for other young people living in the Czech Republic. One
must be cautious not to use anecdotal evidence of specific or even deviant cases as proof of
main societal trends or developments. When we reflected about respondents from the older
cohort, we noticed several times that the policy has changed/developed since their youth
7
Roma constitute an important ethnic minority in the Czech Republic. Although no official statistics are available,
there is a widely accepted estimate that Roma are to great extend overrepresented among people who are
marginalised on the labour market, among long-term unemployed, and among social assistance claimants.
27
(including specific measures for young people). This is reflected especially in the chapter about
policies.
Advantages and limits of our analysis
The main advantage we believe our research has brought to us is within the kind of details
and insight from various stories. This can help to uncover unusual cases and show how
something known from theory and macro-level data occurs in real life (see Riessman 2008:
194).
We also reflect some substantial limits of our analysis. Most importantly, we reflect that there
is no supremacy universal methodology that would be accepted as deliverance for all. While
mixed methodologies, ‘providing varying optics for the same phenomenon’ (di Leonardo
2006) are useful in enriching our view of the phenomenon of the study, we do not share the
assumption that it provides us with the same miracle always better option to research.
Contextualization of the phenomena through structural data is vulnerable to the researcher’s
error when dealing with all these data in a secondary manner (see di Leonardo 2006, Neuman
2007). We were part of the research team but not the leaders who defined the questions used
in the interviews, sampling strategies, etc. In this respect, our secondary use of these data in
our book brought substantial limits which could be overcome in the original research.
Next, an important limit of our work is that it was written as a monograph by one author,
while it would be much better to write it as a collective work or an edited volume. It is always
more difficult when the ideas and means of work are confronted during the feedback and not
during setting objectives and work in progress. The reason is simple. It was written as my
qualification work and thus other authors could not be easily involved.
28
Chapter 2: Transitions and position of
young people in the labour market
In this introductory chapter of our analysis, we discuss position of young people in the labour
market, including here some basic concepts and theories that are relevant for setting our
research problem. This sets the arena for more inmate information presented in the next
chapters. This chapter is also more focused on the macro perspective and related theoretical
concepts that next chapters which are even more data driven and combine various
perspectives. First, we will focus on the concept of transitions, the first cornerstone of our
analysis.
Transitions and their role in the life of young people
Young people are subject to various transitions typical for a period of young adulthood. The
notion of transition is dynamic. Often the transition is defined as a sequence (of intermediary
statuses) leading to the change from one initial position to another well-defined position,
including, e.g., preparation and stabilization (Anxo and Erhel 2006, Gazier and Schmid 2002,
Gazier and Gautié 2009). The youth are the ones who have the highest probability of making
transitions whatever their nature (Anxo and Erhel 2006). Points of entry – situations where
young people first enter the labour market – seems to be important. Some of the transitions
are preferred while others may be inevitable. There may be atypical pathways leading to
problems during transitions including, e.g., reduced earning capacity due to disability or illness
at the youth age. Following transitions can be typical for young people (Stauber and Walther
2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco 2003, Anxo and Erhel 2006, Schmid 2002b, Schmid
2006, Walther 2006, Dingeldey et al. 2015):
• From youth (adolescence) to adulthood,
• From child status to young adult citizenship,
• Finishing education and transition from school to work,
• From dependence on parents to at least relative independence,
• From living in the parents' household to living in their own household,
• From being part of their parents' family to finding a suitable partner, having their own
family and children,
• From working part-time (and occasionally) to working full-time,
• From private life (e.g., when children are young) to work,
These transitions are interlinked in the life stories of young people (see Stauber and Walther
2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco 2003). Schmid (2006) writes about compressed
work careers, where people need to fulfil several social roles simultaneously. Some authors
(Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco 2003, Walther 2006) point out that the period of
transition from youth to adulthood, including above-mentioned transitions, is becoming more
prolonged.
29
There are some further particular characteristics of the transitions that may form the overall
character of the transition (Stauber and Walther 2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco
2003, Serrano Pascual 2003, Walther 2006, Gazier and Gautié 2009):
• Complexity/fragmentation: there may be many rather unstable states during the
transition.
• Reversibility: the situation when the step is taken back by personal choice or forcibly.
• Blurred character and hybridization of the transitions: a) simultaneous existence of
various states, b) existence of intermediate positions such as various internships and
public schemes of subsidies enabling employment.
• Changing character and incidence of the states: e.g., stable internal careers are less
available, contracts are less predictable, or they are replaced by treaties.
• Changing of transition from normal to uncertain: less reliable, which cannot be
foreseen, etc.
The perception of transition is normative in the sense that the outcomes of the transition are
perceived by people often as good (e.g., stable jobs), neutral or bad (e.g. precarious jobs,
informal work, long-term unemployment) (Gazier and Gautié 2009). Many authors (Stauber
and Walther 2002, Du Bois-Reymond et al. 2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco 2003,
Walther 2006) used the ‘yo-yo transitions’ metaphor to address the fragmented and reversible
character of transitions from youth to adulthood. Unqualified young people are particularly
affected. Many authors showed that only a certain part of the transitions is connected to
employment and unemployment and this may be valid also for marginalized groups (Kruppe
2002, Hora and Žižlavský 2009). Van Lieshout and Wilthagen (2003) argue that critical
transitions occur when events result in the change in assumptions about oneself and the
world, and thus require a corresponding change in one’s behaviour and relationships. O’Reilly
et al. (2000) distinguished three types of transitions: maintenance transitions, integrative
transitions, and exclusionary transitions. Integrative transitions were transitions from
nonemployment to employment. Maintenance transitions allowed people to continue
working by changing work conditions. Exclusionary transitions were connected to shorter
periods of temporary employment, interrupting longer periods of unemployment or
nonemployment without longer integration into the labour market.
During our analyses, we focused on transitions which showed to be critical moments often
influencing the situation of young people for a longer time. Young people provided often their
stories including explanations, why some transitions happened, and what were the roles of
key people in the story. Transitions are a natural part of the story. They were typically the
places where the story moved on. Applying the perspective of O’Reilly et al. (2000), we saw
many exclusionary transitions and transitionary and maintenance transitions which were not
often so successful.
Transitions are key constituting elements of the theory of transitional labour markets (TLM).
TLM analytical perception of the labour market puts the emphasis on the important role
played by public policies and on the plurality of existing institutional arrangements (Schmid
and Gazier 2002, Gazier and Gautié 2009). Among these policies, labour market policies,
30
employment protection legislation, income unemployment protection, and education policies
(incl. stratification and rules defining certification and transferability of skills) are important
(Walther 2006, Gazier and Gautié 2009). Such arrangements are defined at the national level,
can be influenced by societal rules and expectations, and they may (slowly) develop over time.
Some authors point out that sets of such rules create specific arenas or models for the
realization of individual and collective strategies (see Walther 2006). Others believe that these
all together constitute a specific employment, welfare, or transition regime (Gazier and Gautié
2009). The other (more policy-oriented) perspective presented in TLM approach is that
policies can be used to help people secure important transitions (Gazier and Gautié 2009)8.
The question of institutional determinants and youth transition regimes will be further
discussed in one of the next chapters.
The transitions can be connected to life-course perspective including age, gender, and
household dimensions (Anxo and Erhel 2006). In life-course perspective past matters.
‘Trajectory’ based on individual decisions (embedded in social structural conditions) is
important (Anxo and Erhel 2006, Gazier and Gautié 2009). Trajectories include the entire life
of individual or (when not possible) at least substantial part of his/her life course which has
happened in a specific historical period with important events (such as wars) and is embedded
in specific social structures, norms and values (Anxo and Erhel 2006). These periods, events,
and structures may influence people in different age groups differently. Major institutions
(e.g., education and active labour market policies) are formally organized by age (ibid.).
Transitions are corner stones of such trajectories. Still looking only at transitions may neglect
the important dimension of stability in the states. Trajectory may include various
combinations and sequences of transitions and stable positions. According to Gazier and
Gauté (2009) the aim of TLM is in securing the trajectory and not only some concrete state.
This perspective is most relevant when we want to present the life of a young person as one
coherent story, reflecting not only the key moments of his/her life but also the key historical
moments and economic turns that influenced their lives. Only looking at the whole trajectory
allows in some cases to see dramatic changes in the life course of young people.
Stauber and Walther (2002) and Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco (2003) defined
misleading trajectories as trajectories that despite the goal of social integration and active
policy involvement end up in some unwanted outcome (such as failed promise of decent jobs
and lives or social exclusion). We can include here also trajectories that lead to a situation
when young people are stuck in a certain unwanted position for several years (see, e.g.,
Biggart et al. 2002). Trajectories are interpreted as misleading when they are unsatisfactory
for young people or when they are unsuccessful from a society perspective (EGRIS 2002).
There are various pathways described in the previous literature (Řezníček and Sirovátka 1994,
Clasen, Gould and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008a, 2008b) including:
8
There are four normative management principles connected to TLM: empowerment, solidarity, co-financing,
and management by objectives (Gazier and Gautié 2009).
31
• People without (substantial) work experience (school leavers) – with problems to get
their first or second employment, people who never worked,
• People out of the labour market for a long time (mothers, disabled)
• People with sudden loss of work – when a previous work career could be characterized
by stable employment) but it was interrupted by a longer spell of unemployment.
• Degrading career – when originally stable employment is gradually changed to less
stable employment,
• Jumping but stable career – when respondents changed many various professions
without any substantial unemployment,
• Fragmentized work career – with many previous jobs and spells of unemployment,
including people with only occasional work, work without work contract, and seasonal
workers.
• Marginalized (former) entrepreneurs – people who for a substantial part of their work
career were self-employed,
Hora (2008b) argued that work paths are important due to health aspects and potential
influence on social contacts, perceptions of people by employers, and self-perceptions. We
can relate both above-mentioned perspectives. E.g., health problems often lead to sudden
loss of work. Gallie and Vogler (1994) have found that the relationship between previous work,
career, and chance to find a job is rather complicated with several conflicting explanations.
Most of the young people that we have spoken with came through some of above-mentioned
types of trajectories. This is not a direct result of the purposeful choice of such respondents in
both CITISPYCE and NEGOTIATE projects. Young people sometimes themselves reflect the
relationship between key life points and the whole story:
„..it was everything so hectically lately that I was unable to tackle it. The transition from
elementary school to high school was my first problem and the second problem was
the transition from high school to supplementary studies. This was my life’s biggest
turnaround, and the problems in family. When my mother became ill, and I realised
that I have to care for myself to stay on my own legs.” (R13: 95)
Situation of young people on the labour market
In our book, we work with the thesis about the centrality of employment. According to
Böhnisch et al. (2002) and Kieselbach (2003) employment represents the central dimension of
social integration within all European societies. It serves as a medium of social status
assignment, social distinction, and stratification. Recognition and self-esteem are highly
dependent on the individual’s personal activity. Thus, traditionally, gainful employment forms
the normative horizon of standard biography (Böhnisch et al. 2002). Walther (2003) concluded
that previous research had proved the centrality of employment for young people and their
32
identities. However, we still reflect that there is a strong normative aspect in this approach9
and that there can be a substantial difference between systemic risks and subjective risks as
defined by young people, which should be subject to our research. This is further discussed in
the chapter about strategies of young people where we show more concrete examples.
Literature about the labour market situation of young people is often concerned with the
‘great transition’ from education to work (Detzel and Rubery 2002). According to Evans and
Heinz (1994a), this transition is either accelerated (when transition to the labour market is
relatively early) or extended (when transition to the labour market is latter)10. Evans and Heinz
(1994b) and Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco (2003) distinguished four specific trajectories
from school to work:
• Academic mainstream leading towards higher education and highly skilled professional
positions.
• Usually postcompulsory training and education leading to skilled vocational
qualifications and employment in the skilled occupations sector.
• Education and training leading to semiskilled employment (with lower value for the
labour market but can be a steppingstone to skilled employment),
• Education drops after compulsory education, early labour market experience of
unskilled jobs, unemployment, and remedial schemes. Their situation is highly
dependent on the local labour market (Brown and Roberts 1994).
Before the full transition from school to work, young people often try to combine studying
with some paid work or voluntary activities in hope to gain work experience (Plug et al. 2002,
Walther 2006). Other transitions in youth’s lives mentioned above have to be somehow in
congruence with the great transition (EGRIS 2002). Institutions should be functioning in a way
‘to provide an effective pathway’. These include, e.g., education system, counselling services,
and active labour market policies. In some countries, internships, public works, or subsidised
workplaces constitute a specific kind of labour market (Walther 2006).
However, ‘systemic risks’ that are inherent in particular pathways can influence the transitions
and trajectories of young people (Biggart et al. 2002, EGRIS 2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López
Blasco 2003)11. These may include, e.g., situations of low education, ‘wrong type’ of education,
early employment, early pregnancy, misjudged entrepreneurship, illegal work in a grey
economy, and criminal activities (see Plug et al. 2002). There is a heterogeneous category of
9
E.g., being employed does not necessarily mean to be socially integrated (see EGRIS 2002, Serrano Pascual 2003,
Walther 2003).
10
This is relevant for the period that young people have to prepare for the labour market and explore their
interests and skills. While some young people are optimistic about early labour market entry and are able to earn
more money, for some of them, it can have detrimental effects on their future employment prospects (Evans
and Heinz 1994b, Brown and Roberts 1994). Extended transitions allow for slower mature and repair of wrong
steps (Evans and Heinz 1994c).
11
Systemic risks point to overall structures, which exist independently of individual choices and conditions (EGRIS
2002).
33
young people who have not managed (or who actively have decided not) to stay in touch with
the recognized transition for various reasons (EGRIS 2002). Often these people are in the
status of NEET (not in education, employment, or training). This group includes young people
who are not participating in the labour market (at least not officially). While useful for the
problem, there are also some criticisms of the NEET concept for being stereotypical and
masking the complexity of problems and the diversity of young people (see Hussain et al.
2018). Karamessini et al. (2019b), e.g., points out that a substantial part of NEET are young
females, who are more voluntarily inactive because of family responsibilities.
Zimmermann et al. (2013) state that young people are generally in a more vulnerable position
than prime age members of the labour force and are more severely affected by economic
fluctuations. Evans and Heinz (1994b) argue that young people often experience an uncertain
status and are more dependent upon state and parental support that would have been the
case in the previous generation.
Chance to find work and unemployment
Low chance to find work and scope/duration of unemployment are the most common
evidence of problems with the labour market. We interpret spells of unemployment as ‘hard
evidence’ of employment insecurity. For some, unemployment relates to structural changes
in the labour market (Van Lieshout and Wilthagen 2003). This includes both economy and
institutions. The level of unemployment is highly interconnected with the tightness of the
concrete labour market (jobs offered) and the conditions of the jobs offered on the official
labour market and other opportunities (see, e.g. Hussain et al. 2016). This means that when
opportunities are scarce, young people have to take anything offered or they may wait for a
better offer.
Michón (2019) points out the size of young cohorts entering the labour market is relevant for
the development of some key indicators of insecurity. Particularly, demographic decline
means fewer young people entering the labour market and may reduce competition for jobs
in the Czech Republic and some other Eastern European countries. This is accompanied by
emigration of young people in some of these countries (but not much in the Czech Republic).
The situation of young people should be better than the situation of older cohorts because
their education and training is usually more recent. However, we have found that in many
cases young people were not able to get a relevant qualification or we noted a mismatch
between the outputs of the education system and needs and conditions of the labour market.
Plasová and Válková (2009) declared that the marginalisation of some groups on the labour
market may be evidenced by the great difference between their specific level of
unemployment and the general the level of unemployment or level of unemployment of other
reference groups. De Koning and Mosley (2002) showed that younger generations
experienced during their lives more unemployment than older generations. Sirovátka (2009)
connects the marginalized position of people with two aspects. First, there are spells of
(repeated) unemployment in their previous work careers. Second, there are workers working
in jobs of subjectively insufficient job quality without a chance to move to a better job.
34
Frequent loss of work leads to frequent looking for another job. Some authors believe that
the more frequent change in the jobs of young people when compared to older cohorts is
related to their unsettled preferences and stepping character of first jobs. Other authors relate
it to the lower value of short-term jobs when faced with job insecurity and lower external
demands (see Cheng and Chan 2008). Unemployment is explained also as a consequence of
an imperfect, costly, and long-term contract search process on both sides of the potential
work contract (see Brožová 2016).
My reflection of the chance to get work
The concept of giving a chance to work is usually resonating in the perception of young people,
not in the statistical sense of the probability of finding work but as part of the individual
relationship between the unemployed and the concrete employer. Ellyn spoke about getting
a chance despite being a person with health problems:
“I would appeal to employers to give people a chance, to employ people who they do
not believe much in, or similar. Therefore, that these people can show what is within
them. My boss helped me a lot. At the beginning, he was very strict on me. He took us
to feedback, and he told us what we did wrong, etc. It should be that [employers] give
a chance to handicapped people, but it is upon employers. To employ people with
handicaps, etc. to give a chance to normal people.” (R20: 237)
Melinda spoke about employers giving low chances to some young people, because they are
not willing to try them.
“How you recognise [quality of the person]? You cannot. When the person [employer]
will give you a chance. Concerning work and everything. I think that they should give a
chance…to see him at least for a month to see whether this person is able to handle it
or whether he is worth it. When not, then he can be punished. However, when he is
worthy, he deserves a good life.” (R30: 77)
These perceptions are probably based on personal experience. Alan spoke about his
experience with long-term unemployment and looking for work, and how he finally found
work.
“I felt awfully. I was very angered that people put us into one sack. They do not
recognise each person but act on their previous experience and they expect me to be
the same [as the previous person]. I do not like it. Someone may be hardworking, want
to work, to earn money, to live decent life but they [employers] are not giving him a
chance.” (R72: 55)
“I always tried to find something and then my girlfriend had an internship in [name of
the hotel] and there was working one my acquittance who was also Roma and he
worked there already for six years. And they saw from my CV and from experience with
him that we are working. They considered it, called me and accepted me to work…It is
a problem when you do not have acquaintances, it is not easy to find work.” (R72: 69)
35
Another approach to work chances comes from a more general perspective. People from the
middle cohort in NEGOTIATE interviews reflected how the transition to the labour market
were difficult for them. Respondents described how during the socialist period there was a
mandatory workforce placement system. It also meant that young people were promised jobs
in the fields which they had studied. However, after ‘Velvet revolution’, most of these jobs
ceased to exist, lasted only for a short time (due to privatisation), or they were never realised
(Magda, Otto, Sabina, Tony, Herbert, Violet, Eugenie). Some young people just left these jobs
because they believed that they would find something better (Simon, Violet).
Respondents (Alice, Simon, Melinda, Violet) reflected that in the transitionary period shortly
after 1989 no one had experience with capitalism (this was limiting), they did not understand
what was happening, and there were not much job offers. Respondents like Sabina explicitly
mentioned that this period was highly insecure because young people did not have clear
expectations and orientation in the capitalist system and many things were changing rapidly.
Alice described that it was not possible to find work during transition times because of the
great uncertainty during those times (‘it was the end of the world’). Simon commented on
this:
“When I was twenty, I knew nothing about the world. We went immediately to some
democracy and everything related, and everyone understood it differently then.” (R15:
199)
Sabina also thought that the period when she entered the labour market was important:
“It was crucial because Employment office was recently open, it was all starting, no one
knew what will happen to him, what will be and what will be not. The support
[unemployed insurance] was for one year, but it was hardly for survival.” (R25: 95)
Some respondents also spoke about a specific situation in the early nineties – in the first years
of early capitalism in the Czech Republic. Lucy spoke about her first employers:
“My first employer had a small bakery and then 200 metres from him a supermarket
was built and only a few people stayed loyal to us but 90 percent started to go to the
supermarket, because there was vegetable and everything in one place… and when I
was working in making plastic windows….the big firms gradually bought the small ones
and abolished them. I do not know if this happened only to me, but always something
big shallowed that small firms and I was forced to go to another place. And then in the
past when you immediately went to work and you did not do higher school, you had a
bad luck. Care about yourself how you can.” (R29: 55)
From this rather extreme example, it is apparent that the period when you enter the labour
market after graduation does matter highly. NEGOTIATE respondents who graduated in time
of transition from socialist to capitalist regime perceived it as a serious obstacle in their lives.
36
Living in different times
Some respondents compared various periods of their lives or lives of their families, comparing
living in different times (in NEGOTIATE interviews they were also asked about comparing with
their parents). Some respondents mentioned that it is now more difficult to live decently when
comparing the times of their young adulthood (Vendelín, Bruno, Simon, Herbert). For some
respondents (or the people they know), communism was seen as ‘golden age’ when prices
were low compared to wages, there was more security and stability, specific support for
families (e.g. state-provided housing) and work was available for everyone (Melinda, Vendelín,
Otto, Roman, Tony, Herbert). This perspective relates to prices, low level of wages, and
purchasing power of concrete families.
Older respondents mentioned that it is now more difficult to find a job than it was before, e.g.,
in the 1990s (Vendelín, Otto, Magda, Bruno, John, Fred, Herbert). For the middle cohort it may
mean also that they were younger (Fred, John). There are less job offers, more demands, many
candidates and demanding testing of candidates, etc. (Magda, Vendelín). John mentioned that
in some fields it was easier to find jobs in the past because most of heavy industry was
abolished.
According to most respondents, ‘great recession’ called sometimes also ‘Economic crisis’ (cca
2008-2013) did not have much influence on their chances on the labour market (Jake, Peter,
Derek, Ron, Janine, Vanda, Tony). We noticed several arguments in the reasoning of
respondents:
• during the economic crisis, some people from the youngest cohort were still in school
(Roman, Quido, Ron).
• some people had jobs before that period and stayed to work there (Peter).
• people who thought that there was no influence of the economic crisis on them
because they worked in the fields that were not hit by the crisis (Peter, Tony)
• people were in the same bad situation as in other times,
• people were individually better than in other periods (Peter),
• their bad situation was caused by other more important factors (Jake, Derek)
Some respondents mentioned that the years of economic crisis were bad/worst for finding a
job due to the high level of unemployment and reduced number of jobs offers (Karin, Bruno,
Clara, Sophie, Ellyn, Betty, Sabina). Betty provided a specific reflection on the restaurant
sector.
“It was much better before in the restaurants. More money and more people used it. It
was completely different. It is worse and worse every month and all bankrupt.” (R22:
204)
Sabina said that she lost her stable job during the year 2008.
“It was a nice, stable job, mainly it was full-time job…and then that crisis came which
hit the whole world, and the magazine bankrupted. Because the people [customers]
37
stopped to pay, and even when they paid, they thought about stopping advertising,
because they did not know what is going to happen…I would say it hit all [employers]
hardly that worldwide crisis during 2007 or 2008.” (R25: 79)
Some respondents used opposite logic and they said that finding jobs at the time of the
interview was easier that before in the times of crisis (Quido, Karin). Karin, for example,
reflected that nowadays the chances to get an occasional job are better than during the
economic crisis.
Some of the respondents noted that also the attitudes of the people have hanged for the
worse (more individualism and less cohesion, more neglect, violence, bragging, and jealousy)
and there are also more cheats and discrimination (Vendelín, Otto, Bruno, Roman, Simon,
Melinda, Herbert, Violet, Rupert). Bruno said that discrimination was not so apparent in the
past, because employers could not afford it. Melinda spoke about her perception of the
change of close relationships:
“We loved each other, but after that the revolution all changed. Everyone expected to
be a millionaire, to be rich, and suddenly he looked at himself. We were not any longer
that family fellowship. We were… ‘I am not going there because they will neglect me’.
We felt that everyone wants to keep all, and he/she does not want to spare or help.
That revolution did not merge us, it divided us…Well fed do not believe to one who is
hungry. And this is the case in our family up to now, that falsity and no longer honesty.
Before we loved each other, and we feared about each other. Today you listen, you ask
and that is all. However, the will to help, the love and security I feel only in my family.”
(R30: 67)
Otto reflected on the lowered interest of society to help:
“Today, when you see someone lying on the ground, do you help him to stand or do
you let him lie?...I want to help you to stand or find if you are drunk, and here you are
bleeding, I will call police or emergency…but nowadays every common person will walk
around you and go his way.” (R6: 342)
Three main aspects are notable in this for the book. First, some of the periods did have a
profound influence on the life of the respondents. Second, we noted changed positions of
some families due to the change of regime. This was often noted by people who felt most
excluded from the society. Third, the respondents did not mention so much being hit by the
last great economic recession, but we also note here that the level of unemployment during
the economic crisis was by no means exceptional from long-term perspective.
Employability
We discuss how the chance to find work may be linked to other circumstances using the
concept of employability. ‘Employability’ is defined as a supply side a concept as well as
concept that integrates structural dimensions (Walther 2003, Kuchař 2007). Mørch and
Stadler (2003) defined employability as ‘being useful or valuable to the labour market’, ‘how
38
we are able to engage in labour market’. Gazier (2002) defined employability quantitatively as
the probability of being employed during a specified period x length of working time x hourly
earnings. Another perspective defines it as the ability to escape unemployment. Mørch and
Stadler (2003) linked employability with competence. They perceive employability and
competences as the same issue seen from a different perspective. They also argued that in
modern societies employability should not be only defined according to immediate job
demands, but it must include a broader understanding of personal competencies. However,
there is also a fear that competences and employability will move away from each other (see
Mørch and Stadler 2003). For some authors, employability may also include the ability to look
for work: to write CV, phone to employers, work with the internet (Sirovátka, Válková, and
Hora 2018a) or the ability of time management (Hajdinjak 2018a). Dimensions of
employability by Schmid (2006) includes the dimensions of sustainability, functioning
(realisation of life plans) and embeddedness (interplay of actors mediated by proper
institutions and laws).
Story of Sabina
Sabina is a woman in middle age. She studied vocational training for a cook. After completing
school and a half year of working as a cook, she found that she has health problems. Later,
these problems were diagnosed as atopic eczema. She realised that she could work in the
kitchen any longer. She reflected ‘They will never employ you with this’ and ‘I have problems
with dust and pollen, and you have to work with meat and vegetables’. She said that when
she ended with kitchen work, she did not know what to do and what was going to be with her.
She had no plans. She now thinks that she should have returned to school when she was
young. Her health problems put her out of normal life. Later also other health problems came
(spine problems, allergy). Although she has these health problems, they are according to the
authorities, not severe enough for her to have some formally recognised special health status.
Sabina is married for a second time and she has a child from the second marriage. Child is her
topmost priority (both financially and in care). In the past, it was more difficult for her both
financially (during periods of unemployment) and emotionally (she divorced). Family has
financial problems even now. Their parents supported the family with food and money. Still
she has to economise, and working is necessary.
„Work is the security that you bring some money home, you pay your bills and have
something to eat. It is dull but it is this way. Nowadays, without work, thinking about
paying fees, rent, bills, it is increasing, I feel. In school, they also do not know what to
want. Sometimes mother-in-law helps us. Because we are unable to handle it”. (R25:
119)
Sabina did several rather different professions (stall seller, shop assistant, storage worker,
newspaper assistant, candle maker, in a call centre) and had several periods of
unemployment. She also did retrain in accounting, but she did not work in that field. When
Sabina reflects on her situation, she identifies several factors influencing her chance to get
work: health limits, not having an abitur, low knowledge of languages, and limits emerging
39
from the need to care for the child while her husband works on shifts (she cannot work on
shifts).
The main personal discourse in Sabina’s story is ‘employability’. She is unemployed again now.
She says that she ‘is unable to find any work’, she is ‘useless for employers’, ‘long-term
unemployed and unemployable’, ‘person who is written off’. Sabina reflected that her
problems are multiple (‘it is one and one more’).
“When you have some health or respiration problems or some other, vocational
training without abitur, without languages, one and one more, you are written off.”
(R25: 195).
She thinks that if she did not have health problems, she would find work easily, but in this
situation, she does not know what to do. She had had problems with self-esteem.
“When I was young, I thought that people see me as less worthy, that I do not work,
that I cannot find anything, I am able to do nothing, I am incapable. I thought so but
now I do not think so” (R25: 157).
Minor discourses in Sabina’s story are ’need of education’ (‘If I had education, I would be
better off’, ‘handling’, ‘it was better in communism’ (‘they had work and did not have to fear
for the future’) and ‘going in circles’ (‘it is for a long time and it has no end’).
My reflection: Sabina herself reflects on several dimensions influencing her employability.
These may function as barriers for employability as well as they contribute to self-perception
of Sabina, and they contribute to self-image. The first reason why she did not get stable job
was that her qualification was not usable in the labour market (due to health limits although
otherwise it would be), and she was not able to get any new qualifications that would help
her leave the circle of unqualified jobs and unemployment.
My reflection on employability
Employability can be used to reflect on the concrete problems of young people. Some other
respondents reflected on concrete circumstances in their lives that contribute to their difficult
situation – both individual and structural. These are reflected in detail in the fourth and fifth
chapter. From other factors – not much mentioned in the rest of the book – one interesting
factor is ‘to be skilled and handy’. This was mentioned by some respondents (Ellyn, Peter,
Magda) considering manual professions. It could be both an advantage (when young people
were skilled) or a disadvantage (if they lacked specific skills). Some people (e.g., Magda, Ellyn)
complained that such skills are tested during entry exams and that this is stressful and not
much relevant for the real doing of the job or that they are released after a short time trial
period. In the other situation, they themselves reflected that they were skilled enough and
thus not a good person for the job (Ellyn).
40
Theory of dualization in the labour market
Classic theory of dualization (Gazier 2002, Denzin and Rubery 2002) states that within one
system exist more labour markets with different conditions and accessibility
(duality/segmentation). One of the possible explanations for differences in working conditions
and levels of unemployment lies in the existence of various labour markets for people with
different educational achievements, skills, and levels of commitment. People in these
segments have different work opportunities (Lindbeck and Snower 1988). Some people are
offered good and regular jobs with on-the-job training and the possibility of promotion12. In
the other segment of the labour market are people less attached to the labour market who
are offered unstable and low-paid jobs, while the jobs in the primary segment of the labour
market are not offered to them (Gazier 2002, Davidsson and Naczyk 2009). The third segment
consists of an irregular economy at the bottom (Gazier 2002)13. Labour marker provides a
relatively secure position for those who are in work but obstacles and prejudice for those who
have been out for longer periods (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998). Advantages or
disadvantages in working conditions in both segments are often cumulative (Gallie 2013a).
These conditions may include not only the stability of the employment relationship, but also
working time conditions (Anxo and O’Reilly 2002)14.
Lindbeck and Snower (1998) and Davidsson and Naczyk (2009) argued that workers might be
trapped in inferior labour market status, despite them having an initially high level of skills.
The possibility of upward mobility for low skilled is very limited (Denzin and Rubery 2002). This
leads to the low ability of young people to compensate for the bad start latter, and long and
sharp distinction between highly and low educated (or skilled). The later development of the
theory explains that the internal labour market has also changed under international pressure,
less tight labour markets, and with changing practices in management, also reducing security
for core workers (see Gazier 2002).
12
Status of insiders may be protected by the following factors. They cannot be easily dismissed due to
employment and union protection, their higher productivity, built work position and social relations, and high
turnover costs (including, e.g., training of new employees). They are more affected by internal firm conditions
than by external conditions. Firms may not be willing to offer such conditions to outsiders and to replace insiders
by outsiders (see Lindbeck and Snower 1988).
13
Hora (2008b) found that such activities are often short-term, irregular, and low paid or paid in items or services.
We concluded that some of these activities would not be done with employment and work contracts, because
their only advantage for both sides of the contract is the avoidance of taxes. We found four main factors
contributing to the existence of a grey economy: marginalisation and restricted opportunities, setting of
registration at Employment office and social benefits, attitudes of employers, and attitudes of unemployed.
14
Davidsson and Naczyk (2009) defined dualisation by level of unemployment, level of long-term unemployment,
nonstandard employment, high share of short-term jobs, size of secondary labour market and the gap between
primary and secondary labour markets in wages and working conditions. Häusermann and Schwander (2009)
discussed that while dualisation is for many reasons including data limits mostly captured as a snapshot, in is
more appropriate to assess dualisation with focus on socio-structural groups that share similar “occupational
profiles” throughout their employment and risk biographies. In qualitative research, we have a good opportunity
to capture such occupational profiles, and this is a major potential improvement.
41
Aspects of marginalisation and precarity
Most of the young people with whom we spoke can be classified as working in the secondary
labour market. In this type of market, in our perspective, dualization relates to the concept of
‘precarity’, with the concrete aspect of work trajectories typical for people in the secondary
labour market. Precarious work is work a) which is uncertain, unstable, and insecure and b) in
which employers bears the risk of work, c) which has low benefits, and d) which may have
further consequences for their lives (see Kalleberg 2018). Their position is often temporal, it
may be informal, with low and minimal trust relationships (Standing 2011) and it is linked to
various types of insecurity (see Standing 2011: 12). Precarity may relate to the following
concrete aspects:
• Jobs with worse (sub-standard) working conditions (Sirovátka 2009).
• Jobs with low pay, which is substantially below the wage standards in the economy
and that has low prospects of job increase (Sirovátka 2009),
• Involuntary job of temporary nature (fixed-term contracts). This means frequent and
persistent chaining of contracts or jobs. This is not necessarily connected to the
duration of one concrete job. Many apprentice jobs or jobs of first work experience
jobs are of temporary nature. Second, employers often use a temporary contract as
temporary screening device for new employees15. Consequences of such jobs for the
latter work careers can be both positive and negative (Denzin and Rubery 2002),
depending on the concrete context of the situation.
• Temporary agency employment (Schmid 2002b). We suppose here that work agencies
provide worse working conditions compared to work without agency (see the chapter
about institutions).
• Involuntary using of nonemployment contracts including work contract, zero-hour
contacts, teleworking and civil law contracts, etc. (Schmid 2002b, Hora et al. 2016).
According to Schmid (2002b), workers prefer working on the employment contract. It
is because of the need of income security and need to reduce uncertainty (especially
when it is the only source of income), elimination of competition, and accumulation of
experience. Interests of employers may be different (see ibid for details),
• Pseudo self-employment, new self-employed, and worker entrepreneurs (Meager and
Bates 2002, Schmid 2002b, Sirovátka 2009). Meager and Bates (2002) pointed out that
the main reason for such status is the wish of employers to lessen the burden of social
costs and EPL regulations. Nevertheless, these people are because of their status often
later excluded from social benefits (Meager and Bates 2002),
• Underworking, jobs of very low scope, working only a few hours a week, marginal parttime
work (Denzin and Rubery 2002, Schmid 2002b),
15
Temporary contracts may have both a screening function and a mechanism to manage short-term fluctuations
in demand (Paugam and Zhou 2007).
42
• Work in informal (grey) economy without any work contract (Sirovátka 2009,
Sirovátka, Válková and Hora 2018b).
Young people are generally disproportionally more affected by above-mentioned forms of
employment. Increasing share of temporary contracts is especially prevalent among young
people in Europe (Schmid 2006, Stauber, Kovacheva, and van Lieshout 2003). Women and
emigrants are the other two more vulnerable groups (Stauber, Kovacheva, and van Lieshout
2003). Häusermann and Schwander (2009) found that women in low service sector (personal
services, restaurants…) as well as some types of socio-cultural professionals (teachers, nurses,
librarians…) are outsiders in term of atypical employment, unemployment, subjective worries
about their job and future pension rights.
These forms of precarious employment are extensively described in the rest of the book
showing both that they are relatively common among our respondents and showing the
concrete context in which these are realised. There is one important interpretation problem
of nonstandard forms of work. These forms may have various concrete shapes and
consequences in different countries. In other words, it may be something different to work on
a fixed contract in the Czech Republic and in Spain. There is a possibility that even two
situations that are very similar at first sight (e.g., a spell of self-employment) may have very
different due to concrete circumstances and consequences for young people according to the
concrete situation. They may be also perceived and interpreted differently. This is the reason
we put special effort on reflecting situation in the Czech Republic.
The second expectation is that these forms of employment may have some negative effects
on their immediate or future labour market position and living situation (e.g., through lower
social protection). Argument is that a temporary contract may have other characteristics or
consequences: e.g., workers who work in temporary kinds of work contracts and selfemployed
receive less training, have less job control, lower wages than workers working in
permanent contracts (Wilthagen and Rogowski 2002, Meager and Bates 2002, Gallie 2013a,
Gallie 2017). The risk is recognised in the situation when informal or part-time work does not
lead to a regular labour market. Instead, there is a cycle of informal work followed by
unemployment. Young people became stigmatised as unstable workers who are without the
appropriate work discipline (Detzel and Rubery 2002). As a result, young people may perceive
various forms of insecurity described below.
Scarring effect
Entering the labour market during a recession and being exposed to unemployment early in
the working career can lead to long-lasting consequences for future job prospects and labour
market integration (Hvinden et al. 2019b). This effect was documented by several studies. It
was, e.g., much more difficult to get work once people had been unemployed for a long spell
(Behrens and Brown 1994b), or there may be low access to high-quality jobs with good career
prospects (Helbing et al. 2019). Negative effects of scarring on consequent unemployment
and income were proven also by Abebe and Hyggen (2019). One explanation of scarring effects
is that young people have not enough opportunity to acquire job-specific human capital
43
(Hvinden et al. 2019b). The other explanation of this is in the negative signal of long-term
unemployment or gaps in work history and labelling as ‘long-term unemployed’ by employers
(Behrens and Brown 1994b, Helbling et al. 2019). Imdorf et al. (2019) and Abebe and Hyggen
(2019) have found that the scarring effect varied across countries, gender, and education
levels, and for people abusing substances (see these studies for concrete results). Moreover,
negative signalling is probably stronger when unemployment has been low and job demand
high than when unemployment has been more common (Parsanoglou et al. 2019).
Parsanoglou et al (2019) also found diverse scarring effects of active labour market policies.
Research showed that longer education is able to reduce the experience of early
unemployment (Brown and Roberts 1994). It is also very interesting to see whether the quick
change of various jobs and occupations (typically for people with a lower and less formal level
of qualification) provides a well enough sheltering effect from the long-term perspective.
Imdorf et al. (2019) found that frequent job-hopping as well as work in some deskilling types
of jobs could damage the future chances of young people because employers reflect this as a
rather strong negative signal (within the framework of signalling theory) and job hopping was
even more negative signal than unemployment. We can see that for some young people jobhopping
is involuntary and so involvement in temporary contracts (signals of negative
productivity) may further diminish young people’s chances.
My reflection on the existence of scarring effect
In addition to the above mentioned, entering the labour market in bad times, wrong choice of
occupation, structural changes in the economy, and low ability to change the profession for
something similarly qualified created deep scars in the work lives of the respondents. The role
of unfinished or irrelevant education for scarring was often reflected. Respondents stated that
not finishing secondary education was a mistake which deeply influenced their future life
chances, e.g., to get a better job (Bonny, Derek, Herbert, Janine). Some possible future
pathways were closed, and options were lost because they are no longer realistic (Sophie).
Some respondents spoke about delays in their personal development, careers, or certain life
events (Clara, Quido, Bonny). Clara spoke about her past ‘mistakes’:
“I would learn English and I would say to my former twin not to be so choosy with
work…even when it is not work where you would like to stay to the end of your life…to
get some work experience, start to learn English sooner and to get some work
experience from the start.” (R17: 116)
Other respondents spoke about the impact of work career on future old age pensions (Otto,
Tony, Derek). From their statements, we conclude they expected to have low pensions in the
future due to a precarious working career or due to low social contributions.
There are also other factors contributing to the scarring effect. Parenthood can contribute to
scarring effects due to several aspects. First, some parents had to, due to ‘early’ pregnancy (at
least temporally), end their school or their possibilities to study could be lowered, eventually
their work career delayed (Sophie). Finding a suitable job for parents of small children is
difficult in the Czech Republic and the situation is sometimes even more difficult in the
44
situation of the absence of the partner. In some stories, debts made deep scars for the future
of the respondents (Betty, Bonny). In some cases, there were past periods of imprisonment
and this further worsened respondents’ chances to find work because they lost their jobs and
employers did not want to employ people who had been in prison (Vendelín, Simon, Herbert).
Explanation of scarring is present in the concrete experience of respondents. Ron reflected
that sometimes employers asked him about ‘a lot of work’ (i.e., many jobs) he previously did
and the short tenure of his previous jobs. He thought that employers perceived it negatively.
Moreover, Janine mentioned that employers asked her about work experience and that
employers perceive negatively long periods without work in her career, reflecting that she is
not skilled in work.
Reflecting on general patterns of marginalization of
young people
We tried to describe the concrete labour market trajectories of respondents and to classify
them to several types. This reflects long-term development of work and life situation of
respondents. We can see four patterns of marginalization of young people which are to some
extent complementary. The patterns were often started (preceded) by a critical event (drop
out from school, being in prison, physical/psychical illness, divorce/separation, problems of
parents, teen pregnancy, etc.).
• 1) One typical pattern of marginalization was long term (for several years) or
permanent unemployment (Karin, Vendelín, Otto, Bruno, Janine, Ellyn). Sometimes
this was accompanied by rare occasional jobs, but the prevailing was unemployment.
• 2) Another group of respondents had several or even many jobs (compared to the
length of their work career) with rather short (but at least several months) or even
longer duration (Ben, Roman, Peter, Derek, Simon, John, Helen, Fred, Violet)16. In some
cases, jobs were interrupted by periods of long unemployment (Derek, Fred). When
jobs were short, they were often ended in a trial period or they were fixed term. It is
also notable that the jobs of some individuals were often in rather different professions
not corresponding to the profession they studied (see, e. g., Peter, Clara, Fred, Lucy).
For some of these respondents, it was probably not only about necessity but also about
their attitude (willingness) in trying various things. In addition, the attitude of some of
the respondents not being afraid to leave a job because it was not ok or because there
is a necessity to do something else or there is a better opportunity can contribute to
the high number of jobs.
16
We can show the difference by comparing John who had about seven jobs with a duration of several years,
and Fred, who had always rather short and fixed term jobs and estimated between 20 and 30 jobs. Some
respondents (Ben, Helen, Herbert) had only one job of longer duration (this can be characterised as a mixed
pattern).
45
• 3) Some respondents were self-employed, or they did bogus work for part of their
career (Quido, Simon, Fred, Tony, Lucy, Melinda, Violet, Ron). According to Tony, the
risk associated with self-employment was seen in periods of low commissions
(irregularity of income) and the possibility of not being paid for the work done. Bogus
work is also risky because there is lower social security inherently included and
because from the point of view of the state, this can be assessed similarly as work in
the grey economy.
• 4) Another pattern related to prevalent occasional work (odd jobs) on specific tasks
(Jake, Fred, Ron, Herbert) and including work in the grey economy (Vendelín, Bruno,
Betty, Clara, Ron, Tony, Herbert, Violet). This pattern can be connected to pattern 1,
but it is a bit different from pattern 2 because the work is often of very short duration
(usually almost no longer jobs).
These different trajectories seem similar in some cases (it is not only about the number of jobs
but also about the ratio between duration of employment and unemployment). Presented
patterns mean a great generalization of concrete fates. Situation of respondents is not such
static. There are also three general types with a focus on changes in the situation of the
respondents: the respondents whose situations have been about the same for all time
(Vendelín), respondents whose situations have improved since they were young (Magda,
Roman, Fred) and situations of people whose situation has even worsened since their young
years (Simon, John). For example, Fred was unemployed for a long time with only short jobs,
but after a crucial change he had several long-term jobs in later years. In other words, he
switched from pattern four to pattern two.
Understanding insecurity
This book is about insecurity in its narrow as well as broader meaning. Insecurity as we
understand it in this book is both economic and subjective insecurity. It is rooted in the need
to secure sufficient income or possession and in need of making ends meet (livelihood). We
refer to subjective insecurity as a subjective reaction of a person to structural conditions,
signals from their surroundings, or other perceptions of future live (job) prospects. In this
sense, two people in a similar situation can experience different degrees of insecurity, because
they will perceive and interpret their situation differently (Sverke et al. 2002). This also means
that the perception of insecurity may change in time due to new signals, resignation, etc.
Wilthagen and Tros (2004), Anderson and Pontusson (2007), and others distinguished four
relevant basic kinds of insecurity: job insecurity, employment insecurity, income insecurity
and combination insecurity. We are going to discuss these types in more detail.
Job insecurity is defined as the perception of security to maintain the current job for some
time (see Cheng and Chan 2008). Job insecurity is based on the notions of desired continuity
(dismissal is an involuntary change) and powerlessness, i.e., limited ability to counter the
threat (Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 1984, Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 2010). This is according
to the authors, influenced by the following factors: level of protection (employment contract,
unions, personal connections), unclear expectations (uncertainty), authoritarian environment
46
(low personal control), and (managerial) operating procedures. Job security is also connected
to the dimensions of probability of job loss and the consequences/cost of job loss and valued
job features (Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 1984, Anderson and Pontusson 2007, Clark and
Postel-Vinay 2009).
Some authors point out that subjective job insecurity relates poorly to average job tenure at
both the theoretical and empirical level (see Gallie 2007a, Paugam and Zhou 2007). There are
also other forms of job insecurity that are not directly related to the risk of job loss. Instead,
they are related to the potential loss of ‘valued job features’ and/or ‘job status’ (see
Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 1984, 2010, Sverke et al. 2002, Hora 2008b, Gallie et al. 2017,
Gallie 2017). These may include fear of loss of skills, loss of work conditions, career
opportunities, responsibility, and loss of a certain part of wage. Trhlíková (2017) found in her
research four dimensions of job insecurity: labour contract insecurity, labour law (work
conditions) insecurity, pay insecurity and economic stability insecurity. Krasteva, Jeliazkova,
and Draganov (2018) have found that young people perceive insecurity at the end of
temporary contracts. Krasteva et al. connected insecurity with the following aspects:
uncertainty about the future situation in the economy, whether the contract will continue,
uncertainty about wage payments, uncertainty that they can protect their labour rights,
general uncertainty about the future and fear of negative consequences of unemployment.
We discuss the results of studies that predicted factors of job insecurity. Younger workers
have less job security than workers in middle age (Anderson and Pontusson 2007). Still, their
perception of the importance of job insecurity may be lower than for older workers (see Cheng
and Chan 2008). Low educated feel less secure than more educated (Clark and Postel-Vinay
2009). People in temporary jobs feel less secure than people in permanent jobs (see Paugam
and Zhou 2007, Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009, Chung 2016, Gallie et al. 2017) and they feel less
secure in a location with a higher local level of unemployment (Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009).
Situation in the sector of employment is related to job insecurity (Gallie et al. 2017). Public
jobs are perceived as more secure when compared to private jobs (Anderson and Pontusson
2007, Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009, Chung 2016). Experience of long-term unemployment can
reduce perceived security in all types of jobs, but it is larger in temporary jobs (Clark and
Postel-Vinay 2009, Chung and van Oorschot 2011, Chung 2016).
Job security is most related to the stances of employers and parameters of the employment
protection system (discussed in chapter four and chapter six). Important aspect seems to be
the control and predictability of end of the job. Young people dreamed of jobs with indefinite
contracts, but these were mostly beyond their reach.
Employment (in)security relates to the ability to remain employed for a long time despite the
possibility of job loss. According to Paugam and Zhou (2007), employment insecurity is linked
to certain aspects of job quality (e.g., on the job training, possibility of work-life balance)17. It
17
In other words, they argue that job insecurity is one dimension of job quality which is highly correlated with
other (selected) dimensions of job quality.
47
is about continuous improvement of skills and the chance to find another job. Active labour
market policies and life-long learning are measures that may enhance employment security.
Respondents in their assessment often referred about their general situation reflecting more
employment security (employment and career perspective) than job security in the concrete
job. Losses of jobs are merely episodes for them because they are usually not of such long
duration to provide a professional qualification that is not usable somewhere else and hard to
change (there are a few exceptions). Active labour market policies and other means of
development leading to the development of qualifications are reflected in chapter six.
Income (in)security is about the possibility to secure income in a situation when no job is
available. There are two main sources of income security, family, and social protection
(Anderson and Pontusson 2007). This means that income insecurity is at least partially
independent from the current work income of the concrete person.
This type of security is mostly related to support from the family and common housing
discussed in chapter four and the protection provided by the social security system is
discussed in chapter six.
Combination security is the ability to combine a job with other responsibilities and
commitments. Combination security may be important for some categories of workers
(namely, women in our research) for their ability to get or hold a job as well as the ability to
avoid too demanding situations and consequent stress (see Scherer and Steiber 2007).
These aspects of (in)security are mostly reflected in chapters four and five.
Above mentioned types of insecurity are interrelated. Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt (1984)
defined job dependence as a function of occupational mobility and economic insecurity. In
other words, they connect job insecurity with employment insecurity and income insecurity.
Job insecurity is more important for people who would have problems to find another job and
whose income is heavily dependent on the current job. Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt (1984)
argued that job insecurity is related to high emotional involvement, which may limit
realization to expected rational reactions. Job and employment insecurity also have dire
consequences for the mental and physical health and well-being of the workers (see Chung
and van Oorschor 2011). Hora and Žižlavský (2009) added uncertainty about the future
(whether he/she is going to find a job and when and what is the result of previous job search
activities) and lower ability to plan nonwork activities.
48
Story of Tony
Tony is a man in his middle age. He is married and he has two children. Tony completed
vocational training for the joiner although it originally was not his preferred profession. He
wanted to be an auto mechanic, but he had health restrictions (eczema) and could not do it.
When he was young, he had four joinery jobs, but working conditions there were
unsatisfactory including, e.g., long overtime hours, not paying the promised salary, and unjust
sanctions on wages. After several years (in 1996), he was released from the last job, and he
was not able to find another work. He was forced to become self-employed although he
sometimes cooperated with other joiners and he paid rent for their common joiners’ shop. He
self-learned to be able to do work due to recent trends. Some problems for him come from
frequent changes in legislation for self-employment because he had problems to orient
himself and react appropriately.
Tony explains that the financial situation of the family was dependent on him finding enough
commissions (it is seasonal, based on personal connections) and the economic status of his
wife (Tony thinks that she was often unemployed due to having children). They have almost
no financial reserves. He had to somehow save money from the more prosperous periods to
periods of low work. He also borrowed from family. He said that he was nervous due to the
situation because he had delays in payments for his debts.
His self-employment (and profession of the joiner) is in many aspects insecure:
“Nowadays everything is insecure. You are able to find a commission, but you are not
sure that you will get payment for it…We [self-employed] have to manage everything
ourselves. I have to take car, go to measure it [commission], price it, get the agreement,
buy material, make it, montage it, charge it, to do paperwork, receipts, because I do
not earn enough to pay for accountant….I am really self-doing self-employed.” (R27:
81)
“Nowadays I am satisfied, but there is that insecurity of the work, will it be or not? (R27:
159)
Tony also needs to continuously invest money to keep his business functioning. His only period
of formal unemployment was quite recent because he was not able to find enough
commissions and pay social security contributions (he had lost the key contact person for
getting commissions). He was unemployed for one and half years and had almost no job offers.
His family survived due to saved money. His unemployment insurance benefit was low:
“[Unemployment insurance] is poor, because as self-employed, I do not know how to
do it. I had low income, but all these [self-employed] have them [low], I do not know,
they give it a flat rate, I got employment insurance [benefit] about 4000 CZK (R27: 107).
During the period of unemployment, he did some undeclared work as help for his former
colleagues in the joiners’ shop. He was able to gradually return to self-employment due to the
49
help of his friends who brought him commissions. Tony lives hand-to-mouth and is hardly able
to save any money and his old age pension is probably going to be low.
„…they wrote me a letter [it was a campaign organized by public authorities] that I
should pay 2000 CZK more to have an old age pension around 10 000 CZK, or I am going
to have around 6000-7000 CZK. This they wrote me, but I do not understand it and I do
not trust them that when I am going to pay 2000 more they will give me a higher
pension. In three years, it can be completely different, when a new political garniture
will come and a different situation.” (R27: 197)
Despite the discourse of insecurity (‘it is still not secure’, ‘my parents had more security in their
lives’), the main discourse in Tony’s story is ‘to be happy’. He would not like to have a bigger
firm because it would mean doing different tasks (management) and more trouble and less
opportunity to do manual joinery work which he likes most. He does not need more money,
and he is satisfied with the things that he got. He is happy that he can do the work the way he
likes it (to have freedom) and he admits that he had problems with authorities in the past. He
prefers good personal relationships with customers to making a lot of money.
Another minor discourse mentioned by Tony is ‘plenty of work’ discourse (‘There is enough
work. Who wants work, finds work. Who does not want work, does not find work’). It relates
somehow to ‘claiming Roma’ discourse mentioned in other interviews.
My reflection: Tony’s story is specific because he was self-employed for most of his work life
and because many types of insecurities are apparent from his story. He is an entrepreneurship
type, avoiding problems resulting from interactions with employers. Tony speaks about
entrepreneurship insecurity (changing conditions for self-employment, uncertain
commissions, low security of receiving payment), income insecurity (unemployment
insurance, low ability to pay debts, not trusting in future pension). One apparent paradox in
his story is that social security contributions were the main reason why he became
unemployed. In other words, he had to be formally recognised as unemployed to ensure his
security and avoid future problems emerging from accumulated debts on social security
payments. He also thinks that paying social contributions for him was a great help from
Employment office.
I also think that maybe Tony would be better off if he would be able to promote himself more
with standard means such as web pages. For him, tackling everything is demanding because
he has to deal with things that he is not familiar with. The issue is that he is satisfied as he is.
My reflection on examples of subjective perception of insecurity
The notion of security is among the key concepts used in this book. It reverberates in the
reasoning of many young people. It goes beyond security in concrete jobs. Rather, it is related
to the general ability to live a decent life. For some young people, security is among their
central life values. Derek referred to his life goals:
“I want to finish school, to be happy, to have a family, to have some background, some
security, some solid base.” (R14: 250)
50
“When we speak about the present, I am satisfied. I have a partner for life with whom
I live for 25 years. I am satisfied now, but there is still that insecurity of work, whether
it will be or not.” (R27: 159)
There is no doubt that insecurity can have harsh subjective consequences and high life
relevance. Ken commented on job as well as employment insecurity:
“When you are used to some stable healthy income, when you know that you will get
a salary next month, you know how much you will get and you do not have to care.
However, when they expel you, you say to yourself: ‘What I am going to do?’ This is the
first that comes to your mind. And this is the moment that you feel worst.“ (R4: 401)
“I do not want to experience such a period again walking from daemon to the devil
asking for work. I need to have a security…where I will work until my pension time.”
(R29: 43)
For Jake, security is about being able to pay for long-term items and achieving long-term goals.
“Considering other expenses, the house is also not for free, you have to repair
something there sometimes and this is not a work where I can be secure that I will have
money, eventually later some loan or mortgage for repair, that is hard.” (R11: 159).
We noted that the general level of security may be influenced by the concrete economic,
political, or historical period. For example, some of the people who lived in the period of
transition from communist regime to capitalist society reflected that this period was especially
insecure because it was a great chance and they did not know what to expect (Sabina).
Respondents also mentioned security in the meaning of job security. Peter, for example, spoke
about his past job in the municipality and compared it with his current insecure position. He
links security with the stability of employment:
“If I had stable employment…from the jobs I did best was working in the municipality…It
was a secure job, there were money, not as much as in the private sector but it was
good…If I could choose I would do this because it is secure and I know that I will earn a
specific amount of money and that is fine for me…It would allow me to plan my life
better than working in private sector where planning is more difficult when you are not
protected by someone who is in high position.” (R12: 208)
Another dimension of insecurity is linked to the instability of income when young people work
on occasional jobs (e.g., Ellyn, Vendelín, Herbert), are self-employed (e.g. Quido, Ron, Ellyn)
or do work based on immediate results (Ron, Fred). These link job insecurity with employment
insecurity and income insecurity.
First type of insecurity reflected by respondents is linked to occasional jobs which are
unstable, with often emerging periods of no jobs (Vendelín, Herbert, Bruno, Ellyn, Ben). In this
context, security is related to jobs which last longer, and they are with a monthly salary rather
51
than with irregular income (often paid directly at the end of the job). When asked about the
psychical consequences of unemployment, Ellyn replied:
“I think that it was bad. Because it is insecure. One week you have an occasional job
and then you have nothing for two weeks, workplaces are not available. I think that it
contributed to psychical discomfort.” (R20: 153)
Insecurity in not related only to the unstable character of the contract but also to uncertainty
whether the contract will be fulfilled and given promises about payment and other conditions
will be kept (Violet, Eugenie, Bruno, Ben). It happened sometimes that young people did the
job, but they ended without money.
Another type of insecurity is related to the possibility of self-employment (entrepreneurship)
as it was presented in the story of Tony. Sometimes it combines the disadvantages of both
employment and self-employment. Many respondents reflected that entrepreneurship is
insecure because stable income is not guaranteed, and you have to invest money first:
“…it is entrepreneurship, working on self-employment certificate. I would rather be
employed to have security of work, of income.” (R13: 45)
“When I was studying, I wished to cook in the restaurant, to own it. However, the reality
was much harder than I expected. I am glad to survive…you expect to start a business,
but you need an unbelievable capital from the start and other things, support from
family and friends. It is very insecure. I rather have more security where the money is
sure than to start something alone. I wanted my own vegetarian restaurant, but I think
that it is not going to happen.” (R20: 139)
Moreover, work in the job based on immediate results includes various aspects of insecurity.
Fred commented on one of his past jobs:
“It was fixed-term contract with the possibility of prolongation. I got a business plan 35
million in one year…it was planned at the table, but the reality was completely
different, I was able to achieve ten million and I saw that there is no way forward
because also my salary was dependent on it because I do not have these traits of dealer
‘to go back through the window’.” (R26: 131)
Three immediate threats are present in such contracts – that the contract will not be
prolonged, that the income may not be sufficient, and that the income is so irregular due to
absence of solid base that in some months you can end up empty handed.
52
Legitimacy of focus on insecurity
We would like to briefly discuss the legitimacy of the chosen social problem. Discussion of
legitimacy is both descriptive and prescriptive. We can ask: ‘what is the inequality’, ‘whether
there is an inequality’ (and ‘inequality of what?’). First, we have to define a social problem and
field that is relevant for our study. Even when we identify (describe) such an inequality, we
can ask whether it is a problem that people are unequal. It is not possible to avoid the
discussion of inequality entirely. We think that it is fairer to promote or oppose claims of
inequality in one space than to falsely pretend that such equality or inequality cannot exist.
According to Sen (1992), there are three basic types of arguments against inequality: (1) the
wrong space argument, (2) incentive argument and (3) operational symmetry argument18.
These arguments are mostly normative, claiming that we claim equality in a bad space or that
this equality conflicts with other key values (such as liberty) and/or with valued key society
goals (efficiency, operational asymmetry) and may have detrimental consequences (in
promoting motivation, and influence on others in the society). We will explain here why we
put such arguments aside.
We understand insecurity in a more general meaning including all partial aspects of insecurity
mentioned above. We argue that this notion of insecurity is highly relevant. Setting the field
of inequality is a part of a democratic process promoting freedom to act and public discussion.
Stories presented in this book are not representative for the situation of young people in the
Czech Republic. Rather, we have chosen young people whom we expected to have substantial
problems finding a decent living space within the society. In this book we speak about the
transitions of these young people to the labour market and reflect on specific aspects of these
transitions, which we consider problematic because they have harsh consequences for young
people and for the whole society. We do not ask the question who to blame for this result.
Rather, we try to identify individual perspectives, key circumstances in the life stories of young
people, the consequences of what happened to them, and the role of the policy in the whole
process. We will show that insecurity accompanies other problematic aspects of social life like
poverty, wasted human potential, psychical distress and some of these consequences may
influence even the next generation. For all these reasons, we should not underestimate the
relevance of insecurity in the life of young people.
18
This is relevant in the cases when we argue that there are legitimate reasons for inequality in a specific space.
53
Conclusion of the chapter
We noted that most of the young people whose stories are included in this book are people
with interrupted, reversible, and insecure patterns of trajectories. ‘The great transition’ from
school to the labour market is crucial for young people in many concrete aspects because it
may have an impact on their lives for a long time (scarring effects, consequences for future
life such as to be independent, to live a ‘normal life’). Some people who were older among
young people reflected that their trajectories were not going in the right direction and that
they missed their opportunities, were not helped, made some wrong choices, etc. As we will
present in the next chapters, the transition to work is in interaction with several key factors
including education system, personal motivation, and personal and family life situation at the
time of this transition. Time when young people enter the labour market matters a lot. The
main problem we often identified in their reflections was that they were not able to live the
kind of life they wanted. Insecurity is a companion in their stories but not the main actor – it
is important because some young people reflected that without some security, they would
not be able to achieve their life goals.
54
Chapter 3: Strategies of tackling with
insecurity
In this chapter, we discuss the role of perception, agency, and individual behaviour of young
people in tackling insecurity. The main preset factor influencing our analysis is time and age,
because we focus on young people or retrospectively on periods of life in younger age (when
we spoke with people from the middle cohort). In other words, we can track the development
of life stories of the respondents. Young people may face extreme barriers to the labour
market and limited access to usable welfare and education (Sirovátka et al. 2018a). We
consider the following situations that we connect with some type of insecurity: still in
education/training, working in an insecure job, being unemployment and being inactive – in
the context of our book inactive are at the time of the interview oriented and act towards
other goals such as studying or caring for a child or dependent family member more than
towards employment. We concern most on situations of strategic choices during education
and during unemployment when the need for a solution seems to be most apparent for young
people.
Stories of young people are in some respects very different. Sirovátka and Spies (2018)
distinguished that young people are not a homogenous group: their values, abilities, living
situations, and aspirations may be different. This is in accordance with the argument of
Häusermann and Schwander (2009) who tried to capture the heterogeneity of outsiders and
with Sen’s capability approach (see below). We believe that this also means variance in
strategies that young people use. We explicitly link insecurity with the ability to get and
maintain some work activity or other reasonable source of income when it is perceived as
needed by young people. This is explicitly linked to strategies, individual decision making, and
set ways of acting based on such decisions. This is the main topic of this chapter.
Theory of individual behaviour and choice at microand
meso- level.
Before discussing individual strategies, we want to define some basic concepts (hopefully in a
way that can be understandable to others) to preset area and to avoid confusion. Social
structure, culture, and agency are in most theories the basic building stones of the explanation
of individual behaviour. Structure, culture, and agency theory was in the past often used to
explain different perspectives on the problem of unemployment or young trajectories (see,
e.g., EGRIS 2002, Gallie and Vogler 1994, Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019).
Structure is understood as something supra individual and existing that may include material
structures and conditions; institutions and power as well as social relations, coalitions, and
memberships (see Rubinstein 2001). Rubinstein (2001) defined social structure more
specifically as the structure of opportunity with their costs and benefits to actors. However,
this definition is in my opinion more about the role that social structure has in individual lives
55
than about the existence of social structure ‘per se’ (Rubinstein himself wrote on page 105
that opportunity is internal rather than external).
We understand social structure as the existence of institutions of economy, state, education
system, employment protection system, unions, system of social benefits, family and friends’
networks, etc. All institutional determinants that are discussed in one of the next chapters are
specific types of social structure. While they are mostly formally independent of (most)
individuals, they constitute their opportunities, provide them with benefits as well as they try
to restrain their behaviour. They are though not fully deterministic. To understand the role of
institutions, we should focus on the interactions between young people and concrete people
working/living in these institutions. This includes, for example, interactions with family,
friends, schools, employers, and Employment office.
Agency is, according to Rubinstein (2001), the degree to which persons are authors of their
own conduct. People are active agents who have a certain freedom of choice and action.
Desires and preferences can be crucial for the constitution of opportunity. Structure and
culture according to Rubinstein constitute one another (see ibid., pp. 144). Still, we think about
the social structure and culture in this book as about conceptually and analytically separated
entities. There is difficulty in separating instrumental and normative actions because what we
see as rational depends on values (Rubinstein 2001)19.
Sen (1992) defined agency as the realization of goals and values he/she has a reason to pursue,
whether or not they are connected with her own wellbeing20. Young people are during their
transition from youth to adulthood increasingly confronted with situations when they must
make their own decisions in the context of unpredictable outcomes and prospects (Walther
2006). A person may act to mitigate early job insecurity and to influence his/her job prospects
or to negotiate working conditions (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019). The importance of
young people’s ability to influence their own life trajectories is increasingly recognized (Anxo
and Erhel 2006). Free choice may be distorted by structural conditions. Previous experience
of young people matters and may restrict an individual’s options in the future. Still, some past
choices may be reversible, also with the help of others and institutions (Anxo and Erhel 2006).
In many situations and contexts, it is very difficult to decide whether the situation is voluntary
or not from the perspective of a young person (for example Sophie in this book). People may
have biased perceptions of risks (Schmid 2006 – see discussion in the next chapter). Plasová
and Válková (2009) suppose that negotiations of unemployed/employees about working
conditions are connected to their (negotiating) position on the labour market. Some groups,
19
Rubinstein (2001: 13), e.g., argued that “…it is rare that structural circumstances are ‘a single exit’ situations
that require a particular response: there are almost always alternative ‘adaptive’ responses to practical
exigencies and culture dictates the choice of sometimes radically different courses of action.” Individuals may
still differ in their ability and willingness to be adherent to the proposed norms or to change them (see pages 29-
32). Rubinstein in his book provided enormous attention to ‘free rider’ problem. One possible explanation is that
the rules are (at least to a certain extend) adapted by the actors while remaining relevant to action.
20
Sen connects the analysis of agency with, e.g. people’s power to pursue their own respective goals or to success
in achieving these.
56
including mothers of small children, may be disadvantaged on the labour market (forced to
accept unsatisfactory conditions to secure at least some work position).
Capability perspective
The concept of capability is among the most influential theories about inequality used to
access the position of young people. Sen’s (1992) basic assumption presented in the book
‘Inequality Re-examined’ is that people are different, with different personal and external
characteristics and circumstances. Equality is in most cases judged with a specific purpose by
comparing some particular aspect of a person – constituting a ‘a space’. This is done by giving
some importance to both setting outer boundaries and for definition within the space (see
Sen 1992). In our case, we focus it on insecurity, but other related (linked) aspects are also
relevant (e.g., unemployment, quality of work, or material deprivation). These can be both
process aspects and outcomes. Sen argued that limiting the understanding of the inequality
to one space could lead to not reflecting the inequality in another space. Thus, the choice of
space (perspective of inequality) has tremendous practical importance in assessing some
claims and denying others (Sen 1992: 131).
Nevertheless, we cannot reduce functioning to those appraised by researcher. On the
opposite, we should understand which functioning young people appraise and which they
want to avoid. As we understand Sen’s work, both experts’ views and the views of young
people are in some respects relevant for the defined perception of the problem (see Sen 1992:
54-55, 83). This is realised in this book by presenting both views (view of young people, our
view) as separately as possible (reflecting that reconstruction of the story is a partial
secondary interpretation).
Sen (1992) writes about the ability of a person to achieve21 valued functionings (beings and
doings) that he or she has reason to value. Capabilities and functioning are directly linked,
representing the same issue within the selected space. Functionings are constitutive of a
person’s being. Conversion is a process when some person is able to (has the power to)
convert means of freedom (resources or primary goods) to valued functionings. Resources are
valuable as means to bring valued ends. For example, some of the respondents mentioned
that without money they were powerless, their opportunities were limited (Magda, Sabina).
Sen argues that the extent of freedom in this process may be enhanced as well as limited by
personal and social characteristics including, e.g., gender, age, disadvantage, personal
handicap, location, inadequacy of institutions, need to obey locally shared norms or the way
a person is viewed in the society. The consequent question is whether resources,
characteristics, and circumstances are adequate to reach valued functioning.
Capability represents various combinations of functionings that a person can achieve and
represent his/her freedom of choice from possible livings, the real-life alternatives he/she has.
21
Achievement is concerned with what we manage to accomplish (Sen 1992).
57
This approach normatively assumes that freedom of choice (the part that our own decision
plays in the choices) and the richness of real options may enhance the wellbeing of people22.
Sen linked his concept to concept of strategy as we discuss it in the next section. He wrote:
“[T]wo persons with the same actual capabilities and even the same goals may end up
with different outcome because of differences in strategies or tactics that they
respectively follow in using their freedoms.” (Sen 1992: 82).
Still, according to Sen, the chosen set of achieved functioning (that we understand as the result
of action) may be used to appraise someone’s wellbeing. We want to know what young people
are able and not able to achieve. Sen also argued that when assessing social policy (welfare),
we can consider not only their wellbeing, but also the diversity of personal characteristics of
people, conversion factors, and interpersonal differences in conversion. For the evaluation of
wellbeing, it is better to understand how social policy helps to achieve valuable functionings
than to rely on the assessment of incomes. We return to the discussion of the relationship
between agency and evaluation of social policy systems in chapter about institutional
determinants.
We have chosen the story of Herbert to illustrate the relevance of the capability approach.
Story of Herbert
Herbert is a Roma man in his middle age. He did not finish vocational training for the bricklayer
because he did not enjoy the study and he was distracted by ‘going out with his comrades’.
He commented:
“I lived in delusion. I was a dull boy. I enjoyed life and did not think about work yet. I
had money from my father at home and I did not think it were necessary to go to work
somewhere. It came later, in another time.” (R31: 169).
Herbert was financially dependent on his parents. He started working at the age of 15 (usually
he worked as an unqualified ‘support worker’ in the building industry). He had only one rather
stable job in metallurgy (lasting for five years) when he was young. He got this job due to the
help of his father who already worked in the same factory. Usually, Herbert was not able to
hold the job for long (‘usually after one month I was expelled’). When he worked, it was usually
short-term work without work contract (‘you take everything you get’).
Herbert started to live alone, but later (after two years) he returned to live back with his
parents for some time. He had two children with his former girlfriend (at age about 25). Later
he married again with his current wife. He lived from day to day, and he felt insecure due to
22
There are several limits to this idea as it was reflected by Sen himself. These may be linked to: a) the relationship
between freedom and control (which is not always necessary when still achieving the wanted outcome), b)
relationship between freedom and choice (do we really have to choose everything?), c) difficulty of decisions and
d) unwanted consequences of choices.
58
the need to care for the family. He does not claim any social benefits. He reflects that
insecurity is permanent in his life.
“I learned to live like that. What I do not find myself, I do not have. Because to get
permanent work today, my god, anywhere, I do not have a chance. Anywhere I go to
ask…I still go to ask to calm myself. You cannot imagine, when you go to sleep with the
vision ‘what is going to be tomorrow’. Today I know that I can be calm, so I will sleep.
However, one or two days before the end [of work], I will be crazy again. Where will I
go? What I will find quickly? Because they do not help you at Employment office, they
just go there to sit and drink coffee. You have to care yourself. And they are like that:
when I go there, she asks me: ‘Do you look for something?‘ And I am completely
finished, totally finished. I say: ‘No, madam, I sleep every whole day.’ (R31: 205).
The main discourse in the story of Herbert is ‘blocked opportunities’, the options that are
denied to him. This discourse is present in his stories about looking for a job, or about going
to a disco when he was young. He gave an example:
“I did not think about returning to school. I did not have a taste for it. After Velvet
revolution. Everywhere you went, e.g., we wanted to go to the disco, and they did not
allow us to go in. Or we went somewhere, and they said: ‘it is forbidden for Roma’. It
was like that and I think it is like that even now.” (R30: 89)
He said he had ‘no chance’ to get a stable job, also because he was in prison. His sentence is
registered for ten years. He spoke about concrete experiences:
“I did not care [what kind of work]…Parents all the time told me to go to work and I
walked [to ask for a job]. However, it was not possible. ‘Come next week to ask, come
in two weeks’. And when I went there, it was already occupied.” (R31: 33).
…
“Nowadays when I go somewhere to ask for a job, they look at me, how I looked like
and that is enough for them. And they have all full.” (R31: 77)
This experience of refusal was cumulating and repeating, and Herbert was discouraged and
had depression. He did not look in other fields than the building industry (‘I do not have the
head nor schools for it’) and when he looked for jobs with the minimum required qualification,
he was not successful.
Another his discourse is ‘need of education’. When he was young, he did not like idea to return
to education because he felt that Roma opportunities are blocked. However, nowadays he
regrets not finishing his education, because he would not ‘have to beg for work’. Employment
office have never given him any job offers and he refused retraining because the decision
about training was on him and he felt low support for it from the street level worker. For
Herbert it is not possible to live a normal life (‘to have a work and satisfied life’). Moving to
another place would not help him (’You cannot solve anything without help’). As many other
Roma in this book, he thinks that the opportunities were much better during communist times
(‘no problems and calm life’).
59
My reflection: Although Herbert does not lack motivation, he is clearly unable to change his
unsatisfactory situation himself and is deeply unhappy (‘I wanted to live, I do not live today’).
He is repeatedly refused and there are other factors blocking his possible capabilities
(evidence of his previous sentence). From Sen’s perspective, his capability to realise valuable
functionings is very limited.
“I wanted to live normally, to be satisfied. I wanted to find work, go to work regularly,
and have salary. However, it is not possible. It is just not possible.” (R31: 91)
He admits that he did not know what to do and he thinks that he could not solve anything
himself. Undeclared work is not the preferred option for him, it is done out of necessity. He is
happy with the little opportunities (work for a few days) that other people would probably
reject. The other very interesting story he presented is when he reflected that he did not use
the option of retraining (ALMP) because he did not trust that it would lead to valuable
functioning (regular work). He is so discouraged that he even is not willing to take rare
available options.
Strategies to tackle insecure trajectories
We will look at the specific way how young people decide and act. The basic assumption of
the concept of strategies is that young people can somehow decide and choose various
solutions to their problems (Hora and Žižlavský 2009). Evans and Heinz (1994c) defined
transition behaviour as patterns of activity that young people adopt in attempting to realize
their personal interests and occupational goals within social requirements and structural
opportunities. Engbersen et al. (2006) described various strategies as rational solutions to the
problems unemployed people are faced with. Snel and Staring (2001) defined coping
strategies as strategies aimed to meet basic needs (food, clothing, and shelter) and not fall
too far below the prevailing conditions in their society. Thompson et al. (1990) argued that
the rationality or irrationality of strategies is embedded in concrete social and institutional
settings and concrete ways of life. Strategies include both concrete goals (achievements) and
concrete means to achieve these goals and for individuals both have to be somehow
‘appropriate’ from the perspective of own identity (see Rubinstein 2001: 123).
Our reflection of strategies is based on the previous work of Sirovátka and Spies (2018), Spies
(2018) and Robinson et al. (2018). We tried to incorporate the following questions to our
reflection of the strategies.
• What kind of solution do young people seek?
• How much young people need activity (solution of situation) or is there a satisfaction
with current conditions?
• How young people realise their strategies?
• How engaged are young people in the solution?
• Is there compliance with the offered official policies?
• How and to what extent are young people successful in overcoming their situation?
60
Types of strategies used during education
Evans and Heinz (1994a, 1994c) and their colleagues (e.g., Clark and Kupka 1994a, 1994b)
identified four ideal types of transition behaviour: ‘strategic’, ‘step-by-step’, ‘wait and see and
‘taking chance’. Common strategy in their research was ‘step-by-step’. We have reviewed
their work for our purpose and concluded with these five strategies encompassed the
following aspects.
Types of
strategy
Key aspects
Strategic
(Career
oriented)
• ‘developed career identity’, ‘clear vision of future profession’, ‘clearcut
vocational choice’, ‘want to identify with their work’
• ‘long-term aim and plan in their view’, ’actively seeks work
experience’
• ‘unwilling to change strategy’
• ‘achieving a qualification that one could always fall back on’, ‘secure
their subsequent position’
• ‘have a conception how their career fits into their image of future
life’
Step-by-step
• ‘undeveloped career identity’, ‘do not know what they want to
become’, ‘without a definite professional goal’, ‘process of searching
for interesting occupation’
• ‘passivity in strategy and search for opportunities’, ‘take it as it
comes’,
• ‘dealing with successive tasks or problems’
• ‘ready to change or take the next step (including high education)’,
Taking
chance
• ‘finding interests within the process’, ‘inspired by the training or
education process’
• ‘taking immediate opportunities’
Wait and see
• ‘keeping one’s options open’, ‘be prepared to try something else’
• ‘waiting to see what will turn up’, ‘wait until their current course
ends’, ‘postponing career decisions’
• ‘waiting for an opportunity (e.g. apprenticeship) to open’
• ‘using parking options’, ‘withdraw to think seriously about the
future’
Blown in the
wind
• ‘very limited options’, ‘had to do things they did not like and there
was nothing they could do about it’
• ‘not listened to and respected’, ‘marginalised work conditions’
61
• ‘coping with life‘ or ‘feeling of being blown in the wind’,
• ‘depressed and lack of initiative’
• ‘afraid and unwilling to take risks’
• ‘forced to start all over again’, ‘trying something completely
different than before’
These types of behaviour may be interrelated and functioning simultaneously or subsequently
for an individual and thus they are not pure types. Relevant dimensions of these strategies
included:
• Autonomy in the choice of occupational goals and occupational routes.
• Activity (strategic, taking chance) and passivity (step by step, wait and see, blown in
the wind): including the time that young people dedicate to their decisions and
whether they tend to pay attention and decide at the very last moment of transition –
last minute attitude to careers (Behrens and Brown 1994b, Evans and Heinz 1994c).
We have found that these insights into the decision-making of young people provide a suitable
framework for the interpretation of information from other studies (e.g., from Kieselbach
2003, Trhlíková 2017, Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018).
We have found also other typologies of the strategies based on different aspects of the issue.
Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova (2019) named the following types: self-relying, self-improving,
institutionally enabled, informally enabled, disoriented and unmotivated, hampered and
blocked. Trhlíková (2017) distinguished some other strategies including ‘choosing for security’
and ‘combining work with studying’. Strategy ‘choosing for security’ included the choice of an
education path that was easier, lessened competition, lowered general school demands, and
avoided unwanted and difficult subjects (such as mathematics). Young people sometimes later
regretted this strategy and changed their careers to do something more desirable and
demanding. This can be also explained by the fact that some young people were more
successful during their high school education than in their elementary education. The strategy
of combining work with studying was in some cases good because it helped transition but also
risky because in some cases it led to the preference of employment and to education drop
out.
Types of strategies used during unemployment
Another theory of strategies focused on the situation with different key aspects. Pais and Pohl
(2003) distinguished three kinds of behaviour: compliance, ritualism (apparent compliance),
and alienation (withdrawal and clear demotivation). Previous research on unemployment
(Engbersen et al. 1990, Engbersen et al. 2006) characterised several ideal types of people
according to the type of strategy they used, their engagement and successfulness:
‘Conformists’ (Engbersen et al. 2006) are people who conform to the offer of (mostly legal)
activities such as looking for legal work or training, engage in the solution of their situation
62
and are mostly in the long term successful. They usually do not misuse welfare and only rarely
work on the side. Hora (2008b) characterised these people as ‘unbroken’. These people try to
be optimistic, do not give up, fight against their fortune, and keep looking for the job.
‘Ritualists’ (Engbersen et al. 2006) are people who conform to the offer of (mostly legal)
activities and initially engage in the solution. However, they are mostly unsuccessful and that
may lead to a gradual loss of inner belief (hope) that the activities are going to be successful.
There may be serious obstacles for their work engagement such as health problems. They
continue at least formally in pursuing these activities. They do not engage in informal
economy. Job seeking behaviour is stimulated by inner needs as well as by the demands of
their social surroundings and welfare department. Hora (2008b) characterised ritualists as
people with inner resignation – the fact that they look for the job is connected with selfpersuasion
rather than with the strategy of pretending job search.
‘Retreatists’ (Engbersen et al. 2006) were people who completely resigned to any chance to
get a work activity. Although they would like to work, they do not use any activities to improve
their situation. This group was more isolated than other groups, which further contributed to
their situation and dependence on benefits. Hora (2008b) has found several cases of people
who were almost resigned (but not totally resigned). He concluded that periods of resignation
might change with periods of renewal of activity. Survivors are people who live from day to
day, taking immediate opportunities and resigning to any more substantial change.
‘Entrepreneurs’ (Engbersen et al. 2006) are people who try to find a solution for their situation
outside the standard list of measures and options provided. They have an instrumental view
of work where the main criterion is high income or preferred lifestyle. They do not have
problems with breaking the rules. They may work regularly in the informal economy. They
often have some kind of network of contacts allowing them to get a job. They may even decide
to change their habitus by leaving abroad.
‘Calculating’ (Engbersen et al. 2006) were people who used social benefits as a mean to some
other (not necessarily work-related) long-term goals such as studying or caring for dependent
relatives. Looking for a job was as an obstacle to acquire these goals. They do not have
problems with breaking the rules. Somehow, the unemployment status seems to be
situational for calculating and entrepreneurs. They kept it as long as it is advantageous in
concrete conditions but not indefinitely.
Autonomous are people who are not conformist with standard offer of measures because
they do not have to be. Living an independent life was high value. This may be caused by other
external or internal sources of support or by their satisfaction rooting in their modesty and
reduced needs. They rejected work as a main goal in life (or the work has to be enjoyable) or
they were able to find viable alternatives when the work were not available. They may be
oriented towards other goals (hobbies).
63
Choices and types of activity
Although various authors usually define the problem in the focus of strategies quite
differently, often the problem is defined as ‘income security’, ‘making ends meet’ (e.g.,
Engbersen et al. 2006) or even ‘making ends meet in a socially acceptable way’. Still, young
people may have much higher or completely different life and career plans and aspirations
including personal development, to be rich and live and decent life. We believe that young
people themselves should define the problem.
There are some ideal types of individuals and their households where concrete strategies
prevails. Reasons for this are sometimes long term and often differentiated (Hora 2008b).
Jordan et al. (1992) argued that there is in some cases a common ‘income strategy’ shared by
both partners. In such cases, it is a mistake to understand the strategy as purely individualistic
and not to take situation within the household into account. Preferences and their hierarchy
may be important for the choice of a concrete strategy (option). However, not all options are
always in a given time equally accessible and real. Concrete choices may be associated with
additional costs and burdens. Structural conditions and possibilities restrict the strategies that
are really used (Sirovátka 2009). Similarly, Engbersen et al. (2006), for example, found that the
use of informal work was influenced by concrete opportunities and risk perception. It matters
whether young people perceive their options as real or they perceive that some options relate
to minimum chances. Options may be more or less attractive if they are/not compatible with
other responsibilities such as caring for dependent family members and studying (Engbersen
et al. 2006).
Preferences relate to selectivity (to be willing to accept a concrete option) and it is relevant to
jobs, return to education and labour market policies (Denzin and Rubery 2002, Engbersen et
al. 2006) but also for concrete conditions of these options that are acceptable. We can think
about tactics in this context. Gallie and Vogler (1994), Engbersen et al. (2006), Hora (2008b),
and Sirovátka (2009) wrote about the strategy of adaptability targeting to the labour market.
They connect this strategy with:
• Acceptance of lower/different type or quality of job: change in content of the job,
acceptance of the temporal or insecure nature of the job, acceptance of lower pay,
acceptance of part-time job. People tend to prefer jobs that they have qualifications
for or with which they have at least previous work experience. There may be also
health limits that restrict some work possibilities.
• Acceptance of higher demands or job intensity: overtime work, high work pace,
enforced time schedule, unregularly working time, dangerous, and health damaging
work.
• Education or (re)training: choice of not preferred field of study.
• Mobility, working away and commuting to work: moving to another city, traveling long
times. People are often unwilling to move, and they see this as the strategy of last
resort (see, e.g., the quotation in Trhlíková 2017: 47).
• Changing mode of employment: e.g. self-employment.
64
In the individual perspective, we can see adaptability as a specific competence, which is
influenced by both knowledge and skills and personal traits including own motivation.
Trhlíková (2017) argued that adaptability was a factor of success in the cases when this led to
a better job or gaining of job experience, which was used later. However, it was also necessary
not to stay in a nonperspective job for too long. Gallie and Vogler (1994) have found that
people with lower education levels and more previous unemployment were more willing to
be flexible with some exceptions on training and mobility. Sirovátka (2009) found that being
flexible is not always a viable self-helping strategy.
Concerning more immediate operational goals, there are several general types of strategies
identified throughout the literature (Jordan et al. 1992, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Snel
and Staring 2001, Hora 2008b, Hussain et al. 2016, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018).
These combine the goal with the corresponding types of activities. Sometimes these types of
activity are alternatives (mutually excluding each other), sometimes they may be additive.
Strategies leading to finding employment or work (means for living) and based on personal
activities: looking for a job, informal work, collecting and selling scrap metal or herbs. There
are several concrete techniques of looking for a job including reading advertisements, asking
social contacts, internet use, cooperation with the Employment office or placement agency,
and asking employers personally (see Hora 2008b). Strategies are different in how they are
time and money consuming and in the perceived availability and successfulness of these
strategies. There are also other perceived advantages and disadvantages of concrete
strategies (see Hora 2008b). Work in the grey economy is often in the form of short-term and
irregular activities (Hora 2008b).
Some respondents had also some specific strategies like collecting metal (Bruno). One of the
respondents also mentioned collecting food from dust bins.
Strategy of keeping current employment: this strategy is related to keeping the current job
notwithstanding bad wage, low security, and bad working conditions. There are two main
alternatives: to quit the current job and a strategy to try to switch jobs. There is a considerable
level of different types of insecurity in all these options.
Self-employment: this is a rather specific and less frequent strategy. There are both motivation
factors and concrete conditions that people consider (see Hora 2008b, Hora, Soukup, and
Suchanec 2011 for details).
Strategies using outer sources other than from work activities: help from relatives and friends
(help to find work, financial help, gifts, common housing, and childcare help), debts and
claiming social benefits (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b). Help from relatives
and friends can be influenced by several factors including limited social ties, bad relations with
social ties (family), bad economic situation of social ties, and their perception of the situation
of person in need and refusal of help from the side of people in need (Hora 2008b). Claiming
of social benefits may be unavailable due to the institutional characteristics of the system and
its interaction with the family situation (see chapter 6). Using of outer sources may be
65
connected with unpleasant feelings of embarrassment, stigma, or dependency (Clasen, Gould,
and Vincent 1998).
Strategies using inner sources: e.g., using own resources, savings, considering expenses
(abjuring something, buying less, time allocation of expenses, expenses allocation towards
necessities), budget calculations and time management (common budget), looking for sales
and buying second hand, using own production, selling unnecessary things or own products.
People without sufficient income use such strategies because of both necessity and
humbleness (see Hora 2008b).
Radical change of family conditions: it may include finding a new partner, cohabitation,
movement of official address, as well as excluding nonproductive household members from
consuming (Snel and Staring 2001, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
Semi legal or illegal strategies: include truancy, involvement in gangs, making conflicts, thefts,
selling drugs, frauds, and prostitution (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019). In some cases,
social networks may lead to involvement in unsocial and risky behaviour (Boyadjieva and
Ilieva-Trichkova 2019, Ayllon et al. 2019). For young people it can be an easy way to make a
lot of money, but it can have also dire consequences for their future lives (Ayllón et al. 2019)
including health problems, broken relationships, and imprisonment.
Studying and training: there are several strategies connected to studying, including: selfeducation,
specific training courses to acquire needed skills, return to school to complete
formal education and ‘buying time’ when young people go to school because they have no
other alternatives, or they wait for something else (Hora 2008b). Participation in training
including active labour market programs, which could be seen as a specific education strategy,
is discussed in chapter 6. Among the reasons, why people refused or cannot participate in
further education were lack of information and time, low belief in the ability to learn, and in
outcomes of education and preference of simple or manual work (Hora 2008b).
Economic inactivity strategies: a) vacation effect (relief, reduced stress, need to relax for some
time, belief that it would not be a problem to find a job latter, limited need to find a job quickly
or even temporal job avoidance), b) household orientation and strategy of personal
improvement, d) escape strategies (Hora 2008b). Young people may also prefer hobbies and
social contacts to regular work (Hora 2008b).
Volunteering as a strategy to gain self-confidence, gain experience, or get a foothold
somewhere (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019, Bussi et al. 2019b).
Commuting, movement, migration, and travelling abroad strategies: People are often
reluctant to move. However, the movement is not such a problem for young people and
people who are not settled in the frameworks of friends and family ties (Hora 2008b). Reasons
why young people want to go abroad include better chances to find work, better pay and work
conditions, and nicer behavior without discrimination (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov
2018). Movement to another region is an investment in better usage of human capital
66
(Brožová 2016). While other regions may provide better opportunities, this strategy may be
also risky (see Trlifajová et al. 2015).
Strategies used when looking for work
This type of strategy is related to the effort to find work. Respondents were usually well able
to look for work for themselves by various specific job searching strategies. When assessing
the presented job search strategies, we used the model created by Hora (2008a, 2008b) who
divided the job search process to below mentioned phases. Individual job search strategy is a
specific combination of activities usually used by the concrete unemployed to find a job and
it includes activities in all phases. For example, Fred described his whole individual strategy by
the following statement.
“I standardly I used the channel internet including the portal of Employment office, the
notice board of job offers, various servers such as [name of private job search server]
etc., I registered there, I created an online CV and I published it and I replied vehemently
on job offers which I found on the internet by sending them my CV and motivation
letter. I would say that from 150 such job offers there were one or two replies, so
perceptually it was not very successful. When I was occasionally invited to some
interviews, I went personally there about once or twice a month. Even when it looked
like successfully at the first glance, it mostly was unsuccessful.” (R26: 63)
Finding information about jobs
The first part of the job search strategy is finding information/of a potential
employer/workplace/job offer. This mainly included using internet mostly including job search
portals where job offers can be sorted by specific criteria (Ben, Ken, Bruno, Karin, Derek, Ron,
Roman, Sophie, Lisa, Jake, Janine, Clara, Ellyn, Vanda, Betty, Fred, John, Simon, Tony, Laura).
John, for example, said that offers from these portals were sent automatically to his email
once a week.
Some respondents (Ben, Karin, Quido, Otto, Jake, Fred, John, Simon) mentioned using
Employment office system or a list of jobs – probably they spoke about a database of jobs
managed directly by Employment office. This database can be accessed by the internet or
there were some printed lists available at blackboards at Employment office. Sophie and Otto
mentioned that they had to go for using the internet to Employment office (probably because
they did not have internet at home) and Harrold went to NGO for the same reason. Quido,
Sophie, and Vanda also mentioned that they were getting a job list of job offers from
Employment office by e-mail. Jake was given a printed list of jobs during the visit at
Employment office.
Other workplace finding strategies were mentioned rarely. Betty seeks newspapers to look for
jobs, while Simon and Lucy said they stopped to use it because it is no longer functioning
(employers stopped to use it as an advertisement channel). Another channel sometimes used
for looking for the job were various interest groups in internet social networks (Facebook,
67
etc.). Janine, Quido. Ellyn and Laura described the situation of ‘random encounter’ when they
noticed a concrete offer. Simon looked at the webpages of firms where he had worked before.
Most young respondents clearly possessed basic job search skills including knowledge of
computers and internet browsing, and they declared no problems with this. Ben and Ken, for
example, reflected that they are familiar with computers (they learned using them at
elementary school) and looking for work via computer constituted no problem for them. Still,
there were some rare exceptions to this rule, people who were not able to use the internet
and/or who depended on personal contracts (notably Harrold).
Many young people used their personal contacts to look for a job (Karin, Lisa, Violet, Jake,
Janine, Clara, Quido, Betty). Violet explained that personal contacts were good (i.e.
functioning) source of job opportunities. Jake, Ron, and Karin said that it was for them the
only way to really get a job. For young people (Jake, Ken, Karin), contacts and skills of their
parents or other older relatives are sometimes more important for success than their own
contacts (see below help in job search). Sources of tips are people whom you trust and who
trust you. You can ask them freely about tips:
“Through acquaintance with people, you speak about it [unemployment] and you can
get some information, which sometimes brought me somewhere. Or ask
someone…meeting people on the street. At that time, it was possible to speak about it
without shame, because we were colleagues. It is no longer possible. They look at you
scornfully.” (R32: 53)
Other limit of looking through personal contacts is in getting nonsuitable job offers, because
acquaintances are functioning in different professional or social groups or otherwise the jobs
are not corresponding (this was described by Clara and Janine). Clara and Roman reflected
that friends were a good source especially for occasional jobs. We discuss this topic more
below.
Contacting employer
The second phase in job search is contacting an employer – personally, by email or by phone.
Jake mentioned that he contacted employers by written letter, but many of them they did not
react (he had no response) or they reacted after a long time. Quido, Ron, Fred, Magda, Sandra,
and Derek mentioned sending CVs to potential employers. Some respondents used phone
calls (Ben, Ron, Melinda). We have also noted that for many people an important job search
strategy was ‘going around’, visiting employers who offer jobs or who operate nearby (Roman,
Ron, Bruno, Melinda, Lucy, Rachel, John, Magda, Herbert, Josephine). This strategy is often
about visiting employers who entrepreneur in the same field as the preferred job or
entrepreneurs where the unemployed subjectively perceive a greater chance to get a job.
Roman e.g. explained:
“I was unemployed last year as well as the year before, having only small jobs for a
while. I was looking for a job by visiting all factories, I asked everywhere. They all
wanted only my CV, I waited for a long time, but no one noted me.” (R9: 66)
68
Rachel explained how she looks for work:
“I look at the internet, find something, I call there first, but it is with a bad outcome
most of the time, and so I prefer going [directly] there to calling, because they say yes,
yes, yes and when you come there they say no, no, no. Therefore, I prefer going
personally from the start… It proved to be better…I have CV, I try to look well, dress
well, speak nicely, prepare what I will say.” (R70: 121).
Role of CV and information assessment phase and interview
Third phase (sometimes merged with the second phase) is applying, sending CV, motivation
letters or needed certificates to employers (mentioned by John, Sandra, and Fred) and the
fourth phase was interview. Respondents mentioned that employers required proof of
education or ‘clear list of sentences‘ (Derek).
Next, we will consider the role of CV. Sandra said that they learned how to write CV during
high school. We also noted that some NGOs and schools taught how to write CV (see chapter
about institutions). Sophie said that she does not have CV yet nor she knows what she would
write there (having no school nor work experience yet). Quido noted dissatisfaction with his
CV because he ‘did not pay enough attention to create it’. Vanda said that she tried to adjust
CV to the needs of employers.
“I always tried to read the announcement of the job, what they would probably need
and this I put into my CV. It was still close to reality not to fabricate too much, but to
by close [to the real situation]“. (R21:51)
Magda said that it is essential to be skilled in talking and how to present herself. Jake
commented that he cannot much influence his chances when the decision upon him is based
only on the provision of CV. It is much more possible to influence his chances during
interviews.
“When you are invited for the interview, you can influence it more, it is much more
about you, how you will behave, what you will say, with what style.” (R11: 175)
Low success in job search
Most respondents were very well able to look for work and they had a lot of experience with
this process, but it was often not leading to success. In almost all interviews, respondents
described their low chances to find work (despite sometimes rather high effort) due to the
low interest of employers or workplaces being already occupied (Otto, Herbert). On many
occasions, friends were the main source for work offers of concrete jobs. They were often able
to negotiate acceptance of our respondents for the job (Ron). We reflect that job search
strategies were not the main topic in the interviews and this aspect needs further research.
Reflection on criteria for consideration of the job
Final realisation or not realisation of concrete work was of course not only based on the
decision of the employers but also on the willingness of young people to accept what was
69
offered. We reflect on the general criteria that young people mentioned in relation to
considering the acceptance of a concrete job. These criteria could be used for concrete jobs
both positive and negative depending on concrete circumstances. This topic is further
developed in the next chapter when we consider the role of the employers and the
characteristics of concrete jobs which the young people mentioned to deny. Basic criteria
during the job search were:
• proximity of the job (Otto, Bruno, Simon, Sophie, Vanda, Betty, Helen, Melinda),
• acceptance/preference or denial of specific professions (Jake, Quido, Janine, Sabina),
• demanding character or the job – long working hours, time schedule of work,
monotonous work, very high demands on effort, stressful, etc. (Magda, Quido, Derek,
Ellyn, Vanda, Betty, Helen, Fred, Ron),
• stability of the job (Sabina) and level of wage (Peter, Derek, Simon, Bruno, Sophie,
Betty)
• whether it is agency work or not (Ken, Quido, John).
If there was a ‘possibility to choose a job’ some respondents mentioned also some other
criteria which supported their interest in work such as interesting character of the job, good
teammates and less formal work environment (Ken, Roman, Jake, Peter, Quido, Clara, Vanda,
Fred). Derek said he applies for jobs that he believes that he could be successful.
In some cases, various kinds of adaptability/flexibility were part of the coping strategy of the
respondents. They accepted different types of job, hard and manual work, distant work, time
flexibility, lower wages, work on trial, special work demands, and substandard types of work
(occasional work) including e. g. collection of scrap metals. Strategy of working on agency work
was mentioned by some of the respondents. There was an interesting explanation by Ben and
Derek that the concrete choice between flexibility (accepting anything currently offered) and
reservations is in their case based upon the actual necessity of the work and the options
available. John and Antonia spoke about the gradual lessening of their initial expectations:
“I will tell you…the first half a year I wanted to do only what I did before. After a three
quarters a year you start to reconsider this, you start to step down from the peak that
you had set before. You say: ‘Ok I might not do only this, I can…’…and nowadays…if
they offered me something where I would be…not well but in accordance with the
expenses paid, I would take a shovel to put the sand into a cement mixer. From the
beginning, there was an euphory: ‘I will go to do person in chief again’ but you start to
lessen [your requirements/expectations?] gradually.” (R16: 147).
“I was looking on the internet, but there were not many jobs in social work, and they
were not enlisting. And then I started to look, because I was really desperate, I needed
work and then I looked even for tidying jobs, I would accept anything. However, there
was no opportunity. In some places they told me directly that they do not accept Roma,
sometimes they told me that there is not a vacant workplace.” (R61: 45)
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Job finding strategies were influenced by personal and family situation. For example, Sophie
did not want to work far away due to her son. Betty reflected the conflict in this between
being flexible and family situation:
“I knew that I were going to find work, but I started to lower the amount of wage from
my original demands… or the position, which I really wanted to do, due to my son. I
wanted to be with him. To work less hours. Because when I worked for 18 hours I came
home and he slept, I left home, and he still slept. This was horrible.” (R22: 268)
Help of friends and relatives in bridging/matching during the job search
We reflect how relatives and friends helped young people in the job search. One group of
respondents did not actively used informal networks to find work (Magda, Derek, Simon,
Sophie, Sabina, Vanda, Sabina). Vanda mentioned that her social networks were too limited
to be of real help. Sabina said that she did not have friends who could help her in the job
search. Derek and Gwen noted that his friends are looking for a job themselves and unable to
help. John, Janine, and Jake mentioned that some of their relatives or friends work in different
fields and they are unable to help.
“Friends of mine told me that if they find something, they try to match me with job.
However, they [employers] want work experience or vocational training or something
else that I do not have.” (R19: 134)
There were other respondents who have social networks as the only source or one of the main
sources of job or work offers (Karin, Ben, Vendelín, Bruno, Roman, Jake, Peter, Quido, Clara,
Tony, Herbert, William). There were several cases when older relatives significantly helped
young people to get a job (Ben, Karin). Karin noted:
“I looked for work via the internet, sometimes I looked at Employment office, but most
of the time at the internet, these job demands were set in a way that naturally I was
without chance with my elementary education, only [change] through acquaintances.”
(R2: 89)
Jake referred that he was better able to get a job through the contacts of his mother than with
his own contacts.
“Considering jobs, these I had always from friends of my mother, or they arranged it: ‘I
heard that there they are looking, try it’ and mostly it was successful…[my friends] were
not able to help me. My best friend, he works with CNC machines and there is no chance
to get there without school or specialised course. Most of my other schoolmates in IT
were programmers or administrators of networks which I do not have a qualification
for and I do not like to do it. The other friends who studied the same field with me are
abroad or they study university and people with whom I studied elementary school I
know almost nothing about.” (R11: 139)
Personal contacts and word of mouth were most important in Roma community. They create
specific job mediating networks. Family and friendship relationships play a role in these
71
networks, including personal recommendations within the network, etc. These works are
typically in the building industry, earthworks, and collection of metal. There were also a lot of
cases when friends or family members really were able to help respondents to get a less or
more permanent job (Karin, Ken, Roman, Jake, Peter, Quido, Clara, Ellyn, Eugenie, Fred,
Melinda, Herbert, Ron, Lars, Josephine, Felix).
“I got [last job] through the help of my long-time friend… so this help is when you know
that someone works somewhere, it is best to ask him if he could not ask whether they
are not looking for someone…this is the best way for me…or I really appreciate when
in some social network on the web there is offer for occasional job from someone I
know. This also is that I trust more [these offers].” (R13: 125)
From this perspective, looking through personal contacts seems to be a functioning strategy.
Big question is the quality of the offers (e.g., Herbert reflected that most of these works were
only lasting few days). Some young people got their best jobs with reference by their close
relatives (e.g. Ben). Family could also help in entrepreneurship by direct participation or by
bringing commissions (Tony). In addition, bridging relatives could also help in the orientation
and development of skills. This is further reflected in another part of this chapter. Help of
institutions (Employment office, personal agencies, and NGO) is reflected in the last chapter.
Strategy of self-employment
Several of our respondents were self-employed for part of their lives (Tony, Quido, Ron, Fred,
Simon, Violet). Respondents mentioned many reasons why it is good to be self-employed (it
is interesting, not stereotypical, more freedom). This was generally not a very secure strategy
and most respondents (except for Tony) were self-employed only for a short part of their lives.
The reasons why the business ended were very individual. Tony did not have commissions for
some time. Simon went bankrupt. Fred stopped the business because it was very demanding,
and he would have to invest more time and effort to develop it further. Violet ended due to
the illness of her son, demanding character of work activity and health consequences.
Some respondents thought about self-employment as about an alternative to employment
(which they usually were not able to find). In the group of respondents who considered selfemployment
but not realised it yet, there were two main reasons: lack of intellectual capital
and lack of financial capital. Magda would like to start a business, but she was not well
oriented in self-employment. Derek mentioned that he would like to be an entrepreneur, but
he had no basic idea about the business activity. For other respondents, the strategy of selfemployment
was limited by general low assets and low ability of respondents to get money
(Clara, Melinda, Ellyn, Eugenie). E.g., Melinda tried to borrow a loan for her self-employment,
but she was refused and so she has never started her business. Ron mentioned several
obstacles for entrepreneurships: money necessary to start a business, fees, compulsory social
security contributions, administrative burden during founding a business, that the labour
market is small (not as much demand) and it is generally difficult to entrepreneur. Sabina said
that she did not want to be an entrepreneur because you have to pay at the start, even when
you do not earn yet. Ellyn reflected that entrepreneurship is hard and insecure.
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Working without work contract
Beside gaining legal employment there was also a strategy of working without a work contract
(Vendelín, Otto, Bruno, Clara, Peter, Betty, Tony, Alice, Lucy, Violet, Sophie) or with income
on the side (combining legal and illegal work). This kind of strategy was often about occasional
work – e. g., earthworks, services, restaurants, stalls in the market, cleaning, helping friends
with specific tasks, small income on the side, etc. (Vendelín, Otto, Bruno, Clara, Tony, Lucy).
This kind of employment is often situational, but for some respondents it had a more
permanent character (Peter, Betty, Alice, Otto, Herbert). In many described cases, young
people looked almost permanently for such short work or it was ‘on the call’.
The main advantage of these works is that they are available (easier to find, they constitute a
real opportunity) and sometimes they do not have many specific demands, anyone can do it
(Vendelín, Lucy, Herbert, Antonia). Herbert said:
“I do it all the time because we live now in evil times. I can tell you I take everything. It
is really disaster. However, where should I go? No one is going to give me a permanent
contract, anywhere, and so I am glad I have at least this occasional work.” (R31: 121)
Some young people accepted such jobs because it was the only thing available now, and
because it is presented as ‘take this or nothing’. Alice also explained that it is better to do a
good job in the grey economy than bad jobs legally (this is further reflected in the last chapter).
The paradox is that these jobs have some better working conditions (maybe because they are
illegal).
People were not much willing to announce these incomes to Employment office or social
assistance in fear that their ‘benefits’ would be reduced, or they would be expelled from
Employment office (Vendelín, Otto, Peter, Betty). Young people adapt to living in undeclared
jobs by not declaring their incomes anywhere, including avoiding taxes or providing different
information than what was their real income (one of the respondents).
Some of the young people perceived great risk in working without a work contract or work on
trial because many times they did not get money for such work (Vendelín, Bruno). Other
respondents were principally against work in the grey economy, they said that they do not
have such opportunities, or they were afraid of being caught by authorities, sanctions and loss
of family income and other associated risks (Derek, Simon, John, Lucy).
Need of change and engagement
In this section, we consider aspects related to motivation and ability to be engaged in
activities. According to Engbersen et al. (2006), it is important to know about the willingness
of unemployed to work, their efforts to find a job (other activities), and whether the
unemployed are willing to make sacrifices to get a job. We distinguished these aspects in the
following text.
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Motivation and willingness to work/study
First, we will discuss the motivation to study and work. There are three possible explanations
for work motivation: work ethics, work conditions, and preference of, alternative lifestyles.
Rationality and social norms frame motivation. Willingness to work is often based on the
perception of work ethics – work is perceived as a duty and not working as immoral
(Engbersen et al. 2006). Work is important for people as a solid and reasonable source of
income (compared to social benefits), a source of social status, source of meaning in life,
source of identity and personal development, source of social contact, and source of economic
independence (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
Instrumental motivation to work is often strong because living on social benefits provides
often strict financial limits23. Clasen, Gould, and Vincent (1998) have found that for these
reasons work was a strongly preferred option and unemployment was not seen as a viable
alternative. In some studies, it was reflected that this stance is also a type of self-presentation
of being active and deserving unemployed (Hora 2008b, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
Gallie and Vogler (1994) asked the question whether motivation and financial deprivation
really matters for the success of the strategies and their result was that it was not relevant.
We believe that this result was found because for many people other factors are more
relevant than motivation for their success on the labour market. There also other alternative
explanations including a contradiction between general motivation to work and willingness to
accept concrete work conditions (see Hora 2008b, next chapter).
Story of Bonny
Bonny is a young man who at the time of the interview worked as a pedagogical assistant with
small children. He studied health care high school but then dropped out at the third year at
the age of 17 years due to absences at school. Simultaneously, he left home and started to
live alone. He now reflects that he left his home (parents) due to unnecessary proudness and
his behaviour was not justified from his nowadays perspective. He said:
“…when I left home, my parents, I was a dude who lived alone, and it was not typical
at that age. It had a lot of advantages that I now see as petty. It was swanking, I felt
myself adult, although it was not so.“ (R1: 139)
He lived in a squat with his friends for a year and later they found a common flat. He
characterised this period as a time when he was slacking, made debts, did not pay social
insurance, and used drugs for some time. He was not much interested about the other world
(claiming social benefits, paying social insurance, etc.). He lived this way for about three years.
Gradually the debts overwhelmed him, partially because he did not care for them. At that
23
Comparing to widely shared expectations, people in the study of Hora (2008b) explained that social benefits
are not high enough to maintain a decent lifestyle. They were even afraid that they would lose housing, etc.
74
time, he did not have anyone to help him. The only good thing for him was his volunteer
activity (working in culture) he maintained from the previous period.
The help in his situation came from his boss at the volunteer activity he attended. Boss took
him to his friend working in NGO organisation. Workers in NGO organisation helped Bonny
with his debts by setting calendars of gradual repayment. They also helped him a lot by
providing him a different perspective on his situation (‘that it is not so bad as it looks like’).
Later, Bonny applied to the same NGO for the subsidised workplace of a pedagogic assistant.
He could do it because there were no specific education requirements, and the job was aimed
at people without work experience. This work in a publicly subsidised workplace was for him
after one year transferred to the standard employment contract. He started education for a
new job by attending specific qualification courses for this new profession (pedagogic minima,
social work). He planned to return to high school (although he somehow hesitated to study it
at his age) and he wanted to go to the university later. Bonny lived with his parents again
because he could not afford his own housing.
The main narrative in Bonny’s story is ‘others help’ in the situation of passivity, resignation,
and personal feeling ‘I do not see light and I do not care’. This is mentioned on several
occasions. He mentions that he himself did not believe that he could do anything about the
change of his situation.
“…one moment, it became that I did not care, last year, I was resigned…I knew that the
debts are growing, and I knew it could not continue like that. I somewhere deep within
me knew that I have the potential to do something with it, but I give a damn about it
all and then it changed…” (R1: 43).
…
“It did not even come to my mind to think about it. I was all the time beaten by this
situation and wept in the corner, but it did not come to my mind to buck up.” (R1: 127).
The second discourse presented in Bonny’s story is ‘messed life’ in the meaning that live
events are not in the standard order. However, it does not mean that his life is delayed in all
aspects. Rather, quite surprisingly (when compared to his mates) his life is according to him,
more advanced in some respects (work experience) and less advanced in other aspects
(school, his own housing). What Bonny reflects is that his life is not of ‘standard biography’. At
the final stage of the interview, he told us about the change in his family when his father lost
job. He explained:
“…and suddenly it all changed, and it was shattered to pieces. And all my values, how
I saw the world, were shattered. I thought that I would go to high school and university,
would do law, because I thought that it was normal in my family. Now when I look back,
I am not sure… before I thought that basic school, high school and university is a normal
way and it has to be like that and now I have different values and I do not think, this is
the way for everyone and I stopped to assess people according to their education” (R1:
129).
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On the other side, there is still some contradiction in this because he thinks that education is
necessary. Another discourse we see in his case is ‘enlightenment’. We connect this discourse
with the reflection of respondents that nowadays they see some aspects of their life
differently (and usually ‘better’) than they did before. In the case of Bonny, it is about his
lifestyle and relationships with parents (see above).
„Unfortunately I had [different interests], but I say to myself or I have a feeling that
during the last year in the work it shifted me a lot.“ (R1: 65)
His personal experience helps him to see also his clients (children) from another different
perspective.
My reflection: Bonny is a lucky man because he was helped by other people to the
extraordinary extend. Not only that these people helped him personally (his boss, family,
people in NGO) but they were also able to use available structural opportunities (subsidised
workplace) to help him. His family also took him back home and this is not automatic for Bonny
(he is glad and thankful for all help). Bony reflects that he was motivated by the nice behaviour
of people in NGO.
“They were the first who said ‘you do it well’ and ‘we see something in you’ and it really
enhanced me to another world that someone started to…[he did not finish the
sentence] ” (R1: 191)
However, it would not be possible if Bonny himself was not somehow motivated to change his
situation and if he later would not be able to keep on track, return to live with his parents and
further educate himself. I see also inner motivation in his story because he really likes working
with children.
My reflection on motivation
We have found the motivation towards various options often changed within the life course,
creating a dynamic rather than a static picture. Higher levels of motivation could be noticed
when young people matured, and they expected themselves to stand on their own legs. Betty
spoke about what she learned from her situation. She said that she has learned ‘to take some
things more seriously’. Perceptions of motivation related to work ethics among more mature
young people should not be militated or underestimated. Karin, Clara, Herbert, Harrold, and
John provide examples of this kind of reasoning:
“I think that when a person work…has more for 1000 or 2000 CZK, it is a difference and
it is better, because otherwise you do nothing at home, [when you work] you can have
different thoughts and the life is different, make more sense.” (R2: 81).
“Unemployment has no positives. On the opposite, I see only negatives. What positives
you can have when you are without work?...Normal person sees no positives in
unemployment. When you consider the financial situation, personal life and all this.”
(R16: 239).
76
“…[pressure from parents] was the greatest stimulation factor [to find work]. However,
there is a fact that when I would not work, what could I do? I could do nothing, I could
not buy anything. Nowadays you need money for everything, for lighting in the room,
for flushing a toilet, or for leisure activities. Therefore, you need money to live. And so,
it was the typical engine for me. The greatest engine was for me that I had to pay for
the necessary things. However, I would seek work anyway, I wound not neglect it. I
dislike ‘social cases’ who take advantage of the state. I would not like to be like that
and so I would look for work anyway.” (R17: 214).
“[Work] has great significance for me because it gives me a feeling that I am able to do
something or that I do something which is useful. I can repay it to my husband
somehow financially. Thus, for me it has a great significance.” (R21: 127)
Among the factors mentioned by the respondents, we can identify work as a source of life
sense, need of activity, economic reasons, and refusal of/distance from claiming social
benefits. Work means having a decent income, to do something sensible and it allows to live
‘normal life’. Some young people note the social effect of employment:
“When you have work, you are one hundred times better, because first you earn money,
you are proud and you more appreciate it, you go among other people, make friends
and you start to have higher self-esteem.” (R7: 331)
Economic reasons are often presented. Money from work are a source of decent lifestyle and
sufficient security:
“Work is a security that I will bring home some crowns [Czech currency], I pay the bills
and eat something. It is stupid but it is it. Nowadays, without work, thinking how to pay
fines, rent, bills, it is more and more of this, they want a lot of [money] at school. My
mother-in-law helps us. Because we do not have enough.” (R25: 119)
“I would like to work. I wish it a lot. To earn sufficient money and work. To have
supplementary income.” (R58: 271)
“Work is security. You get paid, you can pay your bills, buy something for children.
Almost no one goes nowadays to work only for fun, you go there for your salary.” (R32:
121)
For some young people, there is motivation to do something with their lives to achieve a
change of their situation. Harrold spoke about motivation and urgency to finish education.
“I must want it [finish education]. I must want to do everything for it. If I would not go
to school, I would not go to work and I will [only] say I want to work. If I would only
speak about it, it is not going to happen.” (R57: 362)
Some respondents (e.g. Roman) mentioned that they wanted to escape claiming social
benefits because they were not sufficient to feed the family. Other respondents mentioned
77
finding employment quickly when they were desperate and without income and they ‘needed
to find something quickly’ (Janine, Peter). This can be understood as emergency motivation.
It is also typical for people who live from day to day.
Young people’s willingness to work is sometimes somehow not absolute (in the meaning of
accepting everything), but it is conditional. It may be related to strong work status or career
identity, concrete demanded financial conditions, or other work conditions. Some people
connect motivation with willingness to work for a certain wage. This wage is not only defined
by the offers and demands of both sides of the contract but also by employment legislation –
it is not allowed to work for less than the minimum wage (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998).
Clasen, Gould, and Vincent (1998) argued that improvements in income have to be perceived
as real, sufficient and secure before the unemployed will accept work. Uncertainty about jobs
and rules reduces willingness to take a temporary or insecure job (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998). Moreover, Trilfajová et al. (2015: 66) concluded that:
“Financial motivation to work cannot be reduced only to income from employment. We
need to include also the possibility to secure the economic stability of the household in
the sense of securing long-term and regular income that allows for financial
independence of the household. This situation leads to much higher motivation”.
Some people do not like solutions to their situation that would leave them half-dependent on
the welfare state (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998)24. Young people can be also in the
unemployment trap (income from benefits and occasional jobs is higher than from potential
formal employment when other expenses are considered)25 or in the poverty trap, when any
new legal work income is subtracted from social benefits (see Engbersen et al. 2006, Hora
2008b)26. This problem is highly relevant exactly for young people living with parents (see
Trilfajová et al. 2015). There may be a group of unemployed, who are better when living on
social benefits and working on the side – this decision and its rationalization is often
dependent on concrete conditions (see Jordan et al. 1992, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998).
Debts may limit the willingness of the unemployed to take a legal job, because debts would
be subtracted from potential income (Engbersen et al. 2006, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998,
Trilfajová et al. 2015). Still, for some people, debts are a motivating factor because they want
to pay them and live a normal life again (Trilfajová et al. 2015). Some authors argue that for
specific unemployed, being unemployed or in ALMP programs is more secure than to go to
24
This may include both in-work (top up) benefits and other benefits (housing, family) based on low income.
25
Researchers repeatedly modelled the small difference between social benefits and available wages in the Czech
Republic (see, e.g., Žižlavský 2004, Trilfajová et al. 2015). However, these models are clearly limited because
there are other factors such as orientation, moral assessment, and perception of insecurity that influence
decisions outside the frameworks provided by such models.
26
Other remarks including the poverty trap include additional expenses, debts, executions, and the role of other
benefits (not directly linked to unemployment) and complicated ways in which these factors may contribute to
subsidizing legal or illegal jobs (see Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
78
the open labour market (see Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998). We will also discuss this
argument further below.
Story of Pablo
Pablo is a young Roma man, 18 years old who lives with his parents. He studied elementary
school and later vocational training for a bricklayer. He initially wanted to do this profession
and study for a bricklayer, but he dropped out of school in the second year of his studies. Main
reasons to drop out for him were low motivation to study (he did not like it) and bad
relationships with schoolmates.
Pablo is unemployed for one year. He is registered at the Employment office. Usually he
spends his time on his hobbies (Facebook, listening to music), or he goes out. Sometimes he
does occasional manual work in construction such as demolition work or pavement placement
(work on call – through his contacts or contacts of his father). It is very occasional and
seasonal. In his contemporary situation, Pablo in some situational contexts prefers enjoying
life over work. He explains on a recent situation when he missed a work opportunity:
“On Saturday I should have gone to work, but I did not. I came home at five o’clock in
the morning because I had been in the disco and so I did not go [to work].” (R61: 169).
Later he regretted that he was not going. Pablo has not severe financial problems because he
lives with his parents and there are some social benefits provided to the family. However,
Pablo is dissatisfied with his life. He would like to have permanent work, but he thinks that no
one will offer him with an employment contract. He would like to live a normal life (house,
car, family, saves, and good job) but he has no concrete plans other than ‘to find work’. When
Pablo was offered retraining, he refused it (see below).
The main discourse in Pablo’s story is ‘low motivation to study’. He does not like school. This
discourse is clearly visible in his statements: ‘I am glad that education is over’, ‘I did not enjoy
it at school’, ‘I will not do school, I have enough of school’, and ‘They offer me school all the
time’. Pablo is disappointed that school (or training) is offered to him at Employment office
instead of work. Notable is Pablo’s argumentation about refusing the retraining course. He is
persuaded that he would not finish it.
“I would be able to handle it [training], but I would not enjoy it to go there, two months
in school and three months of praxis, working normally, I would not enjoy it.” (R61:
121)
Pablo argued that he knew that he would not finish the training course – it was too long for
him.
My reflection: Pablo is not generally rather demotivated to do any work (he works
occasionally), but he dislikes school very much. It is a strong topic for him, and he is not much
willing to compromise in this aspect. His parents provide him with some shelter against the
perils of the outer world, reducing his financial necessity to work. Pablo is also influenced by
the fact that the work that he does is occasional and seasonal. I consider his case as the most
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remarkable example of a story where demotivation blocks some opportunities that would be
otherwise available to Pablo. His not fully used potential lies in his willingness and capability
to do manual work which is much more natural for him.
Alternative motivations
For some people, other lifestyles may be viable alternatives to working life (such as traveling)
or the jobless life is somehow more advantageous than working (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998, Engbersen et al. 2006, Hora 2008b). Bøhler et al. (2019) wrote about ‘Messy Life
narrative’ of individuals who develop alternative visions of their life they want to live that
contrast with the norms and values of their social peers. In some life situations, work conflicts
with nonwork goals and other needs are more important than employment (Walther 2003,
Hora 2008b). Wallace (1994) described how young people took their time off to do other
things. These may include student’s life, traveling abroad, childcare, elderly care, or
overcoming of personal or family crisis (e.g., dying or death of a partner or other family
member, divorce). Care for children is preferred to work, e.g., when there is no viable
alternative to personal care (Hora 2008b). There may be other household duties, which some
men and women may perceive as a legitimate and enjoyable alternative when work is not
available. Hora (2008b) referred to this behaviour as ‘household maintenance and
improvement strategy‘.
Story of Sophie
Sophie studied at a health school to become a nurse for children. She still wants to be a nurse
in the house for small children or for children with mental handicaps. She had to interrupt
school due to her pregnancy in the third year of her studies. She was unemployed until born
of her son and then she claimed parental benefit. Later she returned to a distant study at a
private school. Motherhood influenced her life.
“If I did not have to stop school due to motherhood, I would finish it normally in the day
study.” (R18: 182)
Sophie is a single mother and father of the child does not care for it (personally nor financially).
She was not looking for a permanent job until recently, although she did one occasional job.
She studied and/or cared for the child and she claimed parental benefit. Sophie plans to find
a job in half a year and to finish her school with an abitur in two years. She admits that her
financial situation in the last years was not good. She wanted to live alone a care for her son
herself. Being a single mother, she was able to live in her own flat (since her son was one year
old), but it was possible only with the financial help of her parents. She reflects that she is
limited in the jobs that she can do.
Sophie noted that she is motivated mainly by the prospect of her son. She looks for a job and
hopes to find something suitable both financially and with an acceptable time schedule. She
wants to further improve her flat and be able to pay for the hobby activities of her son.
80
Interruption of school further strengthened her conviction about the importance of
education.
“My self-esteem strengthened to achieve what I wanted to achieve, to finish school and
later maybe I will continue further…in higher vocation school.” (R18: 118)
Sophie presents discourses of ‘career identity’, ‘need of education’, and ‘creative work’.
Sophie thinks that education is essential.
"I want to achieve something, to have good work, a work that I will enjoy...I think that
this one is good, enjoying, I would like to be able to help someone...I had this idea to
go to the health school when I was fifteen, sixteen years old...because my mother works
in social services and so this was why I have chosen this field." (R18: 96)
Sophie explained that her initial persuasion did not change (‘It did not change. I still continue
with what I started and what I want to do’). Sophie said that she is sure that after finishing
school she is going to work in the health field.
My reflection: Sophie was very motivated to fulfil some of her initial plans despite the changed
conditions. While she was not very motivated to work or to study while the child was small,
when the child grew up a bit, she returned to her original aspirations. Although she had to
abandon some of her initial plans like going abroad, she was able to achieve a lot including
return to school, care for her son herself, and finding a flat. She is very methodical in her
approach and she plans a lot in advance. In contrast, when the child was small, she
concentrated fully on it and she put her plans aside for a while.
My reflection on alternative lifestyles and motivation of young people to work
We noted several cases when young people preferred in some moments of their lives other
activities rather than working. Such activities included caring for children (in the case of
Sophie) and the elderly, living alternative lifestyles, and doing sports and hobbies. Quido was
playing American football and it was for him both a source of identity and somehow it
distracted him from studying. Fred explained that he felt satisfied with unemployment (see
psychical consequences). He also explained how he is occupied by doing some activities:
“Besides having my own activities like sports, etc., tennis, which I could do, most of the
time, I cared about my elderly parents, who require certain care. I found out that
because they are very nice and they cared about me from start to the end, I said to
myself that I should at least minimally to repay this to them somehow. What is in my
power, and not much is my power, but what I can do for them, because they have
health problems, I try to ensure some comfort for them…it has grown, because they
health status started with some fluctuations to be worse and worse… it took me more
and more time and at one moment it looked like that I will have to care for my father
full time, but they are better now. I spent a lot of time caring for them. Second related
thing is that before I did not care for the house. The house that we live in was built in
the 1930s and almost everything is original…it needs windows, roof, complete
reconstruction of everything…I could also care for the house to at least ensure that it
81
will not fall on my head, if I am allowed [by the parents] to live here for free.” (R26:
143).
We can see that recreational activities mean for some people (e.g., for John)
a great way to kill time and lessen psychical problems caused by unemployment, but it does
not mean that these people are demotivated to work due to these activities.
Several people (e.g. Tony) mentioned the need to restore their physical and psychical
conditions after long employment. This I described in Hora (2008a, 2008b) as ‘holiday
syndrome’. However, this is probably not very detrimental for motivation or future job
chances because the period needed to rest is usually short (lasting only several weeks).
My reflection on demotivation concerning studying
We noted that motivation to study developed differently than motivation to work. There was
a rather small group of young people who totally neglected the second level of education
when they were in the last class of elementary education. They even did not want to enlist
there (Ray, Karin). Some other young people have very low profession aspirations, but these
are not based on low motivation to work but on low self-esteem and unpredictability of the
future. E.g. Rosalie said:
“I want to find work and eighter I will finish school and if not, I will do occasional jobs.”
…
“If I would not find work, I would like to try school all the time. Because I do not want
to go to Employment office. My parents are at Employment office, but I do not want
to. I want to have vocational training.” (R60: 227)
Some young people are very passive. People like Pablo or Lisa are clearly demotivated to
change their situation. Lisa, e.g. said ‘I would like to change something, but I do not want to‘.
Such people surrender when faced with the need to do more effort to achieve their dreams.
Many young people like Robin present the discourse of ‘negative motivation’. They think that
there is a negative influence of parents on some children in Roma community concerning their
motivation to study and preference of undeclared manual work.
“I am Roma and if I like to study, I will go to study. The school will accept me. However,
a lot of young Roma do not care about it. They do not want and will not go to study.
They will end school and go to Employment office. If they wanted, they would be able
to access these schools…They will rather go to do earthworks to earn money than go
to school. If they are not guided by parents to go to school, they do not care. ‘My father
said that I do not have to’, and so they will not go. When their father will tell them to
go to school, to have vocational training, they will go. However, they see that their
parents do not care and so they also do not care.” (R49: 113)
Preference of work over education is described in the following statement of Antonia.
“Originally I wanted to be the cook and then I went here [study administration] and I
had a plan that I will withhold until I would be 18 years old and then I would find myself
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a job. And then when I was in the third year, I told to myself that there is only one year
left and so I will not end it now, but I will finish it. And so, I did.” (R61: 148)
It seems that some young people have to be strongly motivated to withhold and complete
their studies.
Engagement and limits of engagement
We will discuss engagement in activities in this section. It goes beyond the declaration of
general motivation to reflecting how active young people are. Simons (1987, quoted in
Rubinstein 2001: 135) points out that research “reveals how the orientations of actors –
identities, defined interests, values, folk theories, and so on – constitute opportunities and
motivate action”. First recognised dimension of engagement is how motivation really
transforms to activity. Trhlíková (2017) found that some of her respondents in the interview
explained their success by their previous activities in job seeking or education. In addition,
Behrens and Brown (1994b) explained how activity or passivity in the creation of occupation
identity influenced young people. They wrote:
“Not only do ‘the active’ have advantages in that their job searching is likely to begin
earlier, be more comprehensive, imaginative and purposive, but also their earlier
formulation of career goals was likely to mean that their employment, work placement
or other experience were likely to have greater coherence; as a result they found it to
convince employers of their commitment to the chosen path.” (Behrens and Brown
1994b: 207)
On the other hand, we can see that some young people change their career goals several times
and/or they are not able to realise them because of less resources and less supporting
environment, including information and networking (see Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018).
Trhlíková (2017) found that for some young people there was a change of profession difficult
because they considered their previous costs for building the previous career and limited time
for a new start.
Other aspect of engagement is connected to the perception of a concrete situation during
unemployment. In the initial period of unemployment, some people perceive unemployment
as a catastrophe, while others are initially relaxed, believing that it would not be a problem to
find another job (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998). People can be less engaged in job search
when they need time off or when they are in an active labour market program or waiting for
a job answer or for promised job (Hora 2008). Tony (mentioned in the previous chapter)
explained that he used his previously saved money during the initial phase of unemployment
to have some rest. In most other cases, the unemployed declare that they continue to look for
the job.
Strong barrier to engagement is in low self-perception of the chance to find a job on the labour
market, e.g., in case of health problems. Schmid (2002b) points out that in a critical situation
it is important whether people perceive that they are able to overcome the situation on their
own (self-confidence) and with the support they can expect from others. This can lead to the
83
mobilization of individual resources. When on the other hand, the situation is perceived as
never-ending nightmare, their ability to resist may became paralyzed. Boyadjieva and IlievaTrichkova
(2019) described how their interviewee had fallen into a prolonged period of
despair and depression (also often accompanied with deteriorated mental wellbeing or health
problems) and was unable to undertake any actions to improve his/her situation. Often people
who were refused several times became discouraged and this may limit their future activities
– their self-esteem is low, and the social and psychical costs of refusal are too high, and they
give up (see Engbersen et al. 2006, Hussain et al. 2016, Hajdinjak 2018a). Wallace (1994)
described the case of Tracy who was unsatisfied with her current situation and trapped in an
unsatisfactory set of circumstances but lacked both confidence and means to change the
situation. Sen (1992) even argued:
“In situation of persistent adversity and deprivation, the victims go on grieving and
grumbling all the time, and may even lack the motivation to desire a radical change of
circumstances. Indeed, in form of a strategy for living, it may make a lot of sense to
come to terms with an ineradicable adversity, to try to appreciate small breaks, and to
resist pinning for the impossible or the improbable.” (Sen 1992: 6-7).
Trhlíková (2017) on the other hand described the opposite case how one of their respondents
was able to finish her study due to her persistence.
Story of Doris
Doris is a young Roma woman, aged 18. She lives with her parents. She had bad school marks
at elementary school, but she was able to improve it due to afternoon remedial classes in
mathematics and English provided by a local NGO. Due to the improvement, she was able to
get vocational training for a shop assistant in a drug store. She said it was more difficult there
because there were new people (they had to get to know each other, problems in
relationships with other schoolmates). After some time, she switched to another field of
selling goods (general, common goods) within the same school because she did not like selling
in a drug store. Later she had inflammation in her leg, and she did not go to school for two
months. Although she tried to excuse her absence for health reasons, she was expelled
because the school workers said they did not care:
“My mother called them all the time and she was there personally but they [the school]
said that they do not care, they expelled me…They said that this is common [not going
to school]. They had many such cases and that they are not required to force students
to go to school. And that they do not care a bit. They did not give me a chance. And I
did not want to be home and I said that I drop out.” (R71: 49)
Doris said school dropout is common among her peers. She was unable to find another school
and so she switched to a private high school that often accepts unsuccessful students from
other schools. She studied first grade at the new school at the time of the interview. She
believed that she needs some certification (paper) to be accepted somewhere to work. She
wants to finish the abitur. Her dream is to work with children and to go abroad. She is not very
84
successful in finding occasional jobs. Up to time of the interview she did two occasional jobs
but in one of them she did not get paid. She is now afraid to accept other jobs.
The main discourse in Doris story is ‘need of activity‘. She used to dance but gradually she
started to dislike it, so she stopped. She is deeply bored by available recreation activities (TV,
computer) and has no personal interests. There is nothing to do around that she would like to
do.
“I do not like how I live now. I look for occasional jobs on the internet, but I am not
successful. I need work because I resist to do nothing. It is every day the same.” (R71:
73)
Doris thinks that interest in certain activities is a key to the improvement of life of many young
people. Interest helps to overcome the initial lower success. Doris reflects that many Roma
children have nothing to do and they often take drugs. They should choose the right activities
and not wrong activities.
“[I would like to see] these children that they do not do what they do on the streets.
[What they do] That is awful. They could spend the time that they are in the streets by
working or doing occasional work or to learn at home or go to school. However, they
are not interested (R71: 445)
NGO can help them and the conditions towards them should be stricter, there should be also
some pressure and enforcement. Doris also reflects on the widely shared ‘education
discourse’ (need of education/certification to be employed).
My reflection: Many young Roma drop out from vocational training and/or they end up in a
private school, but they are often unable to finish it (one reason is also money). One
interesting aspect about Doris’s story is that she studied (and studies) something completely
different from what she wants to do (it may have an influence on her motivation). She was
not sufficiently engaged in her situation at school during the illness, otherwise she may be
able to continue her studies. Doris reflects that personally she is bored and ‘going in circles’.
The other thing is that there is a contradiction between her discourse of ‘need of activity’ and
the situation when she said that she did not go to language tutoring because she was occupied
by other activities. Doris is unsatisfied but she is rather passive in changing her situation.
However, she is often able to use help which is provided to her by others.
My reflection on engagement, self-perception, and activity
Some young people normatively believe that engagement (being active) is a necessary
precondition of success and it is a way to success. For example, Robin, Alan, and Jake spoke
about motivation, trust in own abilities (self-perception), and activity.
“When you [anyone] want you achieve it [life plans]. When you will not care about it,
then nothing. You must want [believe that you] must achieve this. And when I will not
achieve it, I will not believe in me.” (R49: 203)
85
“I hope and I must believe, when you think it is not going to have worth, it is not going
to have worth.” (R11: 163)
“When I will not try it, it would not happen. However, when I will follow it, it will happen
and I will trust in me and I want it, then it will happen…I would not give up for sure.”
(R73: 481).
Peter described the following process where his self-esteem growth due to work experience.
“…before I was not sure about myself, several years ago I was not sure about me. I did
not think about me that I am so skilled but now after all work experience, I have…It has
never happened to me that someone would complain to the quality of my work…or was
not satisfied and I listened how I was appreciated…what can I solve…it is not my work,
but I solve it, I am interested and people are not bothered, they are glad…I now really
trust to myself.” (R12: 201).
We also noticed how engagement is reduced on the base of past negative experiences. Quido
defined the consequence of repeated refusals during the job search as ‘loss of confidence that
I will find something which I would enjoy’. Fred described it in the following way when
speaking about looking for work:
„I did it automatically, it was on the edge of my mind. As my effort was unsuccessful in
the long term, I did not expect [to find work] and I accepted that I will never find it…after
several months a person stops to expect that someone will call you to get you to work…I
have got a neutral feeling from this, I was not much bothered by it. Only when someone
asked me to come, I felt better and happy“. (R26: 163).
Karin said that she was discouraged by how people looked at her. Later she added:
“I thought that it cannot happen that I would find work and that something different
could be for me. I do not know, no.” (R2: 129)
“One time I was really unsuccessful, and the person maybe stops to try and fight.
Because he thinks that it is given, and he cannot change it. If he does not have someone
to prove him, it is not true…I thought it could not happen that I would find work. No
one had work and it was just going in circles.” (R2: 93)
According to classical theory, engagement means a lot of activity and persistence even in the
situation when job search is not successful in the long term. Trust in their own abilities is
connected to the belief that the unemployed are able to find work in the future. Sandra,
Rebeca, Barbara and Antonia argued that ‘Roma people have no courage to try‘. They argued
that some young people stop their efforts after the first failure (give up), they do not withhold
and stay rather home. In such cases they are not sufficiently supported, or they are not able
to use the offered help.
“People have enough help, but they have to realise that it is not sufficient to go there
once, only listen to something and not go there again. They have to visit the person
86
often for him to be able to help them, call there, etc. Some of them are without belief,
because when they find some work on the internet – it happened also to me – I said to
myself in advance that they will not accept me. I tried and they really did not accept
me…” (R63: 212)
“…Motivation. They do not have any motivation. They see and hear at home: You
cannot do it, where do you think that you are going? You do not have the abilities to
go America or something similar. (R41: 75)
Orientation in the system and in the opportunities
Orientation is another important dimension influencing individual strategies. Orientation is
about having sufficient information about possible options and about being able to assess this
information in a way that leads to an informed decision. According to the authors (e.g.,
Behrens and Brown 1994b, Engbersen et al. 2006, Nairn et al. 2012, quoted in Down, Smyth,
and Robinson 2018, Hussain et al. 2016, Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019) young people:
• Are unable to formulate clear goals that they would like to pursue,
• May not be oriented in the possibilities in education and in the labour market,
• They may not know what they want to do,
• Had naïve and incomplete view of the requirements needed to pursue their dreams,
• Could not imagine the outcomes of their decisions only to discover the full implications
of that choice at a later stage.
Formal help in orientation during education and unemployment is labelled as career
education, information, advice and guidance (CEIAG) services (Lewis and Tolgensbakk 2019).
CEILAG are relevant across education, employment, health, and welfare services. Key aspects
of CEILAG are universality, wide access, and capacity and quality of advice services. Young
people often required or missed such services (Lewis and Tolgensbakk 2019). Career
orientation measures are both active and passive from both sides (see Behrens and Brown
1994b). They may be provided face-to-face or online (Lewis and Tolgensbakk 2019). Two main
tools are providing of information (making clear what range of opportunities were available –
clarifying and reducing confusion) and individualized (two-way process) guidance counselling.
The latter measure allows young people to state their interest and prospect career images.
Many students have more than one option in mind and for some of them their current hobbies
can be the source of their future careers. Some authors (such as Down, Smyth, and Robinson
2018) argued that while voice is key in the definition of career choices, young people should
be guided to options that constitute ‘realistic career pathways’ (and/or explore how they can
become real options). Support in career choice has to be provided relatively early, still the
final decision should not be required too early.
However, the following limits of career counselling were found (Behrens and Brown 1994b,
Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018):
• Missing, only one-shot or nonfunctioning career services,
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• Severely constrained opportunities that were available for some people,
• Young people were unaware of possible career service or they were confused,
• They were aware that some help with their decisions is available but they were
reluctant to use it,
• Low trust of some young people in counselling services
• Young people were discouraged from the options wanted by them,
• Young people were talked into something they did not want to do and later dropped
out,
• Very low aspirations of some young people.
Although we define four relevant situations that are somehow different: still in education
(before entry to the labour market), in training (with bad or good prospects), in employment
and in unemployment, in this chapter we discuss mainly orientation during the phase of
studying and orientation during unemployment. It is mainly because the other two situations
were much rarer, and they were not much mentioned in the interviews. Partially these
situations are reflected in other chapters.
Orientation and career choices in education
Two nested choices are crucial during the education phase – choice of a secondary level school
that inherently in most cases includes the choice of prospective work activity/profession.
Factors for the choice of concrete school included dimensions: general/vocational, proximity,
quality of school, and expected labour market utility (Trhlíková 2017). Trhlíková (2017) and
Zimmermann et al. (2013) argued that not all young people had a clear vision about the quality
of schools (they can both overestimate or underestimate it) or about their future profession
– rather their vision was unclear and later it proved to be far from reality. Clark and Kupka
(1994a) found that not all young people have a clear idea about their career identity and the
concept of career strategy is somehow alien to them (see also below). Concrete chances and
circumstances are important for them. They may also not understand the importance of their
decisions. This aspect is relevant from a relatively early age because paths in the education
system are often prestructured and based on few key decisions. It is important for young
people to have practical placement to have some idea about the world of work (Clark and
Kupka 1994a) and/or to know about the requirements of high education (Down, Smyth, and
Robinson 2018). In other words, the school should be able to prepare students for life after
school (Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018). Otherwise, young people later realize that this
chosen path was not the right path for them (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019) and break
their studying or apprenticeship, often effectively losing their formal education.
Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) wrote that young people choose their education
more according to their personal interests rather than opportunities for future work. Krasteva
et al. argued that this is caused by unawareness of the situation as well as lack of professional
advice and guidance. This includes both the real content of the job and future working
conditions. Additionally, some young people do not believe that education is important or a
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steppingstone for their future jobs. There may be also other reasons why the family does not
support further education of young people (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018)27.
Story of Lampert
Lampert, a young Roma man at the age of sixteen, was in the last 9th year of his elementary
education. He was satisfied with his current school and generally liked the school, but did not
like learning of Czech language (school subject). He lived with his parents and his main hobby
was football. He occasionally worked (helps in the construction) but this is not an important
issue for him.
The topic of choice of school and future occupation was somehow naturally addressed in the
interview several times, maybe because Lampert was in the last grade of his elementary
education. At the start of the interview, Lampert states that his dream is to be a football
player. When asked which school he had chosen, he said that he was going to the high school
of ‘using computers in the car repair industry’. To direct question why he has chosen that
school, he said:
“I did not know what to do for a long time. I had several fields in mind, but then I said
to myself, that [there is] an abitur, and my friend from school goes there, even two, and
so I said to myself I will go there.” [When immediately asked about liking cars] „A bit”
(R37: 105).
Later in the interview, Lambert admits that he has no work plans yet and he does not think
about it. He wanted to be a cook but now he does not know. However, generally, he thinks
that school is important. In yet another part of the interview he said that he really wanted to
be a policeman, but his teacher discouraged him from this by saying that he would have to
complete university. Later he found that this statement is not true for common police officers
(for whom having an abitur is enough), it is necessary only for police criminalists.
Discourse of Lampert are ‘need of education’: when he speaks about the choice of school (‘I
wanted abitur, to have it’) and ‘obligation/caring’ (‘I would like to be able care for my family’).
Another presented discourse is ‘influence of environment on young people’. Parents are not
guiding nor enforcing their children to fill their duties and their mates ‘pull them out’. His
brother is an example for Lampert, leading him to avoid some activities (taking drugs, not
meeting with bad people).
“There are drugs a lot. And a lot of parents do not encourage their children to go to
school. And when they find a bunch of friends and they [friends] tell them: ‘Do not go
to school. Let us go out’. These problems are often there. Even young people taking
drugs.” (R37: 247)
27
This is evident in the living situation of young people living in ghettoised neighbourhoods, where low education
and low perception of the importance of education is common. Live of young Roma people is influenced by the
culture, believes, and lifestyles of Roma community (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018).
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Recreational activities (some of which are provided by a local NGO) are according to Lambert
better than flanking and they help to avoid negative behaviour. Parents do not enforce their
children to stay at secondary school. Parents may have their reasons:
„They [parents] want their children help home and ask themselves: ‘What is the school
good for?’ However, these children will regret it when they will be adults.“ (R37: 323)
Lampert needs help from his parents to support him in his career dreams. He believes that
parents are crucial for helping him to achieve his dreams.
My reflection: It is a paradox that although Lampert values education much, he is not well
oriented in his future work plans. He mentions several professions: football player, car
mechanic, policeman, and cook. (Maybe he is also influenced in this by the flow of the
interview as he reacts to the current topics). Although he considered several studying options,
he finally decided on one that he himself clearly is not very keen about and he has no current
vision to work there. He himself admits that he did not think about his future profession much,
only to say later he really wants to be a cop. His stance is a clear example why helping in the
orientation of young people, including reflection on their wishes and skills, is important for
their future success.
Story of Janine
Janine is a young woman (24 years old) who lives with her parents. She is single and has no
children. She studied three different high schools (gradually – for two years, one year, and
three years) but she did not finish any of them. She extensively explains during the interview
about the reasons.
“Because I was young and stupid, and I did not want to go to school. Thus, I skived off
school. Parents scold me a lot, but I did not care, and I did not go to school.” (R19: 49).
-----
“When I went to high school, I did not care about my future. When I was fourteen or
fifteen, before you applied for high school, it is stupid to decide about your life. Because
kids do not care what is going to be in five years. They care about boys they like, going
to the disco, or going out with friends. They totally do not care about these things….I
thought that ‘all the world lay under my legs‘. When someone told me, for example,
my parents that I had to, I did not care. I see it differently now.” (R19: 169).
She did not have any duties then comparing to present. Janine compared herself with her
friends studying university and regrets her past behaviour:
“I should have gone to school more and learned more. It is late now. I think it is stupid
when small children decide about themselves at that age, they do not know what they
want to do, or they do not care. There are only a few children that know at the end of
elementary school, what they want to do.” (R19: 291)
Janine has been unemployed for several years with brief interruptions by some rather short
work experiences including both legal and illegal jobs (her longest job was for three months).
90
She refuses to do the most unqualified jobs (cleaning lady, cleaning streets). She said that
otherwise she is not very picky – she did, e.g., shop assistant (selling shoes), hostess, and
chambermaid. She said that she was able to find a job relatively quickly when she was under
pressure. Her financial situation is manageable because she still lives with her parents.
When she later in her life realised that education is important, she studied one school in
Prague in distant study, but it was too difficult for her and she had not time due to work. Now
she studies another distant study school. She is in the middle of her study (the third of five
years).
„I considered it for a long time because I am afraid of the abitur. I do not get it with
languages, and you have to do them [at abitur]. I thought about it for a long time, but
I said to myself that I am going to try it, it is my last chance” (R19: 163).
She explains how she was recently expelled from the Employment office because she refused
to do a cleaning job due to her studies.
“…the lady [a street level worker at Employment office] sent me to do the cleaning lady
for [low money]. However, they refused me, because I study in a distant study and I go
to school every Thursday. And they needed someone for every day [a week]. And
because I brought a study receipt, the lady expelled me from Employment office.
Because I go to school…. and I wrote them that I do not agree with this, because I think
it is stupid to leave school to do a cleaning lady. There was a legal case, but because I
had a short-term job then and I had to bring them my statement in seven days, I did
not manage it…and they expelled me.” (R19: 85).
Later she added:
‘I think that they could give me a chance when I have the effort to finish school. They
could give me a chance and not say it is not a reason [not to take the cleaning job].“
(R19: 115).
Similarly as Lampert, she still does not have a concrete view about the profession she would
like to do – “I will see what will emerge.“
Main discourse present in Janine’s story is ‘need of education’: (‘I have a problem that I do not
have school’, ‘I have only basic education. It is stupid.’, ‘I cannot find a job without school’ and
‘they [employers] want school most of the time)’. Employers want the work experience and/or
a vocational certificate which she does not have.
“I would like to really finish [school], so I can step on my own legs, have some
experience, go somewhere and not to sit home all the time and live hand-to-mouth.”
(R19: 149).
She also noted that she felt bad when compared to her friends:
“A lot of my friends study for engineer, having promotions and I am the only one with
elementary education. That is stupid.” (R19: 64)
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Minor discourse used by Janine are ‘lacking work experience/scarring’ (‘They [employers]
think that I did not do anything for a long time or that I am not able to work, when I was not
somewhere), ‘claiming Roma’ (‘Roma are at the employment office all time and they are not
forced to work’) ‘calculating’, ‘going in circles’ (‘I cannot develop my career how I would like
to’) and ‘enlightenment’ (‘I was young and stupid’).
My reflection: Janine now studies her fifth school. Janine herself repeatedly pointed out to
two aspects. The first one was that she was unable to consider the consequences of her
behaviour for her future life when she was younger. Her parents were unable to convince her
to care for the school. Second is that catching up what she missed when she was young is very
difficult because she had to study in changed circumstances (including the negative stance of
Employment office). She refuses to adapt to working conditions which are typical for the
sector of unqualified jobs. An interesting example is that she left her only ‘long-term’ job
because it was lowly paid and long working hours. She still does not have clear plans for what
she wants to do and her motivation to work is instrumental. School dropout is a typical factor
leading to insecurity in the labour market. Janine story has many similar aspects to the story
of Derek described in the next chapter.
Story of Fred
Fred is a man in his middle age who lives in a separate flat in the house of his parents. He
returned to live with parents several years ago due to his financial problems. He had several
partner relationships, but they ended and now he is single. He has no children. He thinks that
before he was not ready to have children because he was unemployed and thought that he
would not be able to care for the kids and now he has work, but no partner. He cares about
his parents who are old and need his help and for their house. Fred have never had serious
financial problems because his former girlfriend and his parents supported him both
financially and with free housing.
Fred studied mechanics and completed both vocational training and abitur. He said about
himself that he is not studying type. In the choice of profession, he was inspired by the
employment and hobby of his father. However, later he never worked in the field that he has
studied. He explains:
„….I have a high school for mechanics and I have vocational training for servicing of
machines, but I never got deeper work experience in this and most importantly I am
not a person who would like to do a career in metallurgy. Put plainly, when choosing
my profession, I was not very clever and [later] I looked for cumulative administrative
positions such as storage worker, shop assistant or driver or everything together.
However, these positions anyone can do without any professional training and so I, in
the great competition of other unemployed, often ended empty handed.” (R26: 69).
He was displeased with work experience in the studied field.
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“…when I got some reason, I found that one thing is to hobby home and the other thing
is to stay somewhere by the conveyor belt and to do 1000 screws a day and I realised
that this is not an activity I would like to do, but it was late.” (R26: 71)
He thought about returning to school, but he was not motivated (‘I have very strongly
developed weak will’). He started to work in different fields (his first job was in
administration). During his work career, Fred was unemployed for a long time and had only
short but sometimes regular jobs. After 10 years, he was able to find more stable employment
and he was employed in various jobs since then. The variety of professions he did is great,
including administrative positions, driver, NGO worker, storage worker, earth worker in
gardens, shop manager, sales representative, e-shops, and computer drawing (visualisation).
He estimated that altogether he worked in between 20 and 30 jobs. He reflects that the
professions he did in the past are replaced by other technologies or by other economy models
(‘people as I am, are no longer necessary in the process’). Now he prefers to have more stable
work. He is employed but he is afraid that the firm is going to be closed within a year.
„..and I looked for work where I can stay in a longer horizon…I do not like repeating
going for the job interviews [all the time], so I would like to work here [in the current
job] as long as I could, better up to…as long as I can.” (R26: 115)
The main discourse in the story of Fred is ‘enlightenment’ (‘my view has changed 180
degrees’), ‘the way is the goal’, ‘creative work’ and ‘work is a good thing’. He reflected that he
was very ambitious when he was young, but now he cares much more about concrete work
conditions (e.g., to have interesting work, do not have to work in ‘too formal’ environment, to
have some autonomy and have good workmates).
“I do not have concrete goals but quite the opposite, for me, the way is important or
the activity itself, not to suffer too much doing it. It is completely opposite from my
approach when I was twenty.” (R26: 121)
He reflects that he is much gladder to have work than when he was young, and in the past he
thought that the main thing is to make money and work is ‘necessary evil’.
“When I was 35, I realised that I do not want to do earthworks until I am 50, I do not
want to stay with a shovel in the garden. That I imagine… end of my career…not in the
making of screws…but in more comfortable conditions…and this vision grew stronger
and there was an increasingly desperate need to solve it somehow and so I said to
myself that I will try to find a job where I can stay in a longer horizon in conditions l
like…When I prioritised working conditions over wage it was possible.” (R26: 167).
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My reflection: Fred was not well oriented in the conditions of the job for which he studied, he
chose wrongly, and he was consequently not able to switch to something else qualified for
quite a long time. Once he found a preferred job, he was rather quickly able to gather a quite
sophisticated informal qualification. Finding out what he really wants helped him to create a
coherent strategy and build it around his dream. He realised that he needs creative work to
be satisfied.
My reflection on school orientation of young people
We noted that the most important decision with tremendous impact on the life of young
people was the choice of secondary level education. We reflect on the process of choosing
secondary level education through the perception of young people. Factors that influenced
the decision making of young people were:
• They liked it, they wanted to do it as their preferred profession (Vanesa, Lars,
Josephine, Rebeca, Philip)
• Difficulty of the school (Lars, Bob, Patricia, Philip) – some young people avoided
difficult schools.
• They wanted to have an abitur (Lampert, Jake)
• They perceived that the school was more practically oriented with more praxis (Bob).
• Example of their siblings or friends who planned to attend/attend the same school and
they recommended it (Vanessa, Lampert, Lars, Josephine, Leila, William)
• Aspirations to do the same profession as their parents (Fred, Rebeca, Sophie)
• Proximity of school (Greta)
Vanessa argued that young people choose secondary level education according to their
previous school success and perception of their abilities. This is accompanied by their
perception of school subjects which they liked or did not like. Perceived difficulty of the school
was considered.
“I attended [concrete elementary school name], where were all students Roma. My
schoolmates told me to go to [another concrete school name – second level education],
because: ‘There it is clear that you will succeed. It is not difficult and good people are
there’. I said: ‘OK I will go there’. There were [at school] all fields of study that I disliked.
I have chosen the bricklayer and I started to like it.” (R40: 83)
Another important aspect is whether young people have to pass entry exams or whether they
are accepted automatically (according to their school marks during elementary education).
We can see this in the example of Randolph who did not pass entry exams due to high
competition and he went to another school where he was accepted without entry exams. The
opportunities to choose the field of education were in some situations clearly limited by the
interplay between personal situation and structural factors.
• limits given by health reasons restricting some preferred professions (Tony)
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• limited possibility to choose secondary level education. Usually respondents had two
choices (Violet, Gwen), sometimes only one (Natalie). Young people sometimes spoke
about going rather to school where is a better chance to be accepted (Max).
• they were not accepted to school (vocational training) which they chose (Vendelín,
Felix, Rebeca). Typical reason is bad school marks during elementary education.
• That they did not pass entry exams for preferred profession (Violet, Randolph, Felix)
• That they were not allowed to choose school (profession) themselves (Violet).
Some respondents presented or concluded that their overall life orientation was rather low
when they were young (Karin, Peter, Derek, Janine, Leila, Robin). This usually means that they
did not have a clear idea about their future profession. Leila, e.g., argued that she wants to
stay with her school mates, and it is for her more important than which field she is going to
study. Additionally, she said:
“I think that after I will finish school, I do not know what I will focus at. It does not
matter, and I do not care.” (R47: 13)
Many young people do not have a clear vision of their future profession during the last year
of their elementary education or they go for ‘low track’. Another corresponding issue is that
young people study something, but they do not know what they are going to do afterwards
(Robin, Patricia). Robin did not know (i.e., was not able to explain) which field he studied.
About his future after school, he replied that ‘it is in the stars’. Later he added that he wants
to be the chief of a building firm employing more Roma. Patricia went step by step. She was
not much oriented towards life after school beyond saying that she did not know what to
expect and that she would look for work. Patricia has chosen her vocational training for a
confectioner because she thought that it was easier than other offered possibilities. Patricia
is in many aspects a very passive (and not much talkative) person. She often replies: ‘I do not
know’, ‘I would not change anything here’ and ‘that is their problem’. Natalie has chosen
vocational training for the confectioner because she ‘likes baking a bit’. Although she was not
sure that she would be accepted, she submitted only one application because she did not
manage another one in time. She can still use one another additional round to place another
application. In such cases, not enough attention is given to the choice of school.
Some respondents commented that they did not pay enough attention to education or
planning the future when they were young (Vendelín, Karin, Ben, Peter, John, Clara, Janine,
Fred, Lucy, Herbert, Leila). They were clearly oriented towards enjoying life and did not care
for school or future jobs28. General orientation towards studying is very well described in the
story of Janine presented above. In her case it is about both orientation and a motivation. In
28
There were comments about having low responsibility (being dependent on parents and not caring about their
duties) (Vendelín, Herbert), goofing off (Karin, Janine, Herbert), being devil-may-care (Betty), spending money
on nonsense things (Helen), making debts (Bonny), having low motivation to work (Fred), living ‘wild life’ and
‘doing crazy things’ (Magda), squatting and using drugs (Bonny), and being sentenced or being in prison
(Vendelín, Otto, Simon, Herbert).
95
other words, some young people, according to her view, should be more persuaded about the
importance of education.
Second crucial aspect is the choice of the concrete field of education. Some respondents had
their dreamed professions which as they themselves reflected were very hard to achieve
(football player, dancer, actress). Most of them aimed at much more common professions.
This included the following negative aspects concerning the field of education:
• Young people reflected that they were too young to have a clear idea about their
working life (Derek)
• Some young people cannot choose their studied field themselves (Violet, Sandra)
• Young people do not have a clear idea about the concrete field which they want to do
• Often young people were not informed about the real conditions in the professions
they chose (Derek, Fred)
• Their attitude towards the prospect job changed even during their studies (Clara, Fred,
Doris).
The respondents were often not satisfied with the field of their study and said they would not
have chosen it again or they just preferred another type of job (Magda, Roman, Derek, Simon,
Fred, Alice, Rupert, Doris, Sandra, William). Peter said:
“I have something that I missed. I did not know until my high school, what I would like
to do, what I would enjoy. And I think that they fight with this, or most of my
schoolmates…completely did not know what they would like to do…It has to start at
elementary school to get them familiar with things, not to enforce them but let them
know. This is important also in the family.” (R12: 210)
Immediate consequence is that young people are not interested in the field during their
studies or they even do not like it (Derek). Rachel spoke about her choice studying for a job
assistant.
“This field [I study] is not corresponding to me. I do not want to do it. I do not know
what I will do next. I would rather work with children, to create some recreational
activities for them and work with children.” (R70: 37)
Sabina have found only after getting the first job that there emerged health problems
preventing her to do the job. Ellyn studied to cook but later she became vegetarian and she
refused to work with meat. This deeply limited her possibility to find a job as a cook (because
there are not so many vegetarian restaurants). We also noticed that sometimes respondents
liked their profession but later they found that it was not compatible with their caring
responsibilities and they abandoned it (Betty, Lucy).
We reflect how the decision about studying is influenced by important others. Parents’
influence on decision making is apparent in some cases (Vanessa, Clara, Sandra, Natalie), in
both a positive and negative way. Sandra described how her parents were conscious about
her school progress, they were in contact with teachers and pressured her for higher
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education. Natalie noted how her father persuaded her to continue her education. Vanessa
said that her parents were interested in her choice of secondary school. She also said:
“My family, my mother and sisters and my friends support me a lot. They tell me all the
time: ‘You are the person who is able to handle it’.” (R34: 354)
Clara described how her parents discouraged her from continuing education:
“I was young and stupid, and I did not have any extra goals. Maybe I could complete
my education going to upper secondary education. If I could change it, I would change
it. I would not obey my parents when they told me: ‘You think that you are able to do
the upper secondary?’ I would say yes, and I would try it and would go there. I was not
an extra learning type, but I was not stupid, I only did not learn, and I did tests only
with my knowledge based on my memories from lectures, and the marks were a bit
worse. However, I know that I was able to learn and understand and maybe I would be
able to complete upper secondary education.” (R17: 142)
William reflected that he decided for the car mechanic because of his friends and because
initially he liked it, but he stopped to like it during studies. One of the visible outcomes of a
bad choice of school is that young people do not like the field that they had chosen (Sandra,
Doris). Sandra explained about her choice of high school:
“Since my fifth or sixth class, I always wanted to be a cosmetician. However, my mother
did not like it at all. I do not know why, but she wanted me to have some widespread
field, e.g., trade entrepreneurship, or something similar. This is the reason I went to this
high school.” (R42: 32)
Sandra was able to finish her studies, but she did not find corresponding work. Later in the
interview Sandra added:
“I really did not like economy. I did it only because I said to myself: ‘Once I am here and
I should finish it’. Because I had all books bought and all materials. And so, I did not
want to switch to another school and have to arrange everything and so I stayed and
finished it. And I said that this field is widespread. And so, I finished it.” (R42: 124).
Now Sandra tries to find work in the field she studied. On the other hand, speaking about her
other future plans, she thinks about retraining for a hairdresser or about going to university
to study something different.
There is also a formal process of career counselling and help in school application. Vanessa
mentioned that children are provided information brochures with the offer of secondary level
education. Some young people reflected how teachers, psychologists, or workers in NGOs
helped them in the process of transition to secondary education by helping them with advice,
which field/school to choose, and with administration (Ray, Rachel, Maria, Gwen, Patricia,
Rosalie). Maria described this:
“They [school workers] gave us lists with various fields, schools and you could choose
where you would like to go, and everyone marked what he/she wanted. We brought
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this to them [school workers], and they called to the school themselves and gave us
application forms and we sent it and the schools accepted us or not. School helped us
a lot.” (R52: 149)
“They [NGO] helped me a lot. They helped me to find school. If it were not for them, I
would go to a completely different school which I did not like to do. I was accepted for
a confectioner, I did not want to do it. They found me this school and so I went to the
hairdresser.” (R50: 221)
Ray was recommended the profession of floor layer by his teacher. Although he would like to
be an auto mechanic, he accepted that auto mechanic is a too difficult occupation for him and
that the floor layer is sufficiently easy. Teacher helped him with the papers to school. Lisa
commented a very negative influence of her teacher who effectively discouraged her from
following education (although the concrete mechanism is unclear).
We reflect that there is the dilemma between the assessment of the skills of a young person
by the teacher and preferences of the young person. However, there should be also a clear
reason for discouraging and viable strategy offered to the young person which he/she is willing
to accept.
Orientation during unemployment
People are also often less oriented when they become unemployed for the first time or when
their previous unemployment experience is not relevant any longer (Hora 2008b). Young
people may have problems when applying for a job, do not know what the relevant skills are
(whether they have them) and what employers want (Böhnisch et al. 2002, Down, Smyth, and
Robinson 2018). Negotiating arrangements with employers requires a set of skills that are
often beyond many teenagers – especially their understanding of the complex conditions of
the labour market (Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018). Knowledge of critical institutional
arrangements (laws) is an important precondition of meaningful action. People often do not
know the exact system rules and do not know about the chances of the system (including
ALMP programs) or do not know how the social benefits are calculated (Hora 2008b, Trlifajová
et al. 2015, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Engbersen et al. (2006) pointed out that
people sometimes do not even understand the terms and language used by street level
workers. Another problem is that the system is changing relatively frequently (Hora 2008b).
When young people do not know or do not understand the rules, they can decide differently
from their interests (Formánková and Křížková 2010). Orientation is a precondition of any
rational calculation of incomes from work, work expenses (including lost time, independent
housing and eating, traveling and childcare costs) and family income and incomes from social
benefits (Hora 2008b). Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) argued that young people
copying strategies are often rather passive. Miles (2003) argued that young people who are
‘realistic’ about their potential might become demotivated or lower their aspirations in
advance to take anything they can get.
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Story of Violet
Violet is a woman in her middle age. She studied vocational training for a shop assistant in
jewellery. She finished her vocational training half a year before Velvet revolution. During the
socialist period, most young people were prepared for a concrete firm, but after Velvet
revolution the firm where she should work in was disbanded (because all such previously
state-owned services were privatised). Violet left on her own will because her father started
business in the retail trade. There was a great boom of such shops because such goods were
not common in communist Czechoslovakia. She worked there for several years with
interruptions for motherhood and several other jobs which always did not last for long. Violet
said that she reflected in advance that many of these jobs are unstable, but she was forced to
accept them due to her financial situation. In time of need, she returned to work in the shop
of her father. She was unemployed several times for several months. Violet said that she was
unemployed and working at the same time for several employers. She explained:
“It was several times. It functions even nowadays, because the boss, the employer tells
you: ‘Go to the Employment office and you will get this and this’. You can earn, but you
have to obey and go to Employment office, because the state pays health and social
insurance for you.” (R32: 29)
It was possible because there was not much control in the 1990s. Later she founded an
entrepreneurship, and she was self-employed for four years. She ended the entrepreneurship
after her son became seriously ill and she divorced. She did not regret being an entrepreneur
because it was a nice period, but it was time demanding, having high responsibility and her
work had health consequences. Violet was able to find a rather stable and nice job where she
was employed at the time of the interview.
Despite having difficult periods in her life, Violet tried to be resilient. Violet presented one
discourse concerning the development of her stance. First, she described her situation in the
1990s when she was young:
“No one was there to support me and tell me, what should I do. I did not know, and no
one knew. However, without bravely and without drive, ‘try this, you have nothing to
lose’, no one told me this. I know it now when that time is gone…. Even my parents
were afraid to do something, tell something, push me, pay for something, guide me,
they had horrible fear. I would like to have this knowledge and return back.” (R32: 85)
“The life experience is not transferable to children, because they did not experience it
themselves. And no one was able to persuade me eighter. I had to experience it myself
and now I would say that in something they [parents] were right.” (R32: 92)
She spoke about the development of her initial stance:
“I changed. I became increasingly seasoned. Due to the approach of surrounding to me,
I played hardball, I fought for myself. And when I saw what everything is happening
and what is possible to do, I did it too. It was a period when I told to myself: ‘You are
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going over the edge’ and so I slowed down in something. It was a fight for mere
survival. I had a feeling that the stronger wins. And it was functioning in the sense that
a weak person who returns to his past is without the chance.” (R32: 69).
Violet thinks that everyone has to care for herself/himself and have to struggle for it because
‘no one gives you anything’. It is rather hard to say whether this is about her loneliness or
about individuality.
Violet presented a discourse of ‘motherhood’. I see two aspects here. One of them is that
when Violet speaks about her role of the mother being realised by raising children.
“I have my own living place, the children are adults, both almost finished their studies
and I finished my role. Now I want to live in good health.” (R32: 65)
The second aspect often mentioned by her is the perceived need to transfer her knowledge
to her children. When asked about the importance of education, Violet connected her
motherhood also with ‘need of education’ for her children.
“Sure. The thing is that I compensate this [my missing education] to my children. I press
them hardly, even sometimes completely, to achieve something. I am able to tackle it
on my level, but they need twice as much. Because I do not want them to be in what I
was 25 years ago. I hope that such times will never return. Moreover, I want from them.
I enable and support them if it is possible. I understand them. I tell them: ‘If I had your
education and years, what limits you?’” (R32: 79)
My reflection: Violet reflected that she was not well oriented in the labour market when she
was young. She had to learn everything herself because no one was able to advise her well.
Orientation on the labour market was more difficult because it was shortly after the transition
from the communist planned economy to market-based economy. For some people living in
postsocialist countries, it was very difficult to adapt to these suddenly changed conditions with
frequent changes in ownership structures and legislation. Many young people understood this
period as ‘wild times’.
My reflection on general life/work orientation
Orientation on the labour market includes two main aspects: general work orientation
(related to the previous part) and orientation in the job search process. William commented
on these two aspects in his statement about the necessity of the help from more experienced
people.
“Someone has to help young people with job search. E.g. their mother or father.
Someone has to help him/her. They [young people] are still young, they do not know
what they want.” (R39: 206)
We have seen that some respondents had no life goals, no clear things that they wanted to
achieve, or they said that they did not think about it (Karin, Roman, Peter, Clara, Quido).
Sometimes their goals were aimed only at the present and were relatively simple (find work,
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keep current work, etc.). Randolph spoke about living from one day to another day in Roma
community:
“There is no motivation. I do not think that they are completely without motivation, but
they are without faith, not in God but in themselves, that they will one day live a better
life. They live from one day to another day. They think that every day will be like today.
Most of them think: ‘Today I have something, but tomorrow is far away. I do not know
what is going to be tomorrow’. They have no vision or something that they could
follow.” (R45: 47).
Roman was not able to say what would be helpful for him to change his situation. Sabina had
a problem with work orientation because she could not do her initial profession. (‘because I
ended in the kitchen, I did not know what will happen to me, what I will do, what is going to
happen, where to go’). Janine spoke about the need ‘to have peace’ in the meaning that she
wants to have her things finally settled down and live a normal life. Young people reflect that
great obstacles are ahead of their plans to live a normal life and that it may not achievable.
Many young people spoke about ‘going in circles’.
Second aspect is about being oriented in the job search process. Parents’ help was not only
about contacts, but it was also about help in matching and teaching job search skills. For Ken,
for example, parents found work because they called to the employer instead of him. We can
only speculate that it can be also about other specific traits or skills of parents (Ken thinks so).
There could be also a pressure to look for work from family – mainly parents, typical for
respondents from the youngest cohort (Ben, Roman, Clara, Herbert). Employment of the
respondents was supported also by personal care for the children (see below).
The third dimension is strategic. It is the skill of guessing/predictability in being able to foresee
which offer is viable, whether employers will keep their promises (Fred, Ben). Ben said that he
is not able to recognise in advance whether the job would be suitable, whether the employers
will keep their promises, and whether he will be able to keep the job. It is also about being
able to guess when to act (to leave the concrete job, to apply for concrete job etc.) to
minimalize insecurity. Helen and Eugenie spoke about uncertainty concerning changes of jobs.
Such decisions are very difficult and sometimes they lead to ‘bad decision’ (see below).
Young people may not be well oriented in options available for help in job search or about
other options (benefits, active labour market policy). This is reflected more in the chapter
about the institutions.
Influence of relatives on the orientation and strategy
Important sources of orientation and help include parents, friends, and schoolmates
(Trhlíková 2017, Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018). This may include, e.g. ‘family profession
model’ (following the profession of their parents), persuasion and silent support (Trhlíková
2017). Nevertheless, different parents may have different capabilities to help their children:
different skills of parents, different aspirations, different resources and different stress
factors. All of this may have an influence on the capacity to pursue young people’s career
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aspirations (see Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018). Other factors such as parental
expectations, cultural norms, and proposed gender roles may also play a role in decisionmaking
(Zimmermann et al. 2013, Gehrke, Günther, and Seukwa 2018).
We also reflect that along with the support and help from relatives, young people may be
under pressure toward wanted opportunities. Pressures arise from both external and internal
sources and they may interact (Biggart et al. 2002). Economic pressure can be seen, e.g., in
the situation when young people prolong/postpone finishing their studies (Trhlíková 2017).
This is how the economic situation of the family and social relationships are related.
Story of Rudy
Rudy is a young Roma man aged 15 years (close to his 16th birthday). He still studies the last
year of his elementary education also because he had to repeat one year (school grade). He
plays football a lot during most of the afternoons and spends a lot of time with friends out,
usually long into the night. He has some respiration problems and due to them he stopped
playing football in the professional club (advice of the doctors) and he does it only as a hobby.
He likes to spend time in the streets, where he smokes. Sometimes he also drinks alcohol at
the weekends. He gets his spare money from social benefits (from his mother) or he borrows
them. He has no work experience yet. Rudy is very satisfied with his current life and he would
not change anything. He reflects that as a smaller child he was even more satisfied.
Rudy does not know what he is going to do when he finishes elementary education. He missed
the period when young people must enlist for secondary education. He initially chose
vocational training for a baker and plumber. He should have filled application forms for
vocational training and brought them to school, but he ‘did not give shit about it’. He hesitates
to do it even now when he still has a chance. He has only very vague and imprecise visions
about further (second level) education system. He is decided that he is not going to continue
in any other education. Instead, he plans to work in the scrap metal collection facility of his
uncle. He has no other plans and believes that he is going to work in a scrap metal collection
for his whole life.
“I will 100 percent work there. Why not? You just sort the metal to tell the truth. Every
Friday [you get] 4 500 CZK. That is enough for me.” (R48: 263).
He wants to have a car (Audi) and to be rich, but these dreams are not essential for him.
“Maybe I will just survive, as I survived when I was young” he said.
The main discourse presented in the story of Rudy is ‘I am satisfied. I would not change
anything’. He often repeats that he would not change anything because he likes it as it is. E.g.,
his parents plan to move to another part of the town, but Rudy would like to live with his
grandmother where he lives now. Maturing for Rudy means having more things to care about:
“[Before] I did not smoke, I did not need so much money that I need now. How should I
say this? I did not go out. I was at the courtyard all the time or in the club and I went
home early.” (R48: 99).
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Rudy reflects that in the past it was surely better than now. When asked why he changed it,
he replied that he is in puberty now and has different friends. When asked about the possible
improvement of the life of young people he replied that it is probably not possible and said: ‘I
do not know how, and this is the reason I do not want to change it.” (R48: 409)
Story of Leo
Leo is a young Roma man, 16 years old. Leo completed elementary education with no
particular learning problems (he did not repeat any classes, had good relations there), but he
decided not to continue with any other education. He explained that he did not want ‘to wake
up and have to learn’. On one side, Leo stated, “that all people forced me to continue
[education] but I did not go”. On the other hand, his father influenced his final decision when
he offered him a working opportunity.
“I thought about it [continuing education]. I am with my father. He told me that if I do
not want to [study], he is going to take me to work. That I am not going to stay at home.
I said, yes. Therefore, I went to work.” (R56: 89)
Leo’s father is an entrepreneur, and he employs people for doing earthworks. Leo works in
the earthwork for two months. It is his very first work. He is satisfied with everything in his life
and he does not regret (non) continuing to second level school. Leo lives with his parents and
he gives half of the earned money to his mother to cover family expenses. Half of the earned
money he has for personal needs (clothing, discos, etc.). He spends a lot of time out with his
friends. It is normal for him to drink alcohol there [he is sixteen]. He likes the neighbourhood
where he lives although it is not so nice – there are frequent thefts and prostitution, and a lot
of people take drugs (not him). Leo has no plans for his future (even for a few months) and he
hesitates to talk about it.
“I do not plan anything yet. [Q: not even for a short time?] No. I do not plan anything.
I do not know if I will do that I want. What I would like. What I will do in the future.”
(R56: 363)
Leo declares anti-education discourse (‘I was glad we did not learn’, ‘I did not want to learn’).
Leo’s opinion on the locality is an interesting mix of views. First, he is not very oriented in how
things are for young people in the locality. Second, many things are OK for Leo, or he does not
care about them (unemployment, housing, environment), but some things are not (stealing,
drugs, prostitution). He, e.g., comments: ‘That is true that this is not my problem, but it annoys
me. It is a shame’. Leo would prefer to severely punish such behaviour. He doubts about a
possible change:
“There are a lot of people who want to earn from selling drugs – that every young guy
takes it. They sell themselves [prostitution] to have money for drugs. Most of these are
Roma. I doubt that they would like to change it.“ (R56: 357)
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My reflection on the stories of Rudy and Leo: Stories of Rudy and Leo are in some respects
very similar it (also William is such case). They do not like school, or they do not care about it.
They expect to get manual work from their relatives (this is common in Roma community).
Either no one really helped them or persuaded them to continue their education (Rudy) or
their relatives help them to decide for not going to educate (Leo). Their families are probably
not much interested, or they support future work in work where ‘education is not necessary’.
They continue the ways of life which are typical for many young men in their community.
Preference of manual work is frequent in Roma community (Bob, Felix, Rudy). Bob
commented:
“They would like to go to school but they are often expelled. Low school attendance is
a crucial issue. Because for going to school they do not get money and so they do not
care. They are, for example, not able to get a job for a weekend, but they find it during
the work week. And so, they go to some occasional work instead of going to school.
And all of them are expelled.” (R46: 67)
They also have short-term orientation and no other more distant plans for the future. Decision
to study further is based on initiative and activity which they clearly lack. Often, they do not
think about it (William). Rudy himself prefers working to continuing his education. He is not
firmly decided, sometimes he says, ‘I do not know’, or ‘We will see’ but it seems that he is very
unmotivated to study and that due to his passivity he would end up with elementary
education. Rudy is happy and any changes endanger his current state of happiness. Rudy
would like ‘the world’ to stay as it is and he does not seem to be ready for the crucial decisions
of his life.
Story of Bob
Bob is a young Roma man who lives with his mother. Bob completed elementary education
with certain problems. During elementary education, he was in the class for children with
specific needs. In vocational training for a car mechanic, he repeated three classes, but he
finished it successfully. His father died six years ago. Bob spoke about him:
“My father is no longer with us, he died six years ago, and it was a horrible period for
me. I promised him to complete vocational training. My father was Roma and he had
vocational training. And so, I promised it to him, and I kept my promise.” (R46: 219)
Bob likes his profession of car mechanic. He does occasional jobs (usually for one or two days)
in his profession of car mechanic. Although Bob has a lot of job offers, he cannot work legally
because otherwise his mother would lose social benefits. He explains:
“My friends, they have work, but it is black work [without legal work contract], do you
know what I mean? That they do not show it anywhere…I have one friend who works,
and he has an employment contract with everything. He has to pay health insurance
etc. However, I am not so lucky because my mother would lose money. She lives from
hand to mouth. And so, I have to survive it somehow with her. I would otherwise work
for an employment contract. I had work offers everywhere, but I cannot…She would
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lose everything. What they would give me, the social office would everything withdraw
from her. Whole my salary would be withdrawn, and I would have to give everything
to my mother home.” (R46: 51)
His mother had also an important influence on him to avoid drugs. Bob does not like the
locality where he lives (nasty behaviour, stealing, violence), and he would like to move out.
Bob would like to live with his girlfriend with whom he spends a lot of time with, but it is
difficult to get a flat. He would like to move out of the locality, and his girlfriend is the main
motive for him to stay for some more time in the locality.
“If I had a child, I would not live in this quarter. I would move out. Because I know how
it would end up. These kids are speaking rude, they are insolent, etc. They steal since
their early childhood. It is everything they learned on the street. They see adults doing
it and they learn it and they do the same.” (R46: 127)
Bob reflected that his life changed. He wants to earn some money first and to have children
later. Bob understands financial reserves as the main means of future security. Bob reflected
that his girlfriend changed him a lot.
“I have bad experiences from my childhood, a lot of problems and it warned me. If there
was not for my girlfriend, I would be still like them…. My girlfriend is very clever. She
commands me briefly and I have to obey. I respect her a lot because she really helped
me. I appreciate her a lot. She helped me to stop to behave stupidly. I behaved nasty, I
had problems with cops, I went everywhere, and I had nothing. I have her and I can
save money, this I could not before, I spent everything immediately. And I stopped to
do problems. I am with her all the time, I help her, and she helps me, we would do
everything for each other, what is in our power.” (R64: 187)
There are not many apparent discourses in the story of Bob. One exception is the discourse of
‘Racism and discrimination’. Bod reflected that Roma cannot get housing because no one
wants to accept them for flat. He told a story when he and his mother were forced to leave
the flat because the landlord found that they were Roma family (his mother is not Roma). Bob
said: ‘He [landlord] told us that he did not want any ‘fucking’ Roma’. Bob noted that there are
friends between Roma and non-Roma when the people are good. Roma are often not working,
but the reason is also that no one will accept them for jobs. Bob thinks that Roma sometimes
see racism, but they are not willing to do or accept steps leading to the improvement of their
position. Another discourse is discourse of ‘claiming Roma’ (see below).
My reflection on the story of Bob and the influence of relatives
We can see three key people in the story of Bob who had an important influence in Bob’s life.
It is also because Bob was willing to listen to them. He accepted their advice may be because
social relations are an important part of his life. We see a similar reflection of the influence of
relatives and friends also in the statements of Robin:
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“My father advised me a lot…to make a driving licence, to start my own business. Not
to be stupid. He said: ‘Look how I ended up, I am without work, you must not end up
like this.’ (R49: 209)
Robin explained how his friends were important for his general life orientation:
“When we have some problems with other guys, we [friends] help each other. And
sometimes we help each other in ‘Do not go there, do not do it, go there’. We help each
other not to do silly things like stealing, making problems, taking drugs, this is how we
help.” (R49: 165)
There are concrete cases and situations where good people function as ‘guardian angels’,
helping the respondent in the critical moment by providing them with some solution or
opportunity (Bonny, Melinda, Alan). Alan explained:
“I changed. I used to be brat. I am not saying than not. I went through…[nasty
things?]…but since I joined [the name of the woman who organised singing and
dancing activities], she changed my life. She showed me how you can make someone
else happy, persuade him to reflect. She organises camps where various people join and
meet each other…” (R72: 175).
It seems that some young people can be persuaded or led by example.
Difficulty of decision and theory of intuitive judgements
and choice
In this part, we will discuss the difficulty of formulating a viable strategy and why it sometimes
leads to unwanted or unexpected consequences. To decide reasonably, the results of young
people’s actions and interactions have to be at least somehow predictable. Uncertainty may
significantly reduce the benefits of orientation. It is hard to make people responsible for
adverse happenings over which they had no control (Sen 1992). When we want to assess the
freedom to achieve, we depend quite heavily on the knowledge and the ability of the person
to understand and intelligently choose from the alternatives they really do have (Sen 1992).
This is a probable reason why young people tend to ask for and realize preset options (Van
Lieshout and Wilthagen 2003). In other words, they want to be guided. For young people, role
of the couch may be important – someone willing to teach young people and willing to give
his/her time (Trhlíková 2017).
Pais and Pohl (2003) argued that the traditional school system is functioning when future
demands can be established in an unmistakably clear way. The process of decision-making is
difficult when young people are left alone to decide or to realize their decision – e.g., when
they miss support mechanisms once they leave school (Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018).
Böhnisch et al. (2002) argued that in Denmark weaker young people have yet to decide what
to do, and while they are expected to make this decision themselves, they are not competent
enough for decision taking (see also Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018: 104-105). Many young
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people are not aware of the serious consequences of a bad academic performance until they
experience how it acts as a barrier for further education and jobs (EGRIS 2002). Other young
people blindly and submissively follow the rules until they realize dire consequences (Down,
Smyth, and Robinson 2018).
Another valuable insight into decision-making (the choices that people make during
transitions) is based on the theory of ‘intuitive judgements and choice’ (Kahneman and
Tversky 1984, Kahneman 2003) and its relevance in ‘TLM approach’ (Schmid 2006, Wilthagen
and Rogowski 2002)29. Decisions of people are rooted in two systems – first of them is rapid,
more based on impressions, and leads to intuitive judgements, anchors, and prototypes, and
the second is more slow, effortful, and deliberately controlled (Kahneman 2003). System 2 is
sometimes for some people able to correct judgements rooted in system 1. The corrected
decision/answer is not guaranteed to be right/true. Various objects have various levels of
accessibility. Kahneman (2003: 459) wrote:
“Absent a system that reliably generates appropriate canonical representations,
intuitive decisions will be shaped by the factors that determine the accessibly of
different features of the situation. Highly accessible features will influence decisions,
while features with low accessibility will be largely ignored. Unfortunately, there is no
reason to believe that the most accessible features are also the most relevant to a good
decision.”
Decision value is defined as the contribution of an anticipated outcome to the overall
attractiveness or aversiveness of an option in the choice (Kahneman and Tversky 1984).
Individual may choose a variant of the global value without detailed comparison of the options
or ever not consider the other variant. Decisions are defined as situational (at the moment of
transition), driven by intelligence, the information available is in specific situational context,
affects, specific situational factors such as time pressure, concurrent involvement in different
task (cognitive load), time of the day and mood (see Kahneman 2003). The following aspects
of risk perception were identified:
• There may be transition costs connected to specific transitions (see Wilthagen and
Rogowski 2002).
• Preferences and choices of people are reference dependent (Kahneman 2003). People
compare the perceived gains and losses connected to an event (transition) from one
(current) state to another state (in their current situation) rather than the outcome
states of wealth.
29
Similar strand of thinking in economic theory is defined as ‘bounded rationality’ (Simon 1978, Kaufman 1999).
Decision making is sometimes done in complex situations that are dynamic and where uncertainty about
consequences is present, where there is too few or too much information, costs and time limits (to attention) to
activity are present, knowledge and people computing capabilities (mind) are limited, and emotions (arousal) are
present. The same situation may be assessed differently in different timeframes (see Kaufman 1999).
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• The strategies of young people may include risk prevention (it is not going to happen),
risk mitigation (if it happens, it should not pain too much), and risk coping (what to do
when it has already happened) (see Schmid 2006).
• Losses seem to be intuitively larger than gains resulting in loss aversion (Kahneman
and Tverky 1984, Kahneman 2003). When positive, certain things seem to be more
attractive than things with high or intermediate probability. The preference for sure
gain is an instance of risk aversion (Kahneman and Tversky 1984). This also results in
greater willingness to risk in case of potential loss (risk seeking).
• Experience of the past is more valued than prospects. People tend to maintain the
status quo (reference values, stability) in both the situation of prospective
improvement and even more strongly in the situation of potential loss (see Kahneman
and Tverky 1984).
• People care much more about low risk soon than for high risk in the distant future.
• Perception of the situation is based on the framing (the actual formulation of the
situation, e.g., in positive or negative terms, in a specific context or with a different
amount of accessible information).
• It can be expected that people are risk-averse (see Kahneman 2003). Risk aversion is
more probable when the outcomes of the bets are more significant in the context of
the current situation.
Such situations may be emotionally demanding. Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt (1984) argued
similarly about the situation of threat of job loss. People at risk of job loss begin the process
of withdrawal used to enable functioning at the time of job loss.
These expectations may provide a useful interpretation framework for understanding young
peoples’ behaviour. Decisions are linked to uncertainty about future outcomes, such as the
possibility to claim social benefits if the unemployed take a temporary job. In this sense,
welfare may provide more security than an uncertain job with poor working conditions (Snel
and Staring 2001, Engbersen et al. 2006). Engbersen et al. (2006) argued that it is much easier
to get out of welfare than to claim it again later. There may be too much paperwork and
benefits may be delayed. The result was a short-term attitude towards the future in which
people were not likely to give up what little security they had (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998, Engbersen et al. 2006). Another factor potentially contributing to the decision is the fear
that the person would not be able to do the work that he/she is for (Hora 2008b).
Research usually have found that people who live on social benefits do not have enough
money to make ends meet. The obvious paradox is that these people are able to move to
more acceptable living conditions only by means such as odd jobs in the informal economy.
There are several factors in play: better pathways are restricted, there is not much external
help, and the rules of the social security system restricts almost any possible improvement of
situation. Snel and Staring (2001: 10) argued that:
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“The most important disadvantage of formal social security is, however, that it forces
people to live according to a set of rules that strongly limits their opportunities to seek
their own solutions to their material problems”.
Musil (2004, 2006) presented the notion of dilemma as an enforced choice between two
unwanted or risky options. We can recognize three typical contexts in which we can discuss
dilemmas. Musil argues that the dilemma is persistent, and it cannot be easily solved. There
are three distinguished strategies to tackle the dilemma. First, inspired by the work of Lipsky
(1980) is the avoidance of dilemma. Second, inspired by the work of van der Laan (1998) is the
change of conditions that leads to dilemma. Third, proposed by Nečasová and Otava (2017) is
a change of values and ideal that is inherent in the dilemma.
The main conclusion from this part is that conditions for decision making may be difficult,
young people may be less oriented, and they may react intuitively. This is in opposition to the
picture of young people as fully rational and calculating. This aspect was somehow captured
in the statement of one of the respondents in the research of Clark and Kupka (1994b):
“From my present point of view many decisions were wrong, but at my state of
development at the time I could not have decided differently, therefore they were right
then” (Manfred, quoted in Clark and Kupka 1994b).
Story of Nancy
Nancy is a young Roma lady. She moved to Roma locality three years ago. Nancy completed
elementary education outside of Roma locality (in a class with the other four Roma children)
and later she applied to one school at the secondary level of education where many Roma
children go. Nancy studied here for four years (standard length of study) but she did not go to
abitur. She explained about her education:
“I went from elementary education to ‘elementary education’…school regime and all…
I did not perceive that I am at the secondary level. This was also a reason why I did not
care about it and that is [the reason] why I did not go to abitur…during elementary
education I was a devil, causing a lot of problems. At high school I calmed a lot, but we
listened to the music with my friends and not listened to lectures, and I regret it. It is a
bit late.” (R72: 96)
After school dropout, she tried to find work and she has got a public works workplace sorting
and distributing clothes to poor people in a local NGO. However, this job ended after nine
months with the end of subsidy.
“It was a public works program which was temporal. I worked here for nine months
and then I ended, and I was not able to find any work. I realised that it is not much
possible to live without school, the school is necessary and so I negotiated with the local
NGO that they would help me with tutoring, and they also helped me to enlist me for
abitur.” (R72: 19)
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Nancy prepared for abitur which she would pass in a short time (next week after interview).
Nancy was unemployed at the moment looking for jobs where qualification is not so
necessary. Employment office offered her nothing in her last unemployment spell lasting five
months.
“I still look for work, but it is hard. I have no work experience, no school….so I look for
it [work], I would accept anything. However, it is hard.” (R72: 25)
Nancy also thinks about studying at another school.
“I will go to a local NGO to my worker about school because…I decided to do one more
school with vocational education. The more schools, the better. I decided between
doing massages and working at the post office. This one or another one.” (R72: 139)
Nancy lives only with her mother because her father left them when she was very small. She
spends a lot of time caring for the household and caring for the small child of her friend. All
money she has are from her mother who works. Nancy spoke about the work of her mother:
“She [mother] is not very picky. Neither I am. If I could, I would do the same as she does.
She is sweeping the streets wearing a yellow jacket. It is not a bad work, it is not a good
work. However, in these times, she has no reason to be picky and she is not ashamed.
I am not ashamed too. I would do it myself without any problem.” (R72: 73)
Nancy presented discourses of ‘enlightenment’, ‘need of education’ (‘it is definitely in
education’) and ‘need of work experience‘. These are all apparent from quotations in her
story.
My reflection: It seems that Nancy is not firmly persuaded about her strategy or about her
future. She allows herself to be distracted and she changes her strategy often (her strategy
and view of the world seems to be very inconsistent). In her view, accepting emerging
opportunities rather than building a coherent strategy may limit her in future development.
We noted such aspects (e.g., accepting emergent, not holding to complete work in progress,
frequent change of orientation, uncertainty) also in other stories.
Story of Clara
Clara is a young lady who successfully finished vocational training for a confectioner. She was
not a studying type (‘I was young and stupid, and I did not have extra goals.’). Although she
originally liked the confectioner profession during elementary education, during her
vocational studies she disliked it. When she tried to work in the field, she found that she was
unable to influence the conditions of work (hygiene, etc.) and ‘do it her way’ and she left the
job.
She worked in a coffeehouse, but after some time she found that the employer did not pay
social contributions for her and he owned her salary. Clara left the job. Later Clara was
unemployed for two and a half years during whose she had only occasional jobs. She was picky
and did not want to do manual jobs. She had health limits because she has epilepsy, and she
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cannot work at night. She worked without a work contract (usually in services) or she earned
only up 4000 CZK (allowed limit for working disregard). Clara explained:
„I did not want to do a confectioner and I wanted to do something I would like, so it
was the reason I was picky and the reason I did not want in to work in the factory. I just
wanted to do the work I would like and not something I would hate…and I am also picky
about the work colleagues…when I do not get on with colleagues, it is also bad.“ R17:
123).
Clara was provided retraining for a barwoman (according to her it was not sufficient to get a
job) and later she got placement in a subsidised workplace (ALMP) as a chambermaid in the
hotel. However, she had no experience with this profession, she got no advice, and she left
after five months due work conditions and behaviour of employer. She switched to the shop
workplace, but she was released from there after one week. She was expelled from
Employment office because the left the subsidised chambermaid position without noticing.
Then she worked for one and a half year in the factory, but she left because she did not like
the conditions there and especially the conditions during reorganisation (she was sent to
different work position). At the time of the interview, she worked in a shoe shop for one
month.
During the interview, Clara reflected that she should have not been so picky and should have
earned some solid work experience when she could. She also thought that the language
knowledge and driving licence is going to be important for her future chances to get a job.
Clara reflected on her position on the labour market:
„Lady at the Employment office offered me various offers and I tried them, but no one
called me, or I went for the interview and I did not like the job environment, or they did
not like me. When I tried something higher without work experience, they simply told
me ‘no’ or they did not call me. And when they would accept me, I did not like it. I knew
I had that short-time job. It is my security that I am able to make ends meet and provide
support for the household. Therefore, I had no reason, when the Employment office
paid me health and social insurance, there was no motivation engine to hurry...but
when I left the hotel, I had to find something quickly, because no one paid me health
and social insurance” (R17: 95).
Discourses reflected by Clara are discourses of ‘need of work experience’, ‘selection’, ‘creative
work’ (‘I would like to do something I would enjoy’) and ‘competence’. She argues that she is
not stupid, and she is competent. However, if she has done things differently [she said], she
could be in a much better position. Clara connects missing work experience from years of
unemployment with her lowered current life chances:
“…I think that it can influence me now. I think that it is because I do not have work
experience from these three years, it influences me up to now. Because now I have
work, but if I lose it, or if I would like to go to do au pair in China, I cannot because I do
not speak English, so it influences me…if I found a job earlier, I could have saved money
for [language] course, it is all connected. (R17: 193).
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She had some opportunities (a notable difference from many other respondents) but she
hesitated to use them. There is no clear apparent goal for her. Rather, she looks in different
directions for emerging opportunities. However, in time this strategy changed, and she
realised that knowledge of language and driving licence are important.
My reflection on the story of Clara and similar experiences
We can see that Clara preferred the work that she liked over formally ending her
unemployment. However, after several years there is no notable improvement in her position.
There are several other notable aspects in the story of Clara:
• We can see in some cases that immediate gain (money at hand) is in her reasoning
preferred over longer-term prospects. Clara rather did undeclared jobs, but now she
reflects that it harmed her chances on the labour market.
• Clara said that the undeclared job and payment of social security contributions
together provided her with security and demotivated her to solve her situation.
• Clara might not (at least for some time) care for strategies that would move her to
better career paths.
• Clara quickly decided to do things that later proved to be a problem as the situation of
ending ALMP prematurely (and sometimes it could be expected). Clara also left many
jobs because she did not like the conditions there without a clear plan about the next
steps.
• Clara often took emerging opportunities, but it is difficult to recognise whether such
opportunities are realistic or illusionary. Long term strategy is completely absent (e.g.
Ray) and it is at least not coherently presented in the discourses of these young people.
There are other such cases. Betty described how she was expelled from Employment office.
She worked in an undeclared job because she was promised an employment contract there
and she hoped to get it.
“The worst [psychical consequence] was recently after I was expelled because I thought
that I will get an employment contract and I let them to expel me from Employment
office. Now I have to repay health insurance for half a year which now I owe. The work
really was not worth it.” (R22: 134)
There were several situations when young people (e.g. Melinda) left a good job because they
were optimistic and they believed that they would find another one, but it never happened.
It is very difficult to assess chances on the labour market and predict the ability to find a job
in the future. On the other hand, others hesitated to risk their security for an uncertain vision
of improving their situation (see above). For example, Helen spoke about the decision
between a better but uncertain job and the currently offered but worse job or the need to
search further. She could not wait for a better job half-a-year. In addition, she reflected that
taking a job is risky.
“If I took a job and I ended it because I did not like it or I found that I were not able to
do it, I would have not entitlement for unemployment insurance.” (R23: 164)
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Eugenie spoke about her fear of changing jobs for better ones because there is insecurity
whether this new promising job will be all right and all as promised. She regretted not being
more courageous for change in her last job.
Success and failure in the strategies
Success or failure of the strategies is based on a concrete perspective, and thus it can be
relative. This implies that young people are often characterised on one or all three dimensions:
a) what solution was south, b) whether it was successful, and c) why it is successful or not. The
characteristics included both activity (effort) and its outcome. Young people can be
characterised by all their history, current work/school situation (at the time of contact), and
future plans. Snell and Staring (2001) argued that human plans and actions do not always serve
the purpose they were intended to serve. Unintentional results can make the situation of
people even worse.
Trlifajová et al. (2015) argued that the possibilities of unemployed to choose among work
offers are often very restricted. They must accept subsidized jobs in the public sector,
temporary jobs, and a work without work contract. Hora (2008b) stated that perceived
chances to find work diminished with longer unemployment. Low success of the strategies
was evident in frequent refusals in the first phase of the recruiting process. Another dimension
of success is rooted in the ability of people to keep the acquired job (Hora 2008b). Gallie and
Vogler (1994) and Sirovátka (2009) concluded that the flexibility strategies used in the past
were not very successful in improving the labour market position of marginalized people. Hora
(2008b) concluded that strategies of using inner resources were mostly involuntary30 and from
the perspective of economic security, at most partially successful, because many unemployed
were in severe material deprivation despite these strategies. Still, these people are able to
adapt and to be used to very low income (see Hora 2008b: 128-129).
We believe that the success or failure of the strategy is most visible in the stories. We present
three stories to show the critical aspects forming the success or failure of the strategy.
Story of Rebeca
Rebeca is a young Roma lady who is 17 and lives with her parents. Since she studied
elementary school, Rebeca wanted to be a lawyer. She did not have good enough marks at
school and as a result she went to an economy focused high school (this is the school that also
her mother had studied). Rebeca likes the field of economy. She thinks that it is better for her
future work and more entertaining to have training for a specific profession (specialisation)
than to have a general education (gymnasium). In addition, she is glad that she is able to avoid
school subjects that she is not interested in.
Rebeca studies economy high school. She says that she has sometimes problems there
because she is the only Roma at that school and the other pupils sneer at her or they have
30
Hora (2008b) characterises them as difficult, unpleasant, and sometimes even irrational.
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nasty talks. She has a strategy not to listen to them. She also found friends at high school. She
is not satisfied with her school marks. She learns in the afternoon and uses afternoon tutoring
provided by a local NGO (languages). It helps her to have better school marks. She also works
in occasional jobs to have some money. She would like to live somewhere else, at ‘calmer
place’. She mostly tries to spend her leisure time out of the locality she lives.
Rebeca is very purposeful and ‘career identity’ oriented. She is not satisfied with her present
life but ‘it is hard to say’ why. She believes that economy high school with abitur will give her
‘basic security if something would happen’. After abitur, she may continue to the University
for the studying of law. She already saves money for the future when she wants to travel and
have a family.
“I want a flat and car. I do not say it is going to be in one week, but to get it in some
time. And if the lawyer is not possible than I would like to have a permanent place in
the office and a permanent income…to be secretary. And to save for a flat. To have a
family and to travel around the world.” (R36: 645).
Another discourse presented in her story is ‘activity’. She argues that you have ‘to want’, ‘to
get work’, to ‘have an effort’ and to ‘be successful’. Rebeca believes that the activity will help
her to fulfil her dreams (flat, car, travelling) and that when she is not successful on her way,
she will open another door (meaning opportunity). She contrasts this with some people in the
place she lives ‘who are lazy, and they do not have imagination or plans’. They are unable to
‘arrange things’. NGO can help them to spend their time in a reasonable way.
My reflection: Rebeca is a rather rare example of someone among our respondents who has
clear and coherent plan for the profession (lawyer or secretary) and is relatively successful in
realising it (up to yet). She wants to have some security coming (in her eyes) from attaining
some level of education. She believes that securing a certain level of education is ensuring a
good life (education discourse). She is very well able to use emerging opportunities of support
for her and she herself puts a lot of effort into activities leading to fulfilment of her dreams
(homework preparation, etc.). She was well able to withhold problems emerging from the
negative attitudes of her schoolmates. Rebeca is a typical example of career-oriented person
who attained some success due to her strategy.
Story of Philip
Philip is a young Roma man (23 years old). He is single but lives alone. Philip studied
elementary school, but he was transferred to school for children with special needs. He was
happy at elementary school because he had no worries then. During school they had a
workshop where they did various manual works (with wood, etc.). Philip most liked ‘painting
things’. When he was in his 9th grade of elementary education, he already knew what he
wanted to do. Because he liked painting during school activities, he asked if there were a
school for painters and he went there. He studied vocational training for a painter and
varnisher. He studied it for two and a half years, but he did not finish it. (We do not know from
the interview why he left).
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He was unemployed and he did only short-term occasional work (the longest for 14 days),
mostly in the field he studied (painting, moving, clearing out flats, distribution of
advertisements). He had almost no work in the last half year. Philip claims social benefits. He
would be more satisfied if he had work (he also needs money due to debts).
“…I have payments that I can nowhere to repay from, that is bad…” (R69: 73)
Philip is rather passive (or not very inventing?) in looking for work. He does not think that the
work is a problem that should be solved by involvement of someone else. He only asks for
work in one local NGO and sometimes he got some occasional work from his friends (not
lately).
The main discourse in Philip story is ‘need of education’. Education is according to him
important. He would need work because he has financial problems to finance his housing and
he is afraid he is going to lose it. Sometimes he would need some advice what to do from
someone more experienced. He reflects that he would need education to get work. Painting
is still a profession he likes, and he would like to do it.
“I remember more my vocational studies, this is what I lack, because I cannot find a
work without it. I would like to put it back somehow and compete it to be able to look
for the job better.” (R69: 61).
There is no retraining for his field (painting) and retraining courses are paid. He thought about
doing a bricklayer, but he would need school too (no such training courses available). School
is for him the only alternative to have qualification. He wants to return to school and ‘stay on
his own legs’ and repay his debts. The problem was that when he asked in his original school
if he could return, there was no free place in the school, and he had to wait to have the
possibility to return to school up to the next year. He likes this concrete school because it was
not so difficult, and he is afraid that other schools would be more difficult:
“I can look for another school, but I think that [original school] would be better. It would
be easier for me. I think that I would be able to tackle it…[he names other schools]
schools, vocational training, these are rumoured to be more difficult. I do not know. I
suppose I would not have [competences] to do it. I would be better in the first school
because I am afraid that I would not be able to tackle learning etc.” (R69: 373)
Philip also used discourse ‘need of work’ (‘I am home all the time…I know it here. I am bored’)
and ‘unworried youth’ (‘when I was young, I had no worries’). Another discourse in his story
is ‘discrimination’ (‘he is asked whether he is Roma’, ‘Roma are not wanted’, ‘employers
should not decide on the skin colour’). There is an interesting defence reaction towards
employers:
“I say, I am Roma, [but] I am [in the way of living] that I work, I am able to go to work
but they say directly that they do not want Roma.” (R69: 549)
My reflection: Although Philip is among the young people who had a rather clear vision about
his preferred profession, he was not very successful in his plans. Involvement in concrete
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activities during elementary school helped him to determine what he would like to do because
he liked it. However, later he was not able to conduct this profession although he would still
like to do it and he was able to do it when the work opportunity occurred. From his reflection,
it is hard for us to conclude whether his recent low success is influenced by his passivity (‘I
would be better if someone offered me something’) or because his strategy for looking for
work (ask social contacts, going to NGO) is limited and unsuccessful. There is not much outside
help for him. His firm plan is to return to school next year. Hopefully, this will help him. We
see both aspects of ‘taking chance’ and ‘wait and see’ in his story.
Story of Peter
Peter is a young man who started to study at 8-year gymnasium, starting from the 5th class at
the elementary school (a rather prestigious path of general education for talented kids in the
Czech Republic). However, after 9 years of compulsory education (after the fourth year of
Gymnasium), he changed his education to a technical type of education with abitur (in electro
technics) because he saw he could not study university and he believed it would be easier to
find a job afterwards (having only high school without university). However, he did not like
the vocational school due to its low quality: in his words, mainly due the absence of good
language education and he thought that a lot of schoolmates in the class contributed to the
low quality of education. He had low motivation to study there. He worked beside school and
finally he dropped out. He explains how he later realised that education is necessary, because
some jobs are closed to him and only some employers allow people without education to
‘grow in job’. He plans to return to school in a distant form.
Peter has been registered at Employment office for several years and he worked
simultaneously in several jobs (we counted about ten he mentioned). Mostly he worked only
with temporal work contracts or without a work contract (working in grey economy). His
longest job was for three years. Peter reflects that work conditions were good:
“I worked two or three days a week and I had 15 000 CZK and ‘diets’, and everything
was good there. There was only one mistake that it was that there was no employment
contract and so I was long-term registered at Employment office.” (R12: 28)
Sometimes he also worked in regular employment including one publicly subsidised
workplace. He explained how it was possible that he could work while being simultaneously
unemployed:
“Fortunately, because I did not fill the form about the preferred positions much, they
[Employment office workers] did not follow me nor they offered me some crucial job
offers, it was possible to tackle them with the tale that I already have something
arranged, some interview, and so they did not give me [any job offers]” (R12: 29).
The only reason for his registration was avoidance of social security payments because he did
not claim any benefits.
Peter has no life goals with long-term plans. Two aspects are particularly interesting in his
story. His work career is so fragmented that it is even for him hard to reconstruct. Almost no
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jobs in his work career were in the same field of work. He worked as driver, storage worker,
mechanic of industrial machines, operator, waiter, and computer maintenance. He presents
himself as ‘very skilled person with initiative’.
The main the discourse in Peter’s story is discourse of ‘calculation’. He does not want to do
hard manual work and to be identified with it, he compares effort to money, requires benefits
in the job, compares conditions in the jobs, declares several times reservations to concrete
offers of employment or jobs and explains how the formal arrangements are not met. I
provide an example of calculating reasoning:
“There were great differences between branches of the firm considering the quantity
of work, salary, comfort and benefits, because every branch had...in Prague they do the
same work for completely different money. We had 20 000 CZK which is above average
in the [region] and for [profession], but it was a lot of work. In Prague, they have 25 000
CZK, 25 days of holiday, nothing of it is here, and they have plenty of other benefits.
Here you have 20 000 CZK and nothing more.” (R12: 102)
He also changes jobs very frequently and declares willingness to do so. He explains:
„The reason [for frequent job changing] is that I did not enjoy it anymore and
something better emerged for me what looked more interesting for me.“ (R12: 95).
Peter speaks about ‘escaping to unemployment’ because ‘employers get on his nerves in
time’. He mentioned that sometimes he has problems to work under boss control and it would
be better for him to work for himself. Another discourse presented by him is ‘need of
education’ (see his story above).
My reflection: Peter can be characterised as a typical ‘calculating’ (in the typology of
Engbersen et al. 2006), and as a prototype of ‘job hopper’. Note that one critical event when
he was young was enough to change his life completely. Although changes in jobs are not
always under his control, he at least mostly knew about them in advance and had a plan about
his future work and financial situation. Although also he reflects several moments of insecurity
in his work career, he is not particularly worried about them because he was always able to
find another job. He also says that he is self-confident in his skills. There are according to him
not many consequences of his previous life and he reflects that he caused most of the negative
consequences himself. From the perspective of the values highlighted in contemporary
society, we could interpret his strategy as a failure and his great potential as partially wasted.
However, we would understand that he would probably not agree.
My reflection on the strategies
In a simple perspective, we can see successful strategies as those which lead to attain the basic
life goals of young people or which allow to live the preferred type of life. In some cases, shortterm
preferences go against long-term goals. In this perspective, we conclude that most of the
young people were not able to achieve this or they were still in the process. We note that the
first differentiation is in the aspect of the presence or absence of profession and career goals.
At one extreme, there are people who, like Rebeca and Quido, are very career oriented:
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“…mainly I want to have work, where career development is possible when you work
there for some time and you know that gradually with time you can develop
somewhere rather than working on the same position for ten or fifteen years.” (R13:
49)
On the opposite, many young people did not have clear life goals. Changes in life came often
at the moments when young people had to attain positions on the labour market. For some
young people, it was a ‘hard fall on the floor of the labour market’. This may lead to the process
of personal development as well as to the process of reconsidering. Many young people
accept the changed reality and accept the marginalised position resulting, e.g., from their
unfinished education. Derek mentioned that he chooses options which he believes that he is
able to do and to get, and he considers the income. Some young people (especially some
Roma) were not able to get almost anything. There was also some perception of ritualist
behaviour (Vendelín, Fred, Violet). Violet noted that she replied to advertisements which were
not suitable for her or which looked strange and funny. Fred explained:
“I created some job search stereotypes, routines, starting in the morning….I did it
completely automatically. When my effort was unsuccessful for a long time, I somehow
accepted it that I will never find work…after several months you stop to expect that
someone will call to go to work somewhere. I had a neutral feeling, it did not disturb
me. I recovered a bit when someone called me to show up, I was glad. However, usually
it was nonsense and for nothing.” (R26: 163)
Coping, resistance, and social resilience
In cultural studies research, there is an inherently present process of exploration of how the
phenomena studied sustain or challenge broader structures of power (Saukko 2018).
Traditionally, resistance was traditionally linked with challenging dominant ideologies and
society in both ‘real’ and ‘symbolic’ dimensions (Saukko 2003). We see two aspects here:
resisting structural determinants of own position and resisting theoretical expectations about
our position and theoretically limiting our real agency (see Gray 1997).
More recent literature more often works on the concept of social resilience. Dingeldey et al.
(2015:11) defined social resilience as “…the extent to which young women and men are able
to negotiate conditions potentially avoiding the most adverse consequences of such
insecurity”. Hvinden et al. (2019a: 13) defined it at the individual level as: “Opportunity to
acquire a feeling of well-being, the ability to cope with adverse circumstances and realize
valued and meaningful achievements in the short and long-term”. They consider active agency
as a constitutive element of social resilience. According to Keck and Sakdaporlak (2013) and
Bussi et al. (2019b), we can find three possible aspects of social resilience: coping, adaptation,
and transformation.
• Coping: short-term, ability to cope with immediate adversities (immediately, day to
day…).
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• Adaptation: medium term, recover, learning from experience (learning), anticipating
future risks, strategic self-organization, adjustment, planning.
• Transformation: long term, interaction with institutions, substantial change, new ways
that enhance functioning, progressive change.
Other researchers add more dimensions that go beyond resilience on the individual level (see
Bussi et al. 2019b). We understand such circumstances here as external factors or sources of
resilience that are both sudden and continuous. In some cases, strong experience or external
shock led to a change in behaviour (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019). Keck and
Sakdaporlak (2013) argued that we should also see resilience in the context of competition for
scarce resources, with its winners and losers, and aim our attention to the outcomes of such
processes.
Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) have found some personal traits that help young
people to be resilient. These included tenacity, perseverance, persistence, and serious
attitude, to be realistic, stay calm, focus on contemporary problems, go step-by-step, and have
optimistic, positive thinking. Hora (2008b) has found that some people kept looking for the
job despite the low perception of personal chances to find a job. The people in this situation
themselves argued that they ‘refuse and cannot retreat’. Resilience may in seen also in the
ability of young people to accept conditions that are not advantageous or even acceptable.
The people themselves argued that that ‘have to withhold it’ (Hora 2008b). Still, such a
strategy may lead to negative feelings and mistrust. When considering difficult or unpleasant
working conditions, people often say that they are willing to withhold them only temporarily
(Hora 2008b). Trhlíková (2017) argued that for young people it was important to be able to
leave in time in cases when they were misused, they did not have sufficient law protection,
had to work without a work contract and were not paid accordingly. Another strategy may
lead to compensating for work aspirations in other areas of life (Miles 2003). Hobbies are a
mediating factor in reducing boredom and stress connected with unemployment (Hora
2008b).
Story of Magda
Magda (Roma woman in her middle age) has grown up in institutional care. She was not much
in contact with her family because she blamed them for the unnecessary burden of being
grown in institutional care that she had to bear. She studied vocational training for a
glassmaker. After releasing from institutional care when she was 18, she gradually lived in
several asylum houses.
“…living in asylum houses, it was on the edge really, that I will tackle it, or I will not
tackle it and I will go down the hill, but I hold…” (R7: 41).
She lacked help from parents in preparing her for adult life.
“It is difficult because I had to learn, no one showed me, no one, nor the institutional
care prepares you for the life out there, how it really is, and this is what it is all about”
(R7: 275).
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She initially thought that everything would be easy. After a period of unemployment, she
found a job, but she lost it (‘I did not like it. I was young and stupid…’) and she was then
unemployed for several years. Magda rather soon had two children as a single mother and the
family claimed social benefits. The father has never seen children. She herself described the
first years of her adult life as the ‘wild period’. She said she was unhappy all the time and she
was seeking something, but she did not know what she seeks.
She was ‘helpless because without money you could not do anything’. She also went into
debts. She got help from NGO organisation in crisis when she and her children were homeless
and NGO workers helped her to place her adolescent children temporally to institutional care.
It lasted about 15 years before she was able to settle down, because she was alone in
everything and no family could help her, nor any institutional help was provided to her except
for the mentioned NGO and basic social assistance benefits. She also found a boyfriend but it
the relationship did not hold.
“Friends helped me psychically. This is important, because the psyche is very important,
or I would hang myself down, or I could fall down…and start to take drugs, drink heavily,
or do prostitution, but because they help you psychically, it helps you a lot.” (R7: 181).
She describes how she started to manage her situation step by step. The key moment was
when she realised that she wanted to change it.
„..Employers do not event talk with you: ‘I do not have money, go out and bye’, and you
are totally humiliated, but you cannot give up, you have to be strong and go on.
However, many times, you are sent down….and when you say this to Employment
office, they do not care…” (R7: 405).
“I had to work with myself, step on my own legs and say to myself: Not any longer, not
this way, I have to do something about it. Because when you have a job, you are one
hundred times better, you earn money and you are proud of it, you value it more, you
meet people, have new friends, and esteem yourself more.” (R7: 331).
She was very disappointed from living in the asylum houses, and she set a target herself to get
her own flat (to get a flat from municipality). She found a flat, she met with her late husband,
and then she found work. In the latter period, she was more successful. She had two stable
jobs. She reflects that her husband helped her a lot. Magda reflected on her life:
“…you have to work on yourself and that falls, that bad things – they mean success,
because I went through something, and I had to help myself and thus now I know, how
I could talk, what I want from life and that helped me a lot. That falls are in something
good in life.” (R7: 65).
Now Magda is divorced. She lives in a flat, cares for her granddaughter as her foster carer, and
works in the cleaning profession.
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The main discourse in the Magda story is ‘I had to help myself’ (it is mostly described above).
It relates to the aspects of being alone in everything and having no one (neither family, nor
social workers) to help you.
“It lasted several years until I settled down, because when you are alone in everything
and you do not have a family to help you but are alone, it lasts long until you settle
down, until you find someone, the relationship breaks down, but you must go on.” (R7:
95)
For Magda, this works as a barrier for the changing of her situation. She connects this with
responsibility for herself.
She also marginally mentions discourses of ‘enlightenment’ (‘I had to find out what life is
about’, ‘I would do it completely differently’) ‘claiming Roma/deserving, undeserving’ and
‘Roma discrimination’ (‘It is difficult for us, but they cannot put us in one bag, saying that
because we are black, we are all bad, that is not true.’) Another specific discourse is ‘hard
work’ when she talks about the manual job she had. We will return to this aspect in the next
chapter.
My reflection: Magda was in a very difficult situation, but she was able to tackle difficult and
unpleasant conditions with quite surprising effort and ability. However, it was not overnight.
She admits that she had to learn it gradually. Her story is particularly interesting not because
she made a miracle work career but because she was able to ensure her own housing and
raise her children almost by herself (latter with the help of husband). Apparent paradox is that
she argued that she had to help herself, but she also reflects that others helped her. We find
similarities with her tale, e. g., in the Story of Karin presented in the next chapter.
Story of Rachel
Rachel is a young Roma lady, who is 21 years old. She lives with her parents. Rachel has always
wanted to be dancer. However, she did not pass the entry exams for the dancing school
(conservatory school). She started to study vocational training for a shop assistant in general
goods, but she dropped out because she had learning problems. Later, after one year, she
returned to school and now she studies vocational training for a shop assistant in a drug store.
She thinks about continuing her studies in the future to have an abitur. Rachel’s main hobby
is dancing, and she also teaches dancing to children (she also earns some money this way).
She does not want to be a shop assistant. She is not sure what she is going to do, but she
wants to be an actor, to teach dance, she wants to work with children. She also wants to move
out and achieve a better life for her children that she plans to have in the future.
Rachel believes that in life you have to have a goal and try to achieve it by concrete activities.
Rachel notes the dissonance between her rather satisfactory personal situation (in her view)
and the depressing situation of her community. Rachel thinks that the life of Roma community
is hard.
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“The locality where I live. Someone could say: ‘I am going to have a paper’ [education],
but you go out and you see the souls who have nothing to do, and they do silly things,
and you want to help them, but it is not enough to work 120 percent. I would like to
help them but simultaneously…it destroys my mood when I see this. However, it
energises me that I must and can help them somehow.” (R70: 45).
…
“It happens that you do not have money for school. Parents are not able to pay it. Or
you look around and you see those horrible things, and it takes your heart, you say: ‘I
wield’.” (R70: 313)
In the final part of the interview, Rachel concluded:
“I would like to say…when you are not successful, do not give up. Go through it to tackle
it all.” (R70: 327)
Rachel presents a discourse of ‘need of education’.
“I think that it is because Roma do not have any education, and so they have to do silly
things. They do not have work because they do not have education. And so, they do
silly things, and it ends up in taking drugs and similar things.” (R70: 89)
Another discourse presented by Rachel is ‘racism’. Rachel presents an ambivalent stance. She
said that she occasionally meets with racism and she had also some personal experience with
it but not as much. First aspect is that you are recognised as being Roma and then you are
refused. Rachel thinks that you can convince some people about you when you have good
skills and/or you are good at communication and they change their stance. However, some
people judge you immediately, without consideration. On the other hand, Rachel thinks that
Roma are very passive, they are rapid to react (refuse), they do nothing to change it, or they
even refuse the offered options.
“I do not know. They [Roma] complain all the time about racism and racism. However,
my opinion is that it is not about racism. If they wanted to do something and were not
as whites say ‘all the time on the dole’, if they wanted, they could change it. And when
not parents, at least you can lead children to this. Therefore, each generation it would
be better.” (R70: 95)
Rachel thinks that sitting at home will not help Roma.
My reflection: What is particularly interesting in the story of Rachel for me is how she declares
a strong will to struggle outer and inner structural conditions, which she reflects. It is reflected
also in some of her activities. He is among a few exceptions among our respondents who really
returned to education. She teaches dance and tutors small children. She spoke about
attending demonstration. She strongly believes that change is possible, and she would like to
contribute to it. She reflects, however, that her ability to do so is limited. She admits that
sometimes she is overwhelmed with depression. We can also see how her strategy is
inconsistent in time.
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My reflection on social resilience
We can see that some people developed competencies helping them to overcome difficult
situations. Young people themselves reflected that they were under pressure and they were
or were not able to bear the circumstances. Josephine perceived the problem as a low ability
to withhold for a longer time when facing difficult conditions. It included motivation to go
beyond the basic level of satisfaction with herself. The precondition of emerging resilience for
some of the respondents was a specific bad situation or recognition that their overall situation
or one concrete aspect was unsatisfactory and with bad prospects and they want to change
it.
For other young people, grim visions about the future worked as an impulse for change: for
example, the vision of being imprisoned, bad health of the parent, and the expectation that
she will no longer contribute to the family budget. We understand this as a part of the school
of life discourse:
“I think that it kicked us for life, it taught us to care for ourselves. That you have to care
yourself because no one is going to care for you. Nowadays, contrary, I think that
everyone expects someone to care for them.” (R29: 43).
Another strong impulse for some young people was the finding that their comrades are in a
much better position and ‘that the train already left the station’. This means comparing
themselves with others and reflection on their own bad situation (Janine, Bonny). It is not only
about money but also about feeling inferior when you see how successful others are. For
some, there was also a need to prove own value to others, to find new friends and gain selfefficacy.
There was sometimes a need to overcome the feeling of discouragement.
“There were such glooms. However, I felt deep in me, that I am able to tackle it, that I
cannot give up and surrender. It comes to me, probably yes, but as it comes it also goes
away and I can go to look for work. Or I cannot achieve something when I am unhappy
with it. I have to gather.” (R32: 109)
…
“It influenced me…that I am…that nothing endangers me. When someone tells me
some troubles…that I developed psychically. Maybe sometimes a person is ruined by
loss of work but I was strengthened. Every time I was without work, I was telling myself:
‘Someone would need you. You are a hard worker’….I truly believed in me.” (R32: 123)
We briefly reflect on the discourse of enlightenment clearly visible in many stories. For Lucy,
the difficult situation functioned as an impulse to do something. However, in some stories we
saw the need for stabilisation of the situation (Magda, Karin, Fred). Ben, for example, said that
for improvement of the situation it is important to have work for a longer time. Young people
often needed more time for positive development of their situation.
Social networks can have a positive as well as negative influence on change due to support,
positive examples, and increased motivation (Bonny, Karin, Magda, Herbert, Robin). Magda
spoke about how important was help from friends and later from her husband to tackle this
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financially, emotionally, and with withholding on the right way (concerning not going to black
activities). Bonny stated that it helped him that the different opinion on the topic was
important for him and that others motivated him. Key to resilience was the ability to gradually
resolve the situation (one by one). Similar ‘step-by-step’ strategy was mentioned by Quido
and other respondents.
We may also consider that the ability to withhold or tackle a situation is part of the general
personality of some people. Bonny developed a similar idea:
“I think that generally the situation with employment in an early age or with work
opportunities now or with some delays in life, it is a lot about the character of the
person. I can think about a lot of people who would be hit so hard that they would
completely lose motivation for any development and they end up that they do not care.
On the other hand, I know people who went through such life troubles that which would
put me down 6 meters below the earth, but they withhold and went through it and they
take it as me now. However, I know that their situation was 100 times worse. I think
that it is a lot about character and about people around.” (R1: 188).
Conclusion of the chapter
In this chapter, we discuss the strategies of young people, most of whom had substantial
problems in gaining a stable position on the labour market. For young people, finding a stable
job means often complete life change, enabling to get housing, and starting to build their
independent lives (see next chapters). We have seen that individual agency, and individual
decisions in some cases significantly influenced the future of young people. We noted that
decision-making is rather difficult in the context of insecurity when the position of young
people is already marginalised or endangered. Rationality of the strategy is bounded. We
should put much more attention to the prevention of insecure positions and use secure places
(such as years during education) as guiding points to future life. Many young people regret
their past mistakes which I think had been avoidable with more guidance. We understand that
some people are blocked in their stances of refusal and negative motivation and some people
are also discouraged from action (e.g., low self-esteem). We also need more individual support
and remedial features and be able to get to young people when they are change ready.
It is not possible to interpret a strategy as a concept which is based only on individual
decisions. Some young people are resilient and focused while others are going in circles
without outer help. We listened to concrete stories when important others were key for the
improvement of the situation of young people and this potential improvement seems to be
questionable without real help (e.g., Bonny was helped by his friend, Magda was helped by
her husband). On the other hand, we can see how the chances of young people were
diminished by important others who led them in a questionable way (for example, guiding
children not continue their education), were using harsh sanctions (teachers dismissing young
people from school and not allowing them to return) or were neglecting young people (see
discussion in the last chapter). The interaction between institutions and young people is
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clearly visible in the interviews. Existence of such institutions is as relevant for young people,
as real and accessible they perceive such institutions.
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Chapter 4: Factors of insecure position
In this chapter, we reflect on specific aspects of the situation of young people which may lead
to an insecure position. We understand this insecure position as a position with the following
traits: not being able to fulfil personal aspirations, having problematic education, bad chances
to find work, longer periods of unemployment, etc. We thus go beyond subjective feelings of
insecurity which are nevertheless present in such stories. These factors are both antecedents
and consequences of the situation in various time moments during the live stories of
respondents. We look how these factors contribute to the insecure position (in this chapter)
and how the insecure position leads to various consequences (in the next chapter).
Factors and circumstances presented in this chapter may also work as conversion factors. A
conversion factor is a way in which a person can convert a resource to improve his or her
capabilities – conversion factors can be divided into the following groups: (1) institutional, (2)
social, (3) familial, (4) economic, (5) cultural, (6) political and (7) personal (Bøhler et al. 2019).
Such factors can influence young people both positively and negatively. In this and the next
chapter, we discuss factors that are related to personal, family, and local circumstances at
micro and meso level. Factors connected to publicly regulated institutions of education,
employment, and welfare state (i.e., policy factors) are discussed in the sixth chapter.
Sen (1992) forcefully argued that any selection of diversities and conversion factors has to be
contextual. We should be also able to distinguish contexts and factors that are usually set for
people (e.g., age, sex, are hard to change, etc.) from those factors that can be influenced by
individual agency. We reflect that the quest of fully determining factors and outcomes in the
lives of young people is somehow doomed to fail in such qualitative research that we do in
this book because there is no focus on causality and statistical inference. On the other hand,
we would like to show concrete examples of live stories to discuss the possible relevance of
wider aspects of the situation and to get more insight to the concrete conditions.
Previous literature (Dean and Taylor-Googby 1992, Bendit and Stokes 2003, Clasen, Gould,
and Vincent 1998, Mareš, Sirovátka, and Vyhlídal 2002, Hora 2008b, Hora and Žižlavský 2009)
jointly distinguished following main factors influencing insecure position and perceived
chance to find work:
• local conditions: locality where people live, including, e.g., economic conditions,
schools, and infrastructure.
• labour market situation: structural changes, unstable conditions, unreachable labour
market, low work opportunities, low wages,
• individual competences and personal factors: age-related factors (lack of work
experience, look), health problems in relation to work ability, criminal past, low
qualification and skills, language barriers, job search skills, motivation (willingness to
flexibility, ability to leave social benefits)
• family situation: social class background, cultural values, relations, caring for children
and elderly, role of the partner, and housing conditions
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• role of employers: stereotypes, discrimination, high demands, time limits, quality of
potential employment,
• other sources of help: low contacts, low references, low resources to find work,
We are going to discuss some of these factors in detail in the rest of this chapter.
Locality of residence
Locality in which young people live can have specific features providing both restrictions and
opportunities for active agency. Regional labour market conditions (including, e.g.,
dimensions of urban/rural and centre/periphery) determine the range of work opportunities
for young people (EGRIS 2002, Bendit and Stokes 2003). Infrastructure of social services
(including specific social services for young people and their accessibility/availability,
sufficiency, and quality) and distance from other places are other important factors (Günther
and Seukwa 2018, Tryfona et al. 2018).
Sometimes a neighbourhood or district is a specific place creating a special context in which
people operate (see Snel and Staring 2001). Young people (including some young people in
our research) often lived in relatively deprived neighbourhoods, often with a history of bluecollar
workers’ housing, where the following features were concentrated when compared to
other relatively close locations (see e.g. Snel and Staring 2001, Bendit and Stokes 2003,
McNeish and Lancle 2003, Hussain et al. 2016, Hussain et al. 2018, Hajdinjak 2018b, Tryfona
et al. 2018, Gehrke, Günther, and Seukwa 2018, Grander and Stigendal 2018, Tan and Spies
2018).
• Specific building infrastructure, poor quality of housing, small flat side and
overcrowding of housing, and the existence of ‘slumlords’
• Lower access to quality education system,
• Relatively undeveloped infrastructure of production and services,
• Limited health services,
• Lower outreach of public institutions (employment services),
• Specific population (homogenous or heterogeneous), the possibility to maintain only
specific social contacts,
• Very high concentration of unemployment, high share of people living on social
benefits,
• Low work opportunities, low quality of jobs, and illegal work,
• Limited public transport,
• Selling drugs and prostitution, crime, and limited safety within or outside
neighbourhoods,
• Poverty.
In many cases, such localities have been created for ‘the other’ or ‘unwanted’. People were
pushed there by coincidence, market forces of deliberately by political planners (see Gehrke
et al. 2018). Living in poor, ghettoized neighbourhoods is a significant factor of social
exclusion, especially for people from Roma minority group (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov
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2018). Some researchers also noted importance of the stance of people living outside the area
or of the general society (Hussain et al. 2016).
We recognize that the locality is not completely isolated, but it is connected to other localities
and other wider structures (Saukko 2003). We can study its differences from other places and
relationships to other places can help us to understand the way in which such places are
formed and form places outside. Engbersen et al. (2006) and Hussain et al. (2016) showed that
spatial isolation, quality of transport, and economic situation are relevant factors due to the
need of commuting to work. The key aspect is whether young people from deprived
neighbourhoods are willing and able to move around the city to use its resources. This may be
related to their identification with a particular area, obligations and networks within the area,
situation within the area, and opportunities outside the area (see Clark and Kupka 1994b,
Hussain et al. 2018). People whose situations improve often leave the deprived area (Gehrke,
Güntner and Seukwa 2018, Hussain et al. 2016). On the other hand, people in some cases have
to leave their homes involuntarily due to the process of gentrification, especially in traditional
areas close to the city centre, which became more attractive for investors (see Jubany and
Güell 2018, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018b, Chrabąszcz et al. 2018)31.
In our research, we have a lot of young people who lived in deprived neighbourhoods. This
includes all respondents in CITISPYCE project and some respondents (minority) in NEGOTIATE
project. This means that in our research the locality context is more relevant than in other
similar pieces of research.
Story of Rupert
Rupert is a young Roma man. He lives in one of the deprived localities. After elementary school
Rupert studied high school in information technologies. He had to repeat one year at school.
He used afternoon tutoring by a local NGO, and he improved. However, finally dropped out
and transferred to other private high school. He studies the third year of private school. He
said that he left the former high school because he was not successful there, he did not have
a computer at home and his family was moving and had financial problems.
Rupert regrets leaving the first school. Former school was better because he learned a lot
there, including speaking foreign languages. Private school is of much lower quality and easier.
He does not think that he likes the field of study and wants to do it. Rupert wants to be a
policeman or entrepreneur. He thinks that he would have better work opportunities and wage
if he would have finished the former school. Rupert sometimes works in construction to have
money and to support his family (mostly at weekends). He is less satisfied with his life than he
used to be.
31
This process is paradoxically caused by relatively affordable housing prices in the locality leading to people
from other parts of the city wanting to move in (Chrabąszcz et al. 2018), by property renovation leading to higher
prices (Grander and Stigendal 2018, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018b) and some outer property investments
with the vision of future profit.
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“I was satisfied with my life up to the last year, but nowadays it would be better to
move a step further. To make a step from puberty and start to think about life, about
my future, etc.“ (R44: 45).
Rupert strategy is to go abroad and earn money and then to return home or to move to live
in other locality close by (to be close to his parents).
Rupert extensively explains his perception of the locality where he lives and the community
of people who live there (in Rupert’s story people and place are strongly connected).
According to his description, one key aspect is the lively character of the place. Other parts of
the city are calmer. There are a lot of pubs and gambling houses. Environment is dirty, houses
are decorated by graffiti, rubbish lies on the pavements, and some people put rubbish out of
windows. The place is dangerous in the evening. Rupert spoke about it as about ‘not to go
area’ and ‘menagerie’.
“Various things happen there. I do not wonder that people are afraid to go there. It is
very sharp there. People steals on the streets. Drugs. It is bad. It is because they do not
go to school. If they were going to school, they would be more oriented and cleverer
and they would not do such stupid things.” (R44: 73)
….
“People here are weak to change something. Someone is satisfied to be a drug
addict…someone waits to go to prison in 17-18 years. It is horrible. There are not extra
[prosperity] visions for anyone.” (R44: 233)
Rupert argues that people are ‘out of themselves’ because of drugs and poor due to playing
gambling machines. Many people have debts.
The second aspect described by Rupert is connected to the economic character of the locality
and family life. Young people do not have family support to go to school. Other aspects
mentioned by Rupert are home violence and neglect (people are less helping each other than
before), which contributes to low attendance at school. Low interest in schools and school
dropouts is widespread. There is mass unemployment and claiming of social benefits. Roma
people cannot get a legal job due to discrimination. Most men work manually in undeclared
jobs in construction.
On the other hand, there is a greater infrastructure of NGO services in the deprived locality,
helping people with specific needs or young people more generally. Moreover, there are some
sport facilities that young people can use.
The main discourse of Rupert is surrounded around an idea, reflecting that people living in the
locality are somehow embedded there, in their current lifestyles. Rupert mentions ‘Antieducation
discourse’ (this is explained later in this book). According to Rupert discrimination
contributes to the very difficult situation of Roma. Another discourse mentioned by Rupert is
‘trap of unemployment’.
“…when they find work, it is not as well paid as they would imagine. And that forces
them to stay on social benefits.” (R44: 129)
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Rupert also means that ‘people have dreams, but they are weak’ and despite of all effort they
are unable to change their lives:
“They put it in their heads, but they only pointlessly lie to themselves. For example, a
friend of mine said that in two years when his baby will be born, he is not going to live
there. He did everything for it. He went to work, saved as much as he could and nothing
came, he is still in the same position. It is not possible….You have to completely change
your mind to clap your hands in a moment and say: ‘I am someone completely
different’. People here are weak for this.” (R44: 249)
My reflection on the story of Rupert and similar experiences
The experience of Rupert is like the experience of many other young people we talked to who
lived in deprived localities. Young people describe it in the following way. The locality is lively,
people are permanently wandering around the streets, and people know each other. The most
painful problem in the locality is the widespread use of drugs among young people. Among
other problems mentioned by other young people are desolated houses (and the environment
which is continuously destroyed, public facilities which are often stolen or broken32), lack of
facilities for young people, a lot of noise even at night and common prostitution.
Even young men living there (e.g., Tobias, Harrold, Bob, Trevor) argued it really is violent and
dangerous to be there or to go to some concrete places. Lampert said that you can meet nasty
people there. Tobias spoke about some people provoking and attacking without reason. Bob
described experience from the last week when a boy and a girl living outside of the locality
were ambushed and robbed and the boy was beaten. Nancy and Rebeca spoke about
ambushes and thefts in the neighbourhood. Rosalie commented that she meets a lot of
unpleasant, dangerous people and with a specific risk for girls:
„Everywhere you go, it is a fear there. When you go in the evening alone, or even with
the group, you are afraid everywhere. You do not know, where he is [who you meet],
who it is, or even you know him, and you are afraid of him. You do not know what he
can do. He can beat you or rape you. Fear is everywhere.” (R60: 299)
More young women felt insecure or they were similarly afraid alone at night (Vanessa, Rebeca,
Laura). Laura commented that often cars follow them because people confuse them with
prostitutes.
We reflect on the reaction of young people to such living conditions. Some young people are
used to this and they do not care much (Robin). Lisa said that young people in the locality
cannot be trusted. Some young people (Lampert) say they guide their friends over the locality.
Some young people wish to change it (Rosalie). At the time of research, the situation was not
improving despite some young people mentioning more frequent police controls that in other
32
There is an apparent contrast between the destroyed environment outside and nice flats inside the houses
(Randolph).
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parts of the city. Police control is considered necessary, but others consider it to be oppressing
(Trevor). In many interviews young people declared interest to move out of that locality (Ray,
William, Bob, Vanesa, Barbara, Nancy). I often understand this interest as a need to escape
rather than only seeking better opportunities. For other young people, the locality was
paradoxically their secure place, or they had the discourse of ‘security in known things’. An
example of this is the statement of Robin:
“I know it here. I know what I can and what I cannot. In other quarters I do not know. I
am new there and I do not know what I should, what I can and what no. There are
completely different people, who I do not know. Here I know everyone.” (R49: 81)
Typical argument within this discourse is that other people outside the locality do not like to
meet Roma, they look strangely to them, have negative comments, etc. (Rachel).
Social, economic, and spatial segregation
Some authors perceive segregation as a specially applied inequality. Kieselbach (2003) links
spatial segregation with low qualification possibilities. Typical segregation is in the school
system:
• When young people from immigrant backgrounds or ethnic minorities are
discriminated in the education system (Tryfona et al. 2018).
• When there is a sharp distinction between public and private schools and academic
and vocational schools (Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018),
• When a substantial proportion of pupils in particular schools are from ethnic minorities
form a lower socio-economic position (Plug et al. 2002, GAC 2009, Jubany and Güell
2018, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018b, Tan and Spies 2018) as a result of ‘dezoning’
process (see Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018). This may result in lesser education
performance and a tendency among the parents of non-migrant children to avoid
these schools and antieducation behaviour (Plug et al. 2002, GAC 2009, Jubany and
Güell 2018, Tan and Spies 2018). Some desegregation policies can even further
contribute to segregation (see Hajdinjak 2018b).
• There may be substantial differences in school drop-out rates (Bendit and Stokes 2003)
and chances for future education (GAC 2009).
Story of Josephine
Josephine is a young Roma lady, 18 years old. She lives with her parents, is single, and has no
children. She contributes her mother money for housing. Although Josephine has a boyfriend,
she does not hurry to move to her own flat because she does not want to be an adult so fast.
Although she is not fully satisfied with her life, she enjoys her current life as it is, and she is
glad to have at least some work. She complains not to have enough free time.
Josephine studied vocational training for a hairdresser. She decided to be a hairdresser
because she liked it since her childhood and her friends wanted to go study there. Although
she was able to complete vocational training, for one year before the interview, she was
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unable to find a job in the field (due to lack of experience) and she accepted a job as a cleaning
lady. She started to study English language after work (in the afternoon), but it was difficult
for her to motivate herself to learning when she simultaneously worked. She likes her current
work of a cleaning lady although it is low paid (at the level of the national minimum wage).
She stopped to look for another job because she does not have time for further job search. It
is difficult for her to fulfil her own financial needs.
Several times during the interview, Josephine pointed out on the relationships between Roma
and people from the Czech Majority during education.
“There is a difference when you go to school with Roma and Czechs…When I attended
elementary school, it was normal, no one wondered that there is a Roma girl. However,
at vocational training, even when there were relatively a lot of Roma, they looked at
me: ‘She is that Roma girl’.” (R41: 17).
Czech schoolmate children in the vocational school had comments on her due to her Roma
origin, which were rude, and they also used ‘such comments’ it in conflicts with her. Josephine
is glad that the people in her current work look at her normally and she likes them. She also
argues that she feels more secure within Roma community and locality than outside it (she
lives outside it now, in the centre of the town). She explained:
“Now I live in the centre of the town, and it is very different there. I know that here [in
the Roma locality] in the social flats there are Roma who do a lot of mess, etc. However,
I feel more secure among them, because I have grown up among them, I already know
them, and I know what I can expect from them. It is dangerous for me now when I live
in the town centre because I live in the street where often ‘skins’ [skinheads] go. And I
want to go out at evening on Friday and we go back home around three o’clock at
night. We met them several times at the corner…and they looked at us, scanning what
we do, and I was feared. In contrast, I went here [to the locality] normally without any
problems.” (R41: 45).
Although she lives at new address for more than one year, she still did not know any of the
people living there. I named this discourse presented by Josephine as ‘security in known
things’.
Another discourse presented in the reasoning of Josephine is ‘segregation’. She argues that
both groups (majority and Roma minority) are separated, and they judge the other groups on
the base of shared views which may be inaccurate:
„The problem [of Roma]…their problem is that they did not grow up among
Czechs…Roma are all gathered here. They have their own behaviour. And when they
come among other people, they do not know their habits…their manners. They do not
know how they speak/enjoy and the other [Czech majority] do not know how they
speak…I admit that some Czechs have never met Roma, but they already judged them.
Because they know that Roma steals, but they never met them. However, I also know
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others [Czechs] that would change it not to be Czechs and behave so. They know it
because they live there.” (R41: 67).
Another discourse in the story of Josephine is ‘motivation’ and ‘negative or positive influence
of parents and friends’. She thinks that Roma people are talented, but they are not willing to
put all effort into things like learning and continue somewhere else, they do not withhold.
They are not motivated by their family and neighbours to try or they are even discouraged.
On the other hand, there is a negative influence from the outside, especially from friends,
towards taking drugs and stealing. Bad behaviour is also a reaction to inferior initial conditions.
Josephine reflects that she has problems to motivate herself. Her parents and NGO workers
motivated her to study, and it helped. She tried to study, but she stopped:
“I know that I am not much gifted, and I am not a learning type…I have already taken
my pink glasses off about attending schools. I wanted, but I found that I am not a swift
learner, even less when I regularly go to work, and I do not really want to study, it is
bad [her situation].” (R41: 185).
She also mentions work experience discourse (‘all employers wanted work experience from
me’) and ‘calculating’ discourse.
“Most of the boys from the Roma community are working in construction, but they earn
more money than when they would go to normal work…. Because even if there is 70
CZK per hour, they still earn more…If I were a boy, I would rather work on the
construction site.” (R41: 98).
My reflection: The three main discourses presented by Josephine are interconnected into one
great story about Roma. Their ways of living are different. Roma are separated,
misunderstood, and segregated. They lack motivation to change it. In the remaining situation,
when other paths are blocked, they found their own ways of living using the resources they
have, accepting ‘inevitable’. This is a form of self-fulfilling prophecy. Josephine herself
accepted the job of a cleaning lady although she completed vocational training for a
hairdresser, which was her dreamed profession. However, she was not able to find work.
Discourse of Sandra
Sandra is a young Roma lady, aged 21. She finished high school with an abitur in the field of
‘trade and entrepreneurship’. She was not able to find work in the field she studied, and she
accepted work in the call centre. Although she did not like the contents of the work, there is
one aspect that she likes most in her work. Despite working in a collective which is mixed from
both Roma and non-Roma, people mutually agree and there are not any distinctions based on
ethnic origin. Sandra still wants to find work in the field she studied, but she is glad to have at
least some work.
The main discourse presented in the reasoning of Sandra is ‘social exclusion’ (although she
herself is not defining it so). Her reasoning is relative complicated and multidimensional.
Sandra said that there is a distinction problem. Sandra divided Roma people into two groups:
one group going far from the world and living their own life (including negative behaviour)
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with whom it is impossible to live with and the second group who is unhappy because they
are not able to get to the centre of happening and they are put at the edge of life and
completely neglected. They are not free because they have to carefully consider what to do
and where to go. Roma people according to her have concrete problems in relationships with
the majority, e. g., they are not accepted to work, they are not allowed to enter certain clubs,
they rather avoid certain places because they expect problems there, or they are falsely
accused of stealing. This is according to Sandra, what discourages young people from
participation in society.
“They [Roma] say to themselves when they [non-Roma] behave to us like this, why
should we have good relations with them. And they separate themselves and create
their own group which they want to defend. And they do not participate any longer.”
(R42: 104).
Other discourses presented by her when describing looking for work were ‘lack of experience’
(where you can get work experience when no one will employ you) combined with
‘discrimination’ and ‘anti-education’ discourse (‘they do not find work because they are Roma
despite having vocational training’). She also believes that the statement about lack of
experience is only ‘cover’ for not having to accept unwanted people. She also argues that
young people are discouraged from looking for work and demotivated to learn:
“The main problem of young people is that they are not motivated…they see in the case
of their parents that despite effort, they [parents] are not accepted to work. And this
leads to saying: Why should I learn when no one is going to accept me anywhere,
because we are Roma” (R42: 88)
Parents do not motivate their children to learn. It may also discourage people to participate
in the society (and encourage them to separate) or it may invoke similar negative strategies.
Roma may also be afraid to try to change their position because they are afraid of payback.
My reflection on segregation
We identified three main aspects in which segregation was present in the interviews: the
question of education, spatial aspects of segregation, and relationships. Because we did
CITISPYCE interviews in specific deprived localities, we reflect that there are schools in these
localities where most Roma go, and about which locals spoke like about ‘Roma schools’
(Harrold, Rachel). During the interviews we also reflected that many young Roma from such
localities went to only a few second level schools (mainly vocational training or private schools
where there are majority of Roma). Rupert commented that only a few Roma people go to
study outside the locality or outside two or three schools typically providing secondary level
education for Roma. This may be related to the question of quality of education reflected in
the chapter about institutional determinants. Alan spoke about the problems of segregated
schools considering the quality of education and the relationship between Roma and Czech
majority:
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“It is better when children are mixed. When they are separated, that is horrible…When
they know each other, they are able to create a better relationship…We should not
have racist stances towards each other. We should help each other and we [Roma] can
have it in the same way as your people [Czechs] do.” (R72: 289)
Important aspect is the relationship between Roma and other children especially during
secondary level education. When young Roma were minority during the education process,
they had various experience. Sandra, for example, said that she had good relationships with
her schoolmates. Other young people reflected problems in personal relationships. Trevor
described such problems comparing Roma schools to schools where Roma are minority,
reflecting his experience.
“We do not do the difference whoever come, he is blue, yellow or I do not know which
colour. Always he is a friend. However, at my former school, it was horrible. They get
me down so that I had bad nerves….I was so nervous that I would like to stand up and
hit someone. However, this would destroy my school attendance. Therefore, it is better
to sit with your mouth stut.” (R65: 102)
Alan also described how he had problems joining with the school class at secondary level of
education.
“These [schoolmates] there [at school] very not very good. My friends with whom we
had promised to go there to be together did not come. You have to get to know new
people. Whether they are good or false, who are racists or something like that. There
were some such people who were not from there [from the city], but from the villages…I
did not want to have problems. I knew that if I did something to him, it would be even
worse, and so I ignored it.” (R73: 37)
This experience is spread out among Roma and some young people (Rosalie) expect to have
such problems when they decide to go schools with not Roma majority.
Another typical aspect causing segregation is avoiding (they do not go there) and not allowing
in (we are not allowed to enter). For example, Mortimer said that he only rarely goes outside
the locality because he sees no reason to do this. Mortimer also noted that people living
outside the deprived area are afraid of going there. Trevor do not go outside the locality
because he does not feel well in places which he does not know. There are some other
fascinating examples from CITISPYCE interviews. Even when people from the locality have
friends living outside, they often do not visit each other much (Maria) or Roma guide them
through the locality. This may further contribute to segregation. Tobias argued that when
people are segregated, they do not meet each other, then ‘the good people are not visible‘.
Ethnicity and ethnicity-based discrimination
People from ethnic minorities and immigrants can be confronted with reduced work
opportunities due to language barrier, different ‘normal biography’, socio-cultural
stereotypes, unclear or minor legal status, and difficulties to succeed within the culturally
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hegemonic education and qualification system (EGRIS 2002, Du Bois-Reymond and López
Blasco 2003, Bendit and Stokes 2003, Walther 2006). Therefore, they often have lower
education, unclear legal status, they work illegally and are vulnerable to misconduct (Bendit
and Stokes 2003). Discrimination towards young people may be based on both taste-based
discrimination and statistical discrimination (see Parsanoglou et al. 2019). For marginalized
young people, there is a risk of discrimination due to gender, length of previous
unemployment, appearance, skin colour, or foreign origin (Hora 2008b, Hussain et al. 2016).
The discrimination is often mentioned as the main reason of not being able to find work
among Roma people (Hajdinjak 2018b). People feel discriminated not only due to the skin
colour but also due to accent and locality of residence (Hajdinjak 2018b).
Story of Melinda
Melinda is a woman in her middle age who is married and cares for several children (one her
child and three her grandchildren). Her mother is Roma, and her father is from ‘Czech
majority’. She studied vocational training for a confectioner. She had her first child during her
studies and then she returned to education and completed it when she was eighteen. She
worked in catering and her husband (who worked at night) cared for the child. However,
Melinda was ill (she had a backache) and she had to leave work. She lost her second child
during pregnancy and she was hospitalised in psychiatry due to the psychical consequences of
lost motherhood. She also had other health problems (paralysis) which lasted for several
years. Later, when she recovered, she was unable to find work as a confectioner. She was
according to her words discriminated. She has never got work as a confectioner again, but she
was able to bake cakes for other people at home (she did it until she had to move to a rooming
house). Sometimes she worked as a cleaner and hospital attendant (after she completed a
retraining course for it).
Melinda divorced with her first husband and stayed alone with her daughter. They had severe
existential problems (did not have anything to eat) because they did not get social benefits.
She was deeply depressed and thought about suicide. It was a moment when a sudden
opportunity came to her.
“I wanted to kill myself. I sat at the bar and thought about drinking and taking pills…and
a woman sat next to me and asked me what I was doing there… I told her that I wanted
to commit suicide, to end it. She thought that I was joking…and she said she would have
a solution for me that I can lead a dancing group. I said that it would be wonderful, but
I did not believe it…and we arranged a meeting and it was [NGO organization] … We
did ‘casting’ and took children from the poorest families.” (R30: 15).
Melinda started organising dancing for children and it helped her to improve the financial
situation of the family. She also met due to dancing activities with her second husband, and
she had a second child. However, her husband was sentenced to prison due to not paying
alimony for his children from the previous marriage. After he returned from prison, they lost
housing and had to move to a rooming house. They also took her three grandchildren for
personal care. Melinda became ill again and was diagnosed with cancer, but she survived. Her
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health severely limits her work, and she is more life oriented on caring for children and
grandchildren now.
“I care for them, so they have them [their chances]. I already missed my chance and I
do not believe I will have it again, because I am finished now” (R30: 71).
The main discourse in Melinda story is ‘discrimination’. She is deeply persuaded that
discrimination is the main source of her low success in her original profession (confectioner).
She explained how she was refused during personal contacts:
“…I looked for a job as a confectioner because I have experience since I have worked in
the workshop. On the phone, it was all nice, we had agreement on the job, they wanted
to take me, but when I came there, they told me several times; they had had bad
experience with Roma. Whether it would not be better for me to look for a completely
different kind of job” (R30: 9).
Other aspects of discrimination she commented or were inherently present in her talks were:
‘you are Roma’, ‘you do not belong here’, ‘they do not want me because they believe I will
steal’, ‘if you were someone else, we would trust you’, ‘I have vocational training, but it is of
no help’, ‘they did not give me a chance’. She also described how once she was beaten by skin
heads in public transport. According to her, the approach from authorities (e.g., social
assistance clerks) was discriminating and rejecting because she was Roma and they were
unable to do anything with discrimination. She concluded:
“I am afraid about our children, when they complete vocational training, complete
school and they say: ‘Grandma, why we did go to school when no one wants us?’ This
is what I am afraid”. (R30: 77).
Another discourse in Melinda story is ‘it was better during communist times’. She as many
other Roma compare the current situation with the better situation of Roma community in
the communist regime. During communist times she was not attacked, discriminated nor said
anything bad due to her origin. Later she went through hunger, poverty, and homelessness.
She further explained:
“…I want to cry. I remember my beautiful childhood and how I lived during those times.
It was wonderful when I did not feel pain, fear and poverty, I did not even know that
these things exist”. (R30: 35)…. “If there was not a revolution and communists were
there, I know I would raise a lot. I know I would live differently. Completely differently.
I know that I would live according to my plan. It is not possible now.” (R30: 73)
Melinda also used communists as the reference frame of good people who helped Roma.
“This was a drop of hope for me. And I was completely happy, and I said to myself that
even when the communists are no longer here, still there is someone who has heath
and who will help me, who will not only watch us die.” (R30: 15)
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My reflection: I see that there is a cumulation of difficult moments in the story of Melinda.
This includes being ill, being Roma, being a lone mother, without work for a long time, and
divorced. She herself underestimated the role of her health problems at a young age for her
work future. She also admitted that she lied employers about her health status. One aspect is
especially notable in her story. While she was never accepted for employment as a
confectioner, she was (according to her words) successfully able to do the same profession as
self-employed. It seems that her inability to find work in the dreamed profession was not
about her skills but about other factors in play. Total absurdity within her situation is reflected
in the statement at the end of the interview.
“I looked for a fault in me. I said to myself that something is wrong. I regretted that I
was born among them [Roma]…why I was born to them [parents] and not someone
else. Such bad, nasty ideas. To my parents. I fault them. Because I was told personally
that I am Roma and that I ‘should not be angry’ [in Czech polite way to state refusal]. I
have a bad experience from their side [majority/employers?]…I had thoughts that it is
the fault of my parents. Where I did a mistake? And why it is only me?” (R30: 69)
In addition, Nancy pointed out that ethnicity is about self-perception:
“White put us all into one sack…stealing and taking drugs, gambling…telling us
no…most people say that I am not Roma, but I tell you that I am Roma, half to half but
I live since my childhood only with my mother and I feel being whole Roma. I do not feel
being white.” (R72: 108)
Laura presented the opinion that her skin colour is what she is not satisfied with but she
cannot change it and so she has to accept it.
Story of Amanda
Amanda is a young lady, aged 19 years. She has only elementary education. She did not go to
vocational training because she was not accepted. She said that it was because she was
aggressive and quick tempered. She was recommended to psychiatric care, but she did not go
for the test.
Since Amanda ended elementary education, she did only occasional jobs as a cleaning lady.
She lives with her boyfriend and their small child, 2 years old. She is on parental leave and
claims parental benefit and social assistance. Most of the day she is with the child which is
demanding for her. Her hobbies are watching TV and listening to music. Although she works
occasionally, it is difficult for her to combine work and care for the child because her boyfriend
also occasionally works. Financial situation of the family is unstable. Sometimes they do not
have enough money and have to borrow from the family.
The main discourse of Amanda is ‘discrimination’. She describes concrete situations from her
personal experience. Most of the time, she can find work only due the help of friends. When
she tries to look for work, she is always refused even for jobs where qualification is not
necessary:
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“When I call there, I am invited, but when they see me – maybe it is because I am Roma
or I do not know what I should think – they always tell me that they will call me but no
one did it.” (R54: 117).
Similar situation is according to Amanda when looking for housing:
“It is difficult with this [finding housing] because it is similar as with employment. You
call there, you are invited to visit…money may also play a role in this. It is written in the
newspaper that it is without deposit. They see Roma and they want two or three
monthly rents in advance.”…”They may be afraid that we are Roma and that we would
destroy it [the flat]” (R54: 181)
Due to these problems with housing, young people have to stay with their parents, go to the
rooming house, or hope to find someone who will accept them. Another Amanda’s experience
included specific behaviour towards Roma in restaurants and shops:
“It happened to me many times that I went to the shop and immediately a security
guard started to chase me…I needed to buy some things for the baby and the security
guard stopped us [and asked] to spread out our jackets…it is unpleasant, and people
turn towards you and point to you even if you did not steal anything” (R54: 263).
This experience is according to Amanda based on the different approach of the majority
towards Roma and other people. Amanda sees this as the main barrier for achieving her life
goals.
„These people are barriers because they look at the person only from outside and they
do not know what is inside.“ (R54: 255)…”There is a lot of racism, increasingly people
are racist. I am not racist. I take all people as they are, we are all people, everyone
wants to live, we are all the same, we have only a different colour of skin, otherwise all
people are the same.” (R54: 261)
Amanda argues that good as well as bad people are among both majority and Roma
community. Amanda is very concerned about the future of her children due to racism she
perceives to be widespread.
Discourse of discrimination for Amanda is accompanied by the discourse of ‘security in close
and known things’. This means that she feels better in her neighbourhood. She is more
tolerant to its problems (e.g. drugs) or she does not see them (when directly asked). She notes
that Roma are sometimes not welcome outside of their locality (‘…when you look at [concrete
other parts of the city]. When they [people living there] see Roma there, they look at you
badly.’).
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My reflection on the story of Amanda and similar stories
Examples of experience with discrimination based on ethnic grounds in various situations are
provided by many young Roma people. Discrimination is perceived in refusal and neglect, or
a different approach which is not defendable by reasonable criteria and in setting specific
additional conditions for approval. Because discrimination is based on an ethnic ground, some
young people speak about racism (e.g. Robin).
From my point of view, there is a connection between the negative stance towards Roma and
their discrimination. Respondents in the interviews often mentioned some widespread
stereotypes about Roma in the Czech Republic (see, e.g., Roma claiming discourse described
in the last chapter). This further contributes to the negative stance against Roma in the Czech
Republic. Some Roma people (e.g., Melinda, Robin) mentioned that the situation of the Roma
worsened with a very negative attitude of the majority a lot since 1989 and before the
situation was much better.
The second argument is that Roma are often discriminated because they are perceived as one
homogenous category, white people have a negative stance without knowing the concrete
person first (Robin), and they judge according to the skin colour (Lars). Harrold spoke about
other people ‘disliking Roma because they are different’. Tobias described discrimination at
the symbolic level when he spoke about the inequal approach and inequal conversations.
Steve and Robin spoke about unequal treatment, judging the same acts differently according
to who committed them.
“When Roma community does something, it is spoken about completely differently
than when a white person does it. We see that racism both in the news [media] and in
life. It is completely different when you know people personally.” (R49: 51)
Discrimination deeply limits the chances of Roma to find work, there are refused on sight or
even by name that sounds to be of Roma origin (Otto, Magda, Bruno, Roman, Melinda,
Herbert, Robin, Sandra, Greta). For example, Greta said:
“I looked mostly for occasional jobs….It is great to look for work, but only a few people
find work, are accepted. They [employers] care more about where you are from, and
who you are than about your knowledge and skills…I was not accepted to the call centre
even when they had free places. Then I applied to a cleaning job in the office and
worked there for one week until the boss came and said that they dislike our race, that
we are Roma.” (R67: 141)
Discrimination is apparent also in stories of promised work not realised when the employer
finds that the candidate is Roma (Herbert). Robin also spoke about the change of act due to
context. In the following story, presented by Randolph, we can see how symbolic exclusion is
converted to acts and consequences:
“I know a girl from our street who completed vocational training for a hairdresser,
young and skilled, she was doing it very well and they [the boss] employed her. She [the
girl] wanted to do it. However, older ladies of Czech origin, who came there did not
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want service from her and so her employer was forced to release her. They [customers]
did not want to have their hair cut from her [girl] and so the boss had to release her
even when the boss knew that she is skilled because boss knew that nobody wants hair
cut from her.” (R45: 49)
These behaviours are in many situations humiliating. Roma were not allowed to enter some
discos and other places (Herbert, Sandra). We also note that some respondents (e.g., Amanda,
Steve, Melinda, Sandra) mentioned experience with racism, verbal, or even physical attacks,
especially from people of neo-Nazi background (‘skin heads’). Some Roma noted cases of false
accusations of stealing (Laura, Randolph, Sandra, Trevor) or accusations from taking drugs
(Bob).
We can reflect on concrete consequences of perceived discrimination from the perspective of
Roma. They are lower chance to find work, lower chance to work in preferred professions, and
worse access to housing. Young people comment that are refused ‘on sight’, neglected by
employers or employers even refuse to talk to them.
Age of young people
Age appears among the main factors influencing the situation of young people in various ways.
Major institutions are formally organized by age (Anxo and Erhel 2006). In different countries,
young people enter the labour market at different ages. The way social events affect life
patterns is influenced by how old people are when those events occur (Elder 1994, quoted in
Anxo and Erhel 2006). EGRIS (2002) argued that the effect of age could be contextually both
advantage and disadvantage. Age can be disadvantage in concrete contexts, when young
people have to decide about their future profession too early or when they drop from the
education system too early (see Bendit and Stokes 2003). For these reasons, measures of
prevention and early intervention are realized to help young people at an appropriate (time)
age and support their key decisions.
While the risk of unemployment is higher for young people (15-24) than for older cohorts, the
probability of long-term unemployment is lower than for older cohorts and the probability of
temporal employment is higher but not higher than for category 50+ (see Sirovátka 2009).
There are two explanations for such results. First, young people are mostly too young to have
a spell of long-term unemployment. Second, young people have better chances to leave the
unemployment register than older cohorts have. Young people are relatively more attractive
for employers because they are not as much protected by the employment and wage
protection and welfare system. They are also often more willing to accept worse conditions
and may have lesser demands (see Engbersen et al. 2006: 122). Still, they may not have the
necessary work experience (Engbersen et al. 2006).
Story of Quido
Quido is a young man who lives with his mother (his father died before he was born). He
finished vocational training for a shopkeeper, followed by a study in economy which he
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dropped out and finally one private school where he has got an abitur. He also tried to study
a private higher school (ISCED 6) but he ended after one semester. He admits that he did not
pay much attention to his education. He was more attracted to sport than to studying. He
worked as self-employed financial advisor for three years (with interruptions of activity and
inconsistent interest) during school years and briefly after school. Finally, he found he did not
want to do this job anymore. It was difficult for him to persuade other people for financial
products. He explained that he had conflicts with management because he wanted to help
clients more and not to provide them only products with the highest provisions for the firm.
He also was not satisfied with self-employment character of the job (‘I would rather be
employed to have job security, income security’).
Later he worked half a year in a manual job which he ended because the business bankrupted
and he has been unemployed since then (for half a year), doing only occasional work.
The main discourse in Quido’s story is ‘youth’. He connects this discourse with the period of
life (‘young person who just left school’) and the concrete consequences that it has or might
have.
“I thought about it [financial advising], but I am a young person, and when I was with
clients, they often asked me If I am not too young for this…” (R13: 045).
“…I am a young person, am only 22, and so I hope to return to education later…” (R13:
53).
He also repeatedly reflects his work position and lack of work experience (school experience
is not enough).
„…and the second thing is that I am young and I lack experience. Because everywhere
they want experience, when I do a work interview, they tell me, they look for someone
with experience with this [job].“ (R13: 59).
„…I am a young person with zero work experience and so I cannot choose much,
however I would like to…” (R13: 65). …
“…offers are out of my field or they need experience that I do not have. I do not think it
is so difficult to find work, but it is difficult to find work that you would enjoy and you
would like to do.“ (R13: 89).
Quido argues that he cannot choose so much and compares offered conditions with his age
(‘The offer was great for someone young who just finished school’.). Quido is afraid that his
work career is going to be delayed and he is going to miss the opportunity of youth, when it is
best to start the work career.
“…and the years are passing …even when I am still a young person, but the longer I will
be unemployed and it will last, for example, two or three years, the opportunities will
be more distant, and I want to be self-sufficient, to stay no my own legs, when my
mother needs help but I cannot because I do not have work.” (R13: 171)
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Another apparent discourse is ‘not paying full attention’ to tasks done, such as education,
looking for job, or even working (‘the problem may be with me that I do not do it fully’). Quido
dropped from the school to be able to play sport. He also does not have a clear vision what
we would like to do. His strategy seems to be ‘step-by-step’ (he himself describes it as
‘climbing a ladder’). Although he would prefer a career in a nonmanual job, his effort to fulfil
his dreams is not very high. He said: „…hint may be that I do not pay full attention to it.“ (R13:
55). When commenting on the consequences of unemployment, he described:
“…I am nervous [about not being able to find work] but fortunately I have a hobby or
the sport and friends there, and so it is that I am not particularly focused on it [not
having work]. I have trainings in the evenings and now we have the season almost every
day. Therefore, I am not laying at home. That would make me crazy. Or a friend of mine
is reconstructing the house and he needs help, so I help him….and I do not feel so much
that my psyche would be touched by it [unemployment].” (R13: 129).
He also reflects that he does not have financial problems because he is humble, lives with his
mother, and has enough money for his needs.
My reflection: Quido did bogus work (pretended self-employment) as a financial advisor. He
did not pay full attention to his study and work career and he has only a general vision about
his job. His education and work experience were not enough to get him preferred jobs. His
vision changed only lately when he reoriented himself more towards jobs and staying on his
own legs. It is no longer sustainable for him to be dependent on his mother who is severely ill.
However, he reflected that he was unable to get to his goal of independence.
Story of Randolph
Randolph is a young Roma man. Randolph studied elementary education with very good
marks. He dreamed about being a policeman and studying a police school, but he was not
enrolled there (although he passed entry exams) due to high interest of other students in the
field and related high competition. He started to study car technology (his second-choice
school) although he is personally not much interested in this field (he liked the possibility to
get a driving licence for free). He said that the school he attended was mainly theoretical (had
not much praxis in workshops). He was at the time of the interview at the end of his studies
preparing himself for abitur. During studies, he preferred to study over occasional work. Now
he still thinks about being a policeman because he ‘wants to change things’.
The main discourse of Randolph is ‘youth’. He enjoys life – doing his hobbies and meeting with
friends and his girlfriend. The main advantage in his current situation is that he ‘has no
worries’. Randolph spoke about this:
“I have to admit that I did not like [school] for a long time, but lately I started to think
differently, and I started to like it in the sense that I will pass the abitur and do not know
what will be next. I will go to work and I am really afraid of the stereotype. That I will
go to work and I will work there for five, ten, twenty years. I do not know what is going
to be, but I am now glad that I am in the situation, in which I am now.” (R45: 19)
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Randolph did not hurry to adulthood:
“And I think that I am going to have a break for a year and after that I would try to go
to university or I will go to be a policeman, there is one whole year of entry exams to
get there. This or that. I will see. However, now 100 percent I am going to have a break,
because I need to have calm from everything. And to do only occasional works, nothing
permanent.” (R45: 23)
Entry period for police work lasts with interruptions for one year. Randolph explains that he
is going to find some work, because he does not want only to sit home for a year but on the
other hand, ‘he does not want to be stressed by anything’.
Another the discourse in Randolph story is discourse of ‘security in close and known things’.
He feels more secure in the locality where he lives because he knows it here and knows what
to expect.
„…because I know what to expect. I know who to beware, who does what, who can I
trust…and everyone here sees a human in me and I feel well here, but when I go to
[other parts of the city] not everyone but one of ten people look at me as I were a killer
or I did something very bad.“ (R45: 39).
Randolph told us that people from the majority are afraid of him. He has bad experience with
the reactions (behaviour) of people towards him outside the locality where he lives. Randolph
reflects that he does not make friends easily and he had to persuade his schoolmates to talk
to him.
“They accept me …it is unfair towards me because I have always to persuade others.
No one takes me as his friend immediately. They have to get to know me, to start to
talk to me.” (R45: 41).
Randolph connects this also to ‘anti-education discourse’ which is presented in the last
chapter (he thinks that it is hard for Roma to have visions and use their potential even when
they have school).
My reflection: Randolph regrets that the period of being young and having no problems is
going to its end. He wants to prolong it somehow and decide during that period what to do.
In this aspect, we can describe his strategy as ‘wait and see’. Randolph is clearly oriented
towards his Roma community. He reflects that it is much more difficult to live or break through
outside. He is able to identify problems that are typical for the community and people and he
has personal dreams to change it.
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My reflection on the age of young people
First aspect related to age is self-perception of young people about their life and the
development of their personal strategies. Barbara argued that not childhood, but teenage
years are critical in the life of many young people when deciding most often about their fate.
Paradoxically, as noted by Greta, most young people use the services of local NGO like clubs
until they are 15-16, but then they rather go to the park. Age influences self-perception of the
situation as some young people themselves reflected. Teenage boys and girls do not care
much about adult problems. For example, Rupert noted his changed life situation (see his
story). This means that his life goals and general vision of current life has changed. Tobias
spoke about enlightenment which came when he was older. We can see changing
perspectives in the following statements:
“I am still young, only 20 years old, but I think that my life will change further when I
were able to achieve this up to now. When I was 16 or 17 years old, I lived completely
differently. I was like these young people going here around the streets and flanking,
considering school, etc., but I found out after some time that [I need a change]…and
my girlfriend was the motivation for me because I know that I want to stay with her.”
(R43: 299)
“I would like to find a normal job, somewhere in the office or something similar. Normal
job where I could develop normally and gain better position and not all time seeking
occasional jobs. I am not longer 17 so I could afford this.” (R19: 150)
Second aspect where age is relevant includes legal and institutional constrains. Lucy was only
17 when she ended her education. Lucy reflected that not being an adult and being in another
working regime (young people were not allowed to work at night) was a problem for
employers who did not want to employ her. Similarly, Herbert could not work in the heavy
industry until he was 18 years old. He started to work at the age of 15, but he had substantial
problems to find work. For some young people (Jake, Lucy), there is a problem of being a fresh
graduate which contributes to the low chance to find work. This is most often related to the
discourse of ‘lacking experience’.
Some people also named the advantages of being young for participation in the labour market.
John mentioned that when he was young, he was more active and agile.
“For me it was easier [to find work in the past]…because I was 20 and not 40…I did not
notice when I was young but now when I retrospectively analysed various situations
when I was accepted to the job I think the great role played that I was a young person,
who declared that ‘young branch bows easily’, I was not demanding much, was very
adaptable, independent in aspect of time. These are factors why I always found some
work.” (R26: 185)
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Health problems of young people
These include various physical, psychical, and cognitive problems (like ADHD) and problems
connected with drug abuse. In some communities, drug abuse is common among young
people (see, e.g., Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018b). There are several dimensions
connected with health problems (Hora 2008b, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018,
Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018):
• Legal dimension (legal protection in the labour market),
• Limits to perform concrete positions or tasks due to health,
• Limits on school/work attendance,
• Stigmatization and statistical discrimination by employers,
• Limits to access education, limits to finish education, and limits to use previous
qualification.
Story of Ellyn
Ellyn is a young woman who is single, childless, and lives in a flat shared with other young
people. She finished vocational training for a cook. Work in this profession is limited for her
because she is vegetarian and willing to work only in vegetarian restaurants. Later she studied
studies in entrepreneurship and for confectioner, but she did not finish these studies. She
described that she did not finish the entrepreneurship school due to its demanding character.
She had then a lot of quarrels with her father who expelled her from home and threatened
her and she moved to another town.
“My father wanted me to continue in further study and so I tried but I did not handle
it. And so, I changed to a confectioner and this was the reason why he expelled me from
home.” (R20: 31)
It was difficult to step on her own legs (she hardly survived) although part of the family
supported her. She did not finish confectioner school after another two years due to her
psychical collapse – again this was caused by family problems. She was at that time interned
in a psychiatric clinic for six months. After release, she had a lot of economic problems and a
very unstable housing situation. After one short job (which she was forced to leave), she
sought psychiatric help again.
“Work was stressful, under pressure and we did not get on with the boss. It was a
stressful job, and I am unable to handle it psychically to work under stress and
pressure.” (R20: 49).
She was entitled an invalidity pension due to her psychical problems (in the first grade for
people with the lightest level of problems). She has been unemployed for two and a half years.
She was not able to find a regular job and worked only in temporary occasional works that she
got through an employment agency. It was more advantageous to have an invalidity pension
and work occasionally (it was better paid than job offers from Employment office). Occasional
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jobs are insecure. At the time of the interview, she found a more permanent job at the place
where she formerly did an occasional job through the employment agency.
“I advised with my psychiatrist and she recommended me half time job. I may not
handle a full-time job…but I can do more shifts, almost full time” (R20: 67).
She appreciates that in her new job she does not have so much responsibility. She also thinks
about returning to school to have an abitur. Her relationships with family are still very difficult.
She reflects that, compared to her initial child dreams, it was a hard fall on the ground. She is
glad that she has at least that little security she currently has.
Discourse used by Ellyn is to ‘handle it’. ‘Not handling it’ started at school where she had
problems in some subjects (math, accounting, and economics).
“I was unable to handle it. It was too much learning. It was with abitur. Too much
learning and it did not get to me easily.” (R20: 29).
She also described how she was not able to do some jobs (‘I did not prove’). She is afraid she
would not handle it without her invalidity pension. She also reflects that she has low selfesteem.
She is afraid she might not be able to handle some jobs and school:
“I am afraid I would not handle it [job] due to my psychics, it slows me down. It is rather
demanding to work at the cash desk. They would take me for occasional work, but I am
afraid about my psychics that it would betray me. I check my health status all the time”
(R20: 109).
…
“[It depends] if I am able to handle it or not. I am not good at math. I do not have such
capacity to learn things that I am not good in. I am unable to pay attention for a longer
time. However, I want to try it if handle it or not.” (R20: 097) [She speaks about school]
Ellyn says that she is afraid of her psychics and she considers her health all the time.
My reflection: Psychical problems clearly constitute a barrier for Ellyn to find and keep work.
It is reflected in her self-image as well as in concrete experiences with employers. For Ellyn, it
is important to have confidence in the situation. Employment office did not help her and help
from her family was also limited (partial from her mother). She adapted a lot and tackled
difficult and unpleasant situations. Finally, she handled the situation with some help from her
friends. However, her self-esteem is severely damaged.
My reflection of health problems and health care system
Health status was logically different between the young and middle cohort (NEGOTIATE)
where some respondents (in their forties’) said that their health was rather fair than good.
Many of the respondents have some substantial health problems. Typical were respiration
problems (Ben, Antonia), problems with blood circulation system (Simon), eye problems
(Vendelín), and eczema (Sabina, Tony). Some respondents had psychical or psychosomatic
problems which involved the need to avoid stress at work (Ellyn, Derek). While a minority of
the respondents had problems from their young age (Ellyn, Clara, Derek, Tony, Melinda,
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Doris), others have them due to their higher age (people in the middle cohort), car accident
(Bruno), or (as they believed) as a consequence of conditions in previous employment (Magda,
Peter, Helen, Sabina).
When considering health, we have noticed short-term and long-term consequences. Short
term consequence was that people were distracted and unable to look for work, work, or
attend school for several months, e.g., due to medical treatment or hospitalisation. For
example, Sabina mentioned being ill for three quarters of the year. Betty was a long time in
the hospital and then five months in convalescence. Melinda was ill for several years. Doris
was ill for two months, but she was expelled from school due to it. (This is a very unusual case).
Other consequences were long term. Health problems somehow (in various scopes) limited
many respondents in the profession they studied and/or in the work they could do (Antonia,
Ben, Vendelín, Otto, Magda, Bruno, Peter, Simon, John, Clara, Ellyn, Helen, Sabina, Tony,
Melinda). It included both restrictions of some professions (driver, cook, car mechanic, work
in chemical industry, or other heavy industry), some activities (bearing a heavy load, walking
upstairs), and some work regimes (e.g. long hours or night work – Clara). Sabina was unable
to do the cook profession and she switched to shop assistant.
“I would say that it excluded me from normal life…up to now. I am not able to find
work. I do not have any [formal status of] work disability. This is not included there. No
one cares that no one is willing to employ you.” (R25: 35)
Antonia studied vocational training for a cook, but due to her asthma she found that she had
constant respiration problems and was unable to continue her training. She had to switch to
a different field of study, and she studied administration. Sometimes respondents mentioned
that they were not approved for concrete jobs by doctors (Ellyn, Helen, Magda, Ben).
There were various stances of young people towards their health problems. Magda
understood the opinion of the doctor as a supporting argument for her decision not to do such
work again. Some young people (like Ben) regretted that the doctors limited/forbade some
possible work options and tried to overcome this (get permission). Melinda lied to employers
about her health condition. Others themselves estimated that they are not able to do it
(Simon). John wanted his formal health status to be changed. Ellyn had a cautious stance
always checking whether her health is not worsening.
When considering the accessibility and quality of the healthcare system and the approach of
concrete health professionals (doctors, hospitals), almost all respondents including most
Roma from CITISPYCE interviews who were directly asked about it said that it was great or
that they saw no problems. There were some rare cases when the concrete doctor hesitated
or did not accept the concrete person as a patient due to full capacity, etc. (Tobias, Maria,
Sandra) or when the concrete person was not cared for at an emergency in the hospital with
toothache (Sandra).
Despite (in some cases serious) health problems, most respondents (except for Ellyn) were
mostly not eligible for any kind of financial or other help outside the health system (e.g.,
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Vendelín asked for an invalidity pension but he was denied). Sabina mentioned that her health
status was not sufficient recognised despite having serious health problems. They were so
discouraged that they did not try to achieve it.
Gender and family dimension in insecure trajectories
In the following section, we discuss aspects of the situation that are related to having children
and family life. The following trends highlighted the importance of gender and family-related
issues in the last decades (Schmid 2002a, Anxo and Erhel 2006, Scherer and Steiber 2007):
A) Demographic trends may include postponing and avoiding family-related statuses
and events including decreasing proportion of marriages, rising divorce rates,
increasing proportion of single parents, and declining birth rates.
B) Increasing women labour market participation (dual earners households),
feminization of labour force. Growing work aspirations of women.
C) Different approaches within welfare states, employment, and working time regimes
to various demographic categories.
Wallace (1994), McNeish and Lancle (2003), and Down, Smyth, and Robinson (2018) referred
that the world of work is clearly gendered, and men and women often enter gender-specific
professions. In some cases, this may be shaped by opportunities and structuring in the
education system (Behrens and Brown 1994a, McNeish and Lancle 2003). Wallace (1994) has
shown that the choice of occupation for women was for some women in congruence with
their preferences and female identity, however it may lead to blocked paths and worse
conditions (McNeish and Lancle 2003). Hora and Žižlavský (2009) have found that men and
women interpreted differently the importance of care and family factors for their potential
employment. There can be also a discrepancy between the preferred occupation and
conditions in concrete jobs. This may be also the result of different opportunities for men and
women (Wallace 1994, Behrens and Brown 1994a). McNeish and Lancle (2003) and
Häusermann and Schwander (2009) argued that atypical and precarious employment is clearly
gendered because female participation in the workforce depends strongly on familial
determinants.
Women tend to have more transitions than men do, but among men, there are greater
differences in the number of transitions (Kruppe 2002, Anxo and O’Reilly 2002). Risks relate
to unplanned or early pregnancy and absence of parents who are unknown, divorced, or died
(Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Combination insecurity may grow from both workto-family
conflict when work limits family life and family-to-work conflict when family
responsibilities limits work life – see Byron (2005), Scherer and Steiber (2007), McGinnity and
Russell (2013). Concrete factors and mechanisms are discussed below. Both concepts are
strongly related, and this may be due to spill-over and congruence effects (see Byron 2005).
For our analysis, both dimensions are similarly relevant. We category the antecedents of workfamily
conflicts into the following domains: family sphere, work sphere, and social policy
(public) sphere. People have to invest time and energy (effort) to resolve the conflict by
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copying to demands and using resources for the task (see McGinnity and Russell 2013). Most
of these factors influence both family-to-work and work-to-family conflicts.
The policy and informal forms of support are somehow complementary (Walther 2006). It is
important to note that combination insecurity may be rooted within a specific cultural context
including national and family culture and expectations about the roles of family members (see
Scherer and Steiber 2007). In addition, the level of public support may be in interaction with
the scope of the problem, resulting in the fact that more support not always means less workfamily
conflict (Scherer and Steiber 2007). There are implicit criteria of gender equality (e.g.,
equality of opportunity in the labour market), gender contract, intergenerational contract, etc.
(Schmid 2002a, 2002b). Still, the diversity of people, life situations, and strategies contradicts
the easy search for one ideal solution.
Family sphere of situation
This sphere is about how situation in the family influences the more general situation of young
people including their education and work. The argument is that young people without family
support may be increasingly vulnerable (see Biggart et al. 2002). Young people who lack family
support are often forced to take any job – including low-paid jobs, jobs with bad working
conditions, in the grey sector, which does not protect them against social exclusion (Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). We perceive that their opportunity set is restricted when they
have family responsibilities, family problems, or they do not have time for looking for a better
job. Aspects relevant to this sphere are:
• Caring responsibilities for children, ill and dependent: It may be dependent on the
number of children and their age or the demanding character of care for an elderly
relative.
• Different culture in Roma communities (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018)
• Family support: including help to care for dependent people and care for the
household (Walter 2006, Trilfajová et al. 2015)
• Role of partner: Includes division of roles, work (e.g., working hours of both partners),
and home activities (Bendit and Stokes 2003, Scherer and Steiber 2007, Formánková
and Křížková 2010). Egalitarian attitudes of the partner may reduce work-family
conflict for women (McGinnity and Russell 2013). On the other side, the strict work
schedule of the partner may reduce the possibilities to solve work-family conflict (Hora
2008b). Attitude of the partner and his/her pressure towards employment may be
important for the decision to work (Hora 2008b). Hora and Žižlavský (2009) have found
that the ability of couples to live with current income depends on the economic
positions of both partners.
• Living without partner: it has more influence on family-to-work conflict Byron (2005),
because there is often no one else to care for the children (Hora 2008b).
• The role of family and friends to help in finding a job may be limited to marginalized
and long-term unemployed people (Hora and Žižlavský 2009).
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Story of Otto
Otto, a man in his middle age, is from Roma family. His parents divorced and placed him in
institutional care when he was a very small child. He studied school for children with specific
needs until his 18 years. He was released from institutional care after he was 18 years old (it
was during the last years of the communist regime), although ‘authorities’ considered his
further placement in institutional care. He was given a job in laundry, but it ended after Velvet
Revolution.
Otto wanted to find his mother after 20 years of separation because he felt very alone in
institutional care. He was able to find his mother and lived with her since this time (his father
lives in England and they are not in contact). His mother is now very ill. She is illiterate and she
needs his help in many aspects. They together moved several times all around the Czech
Republic due to the very difficult housing situation. Now they live in the rooming house.
Most of the time since his young years, Otto was registered at Employment office and he
claimed social benefits. He had only a few jobs. He left his best job when he was young because
he was repeatedly verbally attacked by his workmate. He attended several training courses
provided by Employment office and he was deeply disappointed when they did not turn out
to jobs. He also did public works (cleaning). At the time of the interview, he was in a
particularly difficult situation because he was in the process of expulsion from Employment
office and at risk that he would lose his social benefits (see last chapter).
The main discourse in Otto’s story is the story of ‘help, good contacts, and usefulness’. He
describes himself as a well-ordered, decent person. He personally cares for his mother and for
other old people living in the rooming house for a small reward (although he cannot do it
formally, it is an undeclared income). Caring for elderly people is the job he would like to do.
He also helps other people in the administration needed to claim social benefits. He wants to
be well accepted and respected and often in his speech he refers to other people who might
know him including social workers, policemen, and politicians:
“…I am known everywhere, at the social office I am known, at the municipality, by
[names of workers], who are keepers. I am known everywhere, because these high
gentlemen like me, because they already know me. We discuss together about our
opinions, about our problems and things like that…“ (R6: 69).
He often says that ‘others are satisfied with him’. What he lacks most are more positive
relationships in society and towards Roma. He speaks well about his abilities. Moreover,
several times he repeats “…they were very satisfied with me.“ (R6: 103) … “…they all like me,
they all greet me…” (R: 266). This is also referenced to other people in Roma community (‘I
am able what others might not do’). Otto also sometimes speaks about discourses typical for
the assessment of Roma community: ‘claiming Roma’ (big Roma families claim benefits and
men works on the side), of ‘stealing Roma’ (when he comments that others do not have to
worry about him stealing) and of ‘discrimination’ (‘They take all together, not distinguishing
who you are. You are Roma and that is the end’). Insecurity in his story is apparent in the
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moments when he reflects the possible loss of social benefits or the future expected situation
at his old age (he expects low income).
My reflection: The story of Otto is particularly unstructured, hard to reconstruct and with
many sideways. It is a story of particularly difficult start. Otto grown up without family, he did
not have standard education route. He has only limited personal contacts. Employment office
was of no help to him and although his family and NGO helped him in some respects, most of
the time he was alone to solve everything. Both cases of Otto and Magda show how difficult
is your life when you grow up without the help of your parents. Otto fought for his place and
respect in the community.
Story of Karin
The influence of family and housing situation is apparent also in the case of Roma girl Karin.
Karin’s mother was a single mother. Karin left school at the age of 15 (she has only elementary
education) and she got pregnant at the age of 16. She commented on her family situation at
those times (after dropping from school):
„…and then I was slacking, we had it not very good at that time at home because I were
from Roma family, there were more of us…there were some debts, and other problems,
and there was not time to prepare for school, or it was because the mother was alone
to tackle us, and so maybe there was not some control and some respect.” (R2: 23).
Karin is now also a single mother (the father does not care for his child). She was on parental
leave for four years.
“My financial situation was really horrible. I could not make ends meet. I think that it
is not possible when you live alone, and you should pay rent. For me pay rent
somewhere and feed the child is not an option and I do not have anyone, any boyfriend,
it is just not possible.” (R2: 68)
Karin had problems to find work and she did not believe in improvement. Now she works in a
publicly subsidized workplace (type of ALMP) in the field of social services as a social assistant.
It is set for limited duration (one year). She likes it and wants to further develop her work
career in social services. Karin perceived it difficult to combine work with care for her child.
She said:
“I think that it is certainly difficult when I am alone and I have no one who would help
me, but I live in a numerous family, where I have a grandma, she does not work…and
otherwise I found that it is necessary to put the child into the kindergarten, so he
attends kindergarten, my son.” (R2: 61)
Home environment is for her an obstacle for further development. She still has financial
difficulties and debts. The grandmother was of great help to her financially, but otherwise she
feels that support from her family has been low since her childhood. She also said that the
worst consequence of her insecurity is the low ability to raise her son. This is because he
cannot be raised in a calm environment and have peace and wellbeing. Karin reflects that
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living with twenty people in the same apartment reduces her time to care for the child,
because she is often distracted. She says that her general situation is difficult to change,
although she would like to change it because of unsuitable housing.
In Karin’s case, there is an apparent paradox of being (at least in some respects) alone in an
overcrowded flat. The discourse most typical for Karin is the discourse of ‘loneliness, being
alone in everything’ – she repeated this word on several occasions and in several contexts
including care for the child, financial situation, housing, and she also reflected a lack of help
from both family and institutions.
“It is definitely difficult when I am alone and do not have anyone to help me.” (R2: 60)
Despite or because of apparent loneliness Karin wanted to live alone in a calmer place.
Another discourse presented in her story is the discourse of ‘enlightenment’, typical also for
other stories (‘I think that I realized it just now’). Karin reflected that early motherhood let her
to be an adult and to find out that she does not want to live this kind of life. She commented
on her situation:
„Maybe because I had a child soon, I found…, I matured and I found that I do not want
to live this life…Maybe because I got to the circle of completely different people, I fully
changed my thinking or my notion about the life, of how it really works.” (R2: 117).
“For me it was falling to the bottom, where I fell, to realise this [having problem] and
start to do something for it.” (R2: 141).
This led Karin to be resilient (see the previous chapter). Being in the circle of other people at
work helped her to change her thinking and vision about life and its functioning. She
commented:
“For example, in my home, all are unemployed, no one has a school, and all have a lot
of children and when I went to work I started to understand that the main thing is
school, to raise children and be self-reliant and such things that should be and different
people live like that normally.” (R2: 125).
Karin mentioned also other discourses such as ‘need of education’, ‘going in circles’ and
‘discrimination’.
My reflection: Although Karin had her family, she herself described her home conditions as
unbearable and the help of her family as insufficient. She perceived her inability to leave as a
barrier for her future development. The situation was even more difficult because she was a
single mother. In some respects, a very similar story is presented by Sophie, reflecting that
having a child without the father involved in his/her growth and simultaneously the necessity
to drop out from school for several years is a particularly difficult case of multiple
disadvantages.
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Story of Greta
Greta is a young Roma lady, 19 years old. She lives with her parents. She has some permanent
health problems, and she claims an invalidity pension. She studied economics and
administration at high school. She struggled with her study, but somehow, she was able to
manage it. She likes the field of administration very much. In the fourth year of her study,
sometime before her abitur, she suddenly got pregnant. It was not planned. She had to
postpone the abitur to the next year (she plans to finish her education). She said:
“The child was unwanted. My life plans were…without children. I never thought about
having a baby. However, when he [son] came, I let it happen and rather interrupted my
plans and the child was born.” (R67: 121).
Father of the child started to live with her family. Greta’s son was only one month old at the
time of the interview. Her days were all organised around the child. Her parents helped her
with the child and advised her on administrative procedures and other things related to the
care of the child. Greta believed that it is possible to fulfil her original life plans with one child,
but she does not want more children. She first really wants to finish her high school and go to
study further (but she does not have a clear plan).
Discourse presented in Greta’s reasoning is ‘one child is enough’. She said that she is currently
not very satisfied because she did not want to have children. She thought that with more
children she would not be able to fulfil her plans. She said that other Roma girls often have
children at the age of 15-16 and they are unmotivated to study. They stay at home, most of
them do not return to school, and their options to enjoy life are reduced. In her personal
situation, she argues by health reasons (connected with giving birth) and by financial reasons
(children are expensive). She said:
“When a child is a baby, it needs almost nothing, to eat and to sleep, change nappy,
and such normal practical things. However, as it grows up, it needs schools and those
good ones. And this is the reason I want only one [child]. Because I can put all my effort
into that one child. Rather than to have six [children] that have nothing.” (R67: 149)
…
„When parents do not have interest in the child or they have a lot of children and do
not have so much time for one [child]…to speak with them or so, the children go out
and do silly things, stealing, taking drugs etc.“ (R67: 265).
Another discourse presented in Greta’s story is ‘to stay on my own legs‘ (be self-sufficient):
“I still live with my parents. However, I want to stay on my own legs once. Not only to
be with my parents and use their legs for my support. To be the weight for them….I
would like to care for everything myself.” (R67: 79)
This is accompanied by discourses of approach ‘step by step’ (her parent every time explained
to her what is going to be next), ‘Roma discrimination’ and ‘parents influence’ (problems
emerge where parents are not interested in children, there are no rules and children behave
similarly as their parents).
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My reflection: For some people, the child (unplanned and unwanted) can serve as a barrier to
fulfil their plans. The situation in Roma community is in this aspect very different than that
situation in the rest of Czech society. We perceive that early birth is the case when the child
came before the 18th year of age or before the planned education was finished (leading to
drop out). Early births are rare in the Czech majority, but they are much more frequent among
girls from Roma minority. Among our respondents we identified several such cases (Karin,
Greta, Barbara, Sophie, Melinda) and in some of these cases we saw that it had a great
influence on their future lives and labour market situation. Relevant perspective is also that
these children were, according to the statements of young ladies, not planned and sometimes
even not wanted.
Story of Barbara
Barbara is a young Roma lady. Barbara studied vocational training when she got pregnant. She
was ashamed to go to school while she was pregnant (due to her pregnancy) and so she
dropped out. She said:
“It was in the first semester of my studies. I was really ashamed a lot in front of my girl
and boy friends, in front of the teacher. Plainly said, it was a shame for me.” (R58: 49)
She was at home for a long time (she had only one occasional job last year) and she did not
return to school. Barbara still thinks about returning to school but only about enrolling in a
distant study. She prefers working to studying. From her perspective, it would be very difficult
to combine the need for money, school, and care for the children.
Barbara lives on her own for three years since she moved from her parents when she became
pregnant. She has 2 children with her former boyfriend. They separated and this separation
was for her a great relief and improvement of her life. Father of the children does not pay
alimony for them. Barbara currently has a new boyfriend (she fell in love and she is happy).
Most of the time during the day, Barbara cares for the children. Friends help her financially
and by caring for children. Barbara tries to find an occasional job for herself. She said it would
help her a lot.
The main discourse of Barbara is ‘negative influence of the environment’ accompanied with
‘need for education’. She reflects that the main problem of children is low interest in school
and inclination to negative behaviour. When reflecting on her life, Barbara said that she has
good memories from school and if she could, she would like to change everything in her past
(go to school, complete it, and not having children).
“I was ‘dude’, I did not like it [school]. Cigarettes and friends…and among Roma when
you go to school, it is somehow strange. It is not good…because most of them do not
care about it, they start to take drugs, stealing and bunk off from school. When you are
like that, you are suggestible, even more at that age. I would like to change to another
school, a different environment. Everything to be different. However, it is too late, or
never is too late. It is not good to go to Roma school.” (R58: 41).
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According to her, the problem is in not going to school and the negative influence of parents
and friends. Barbara said that she would never place her child in the school where she expects
the negative influence of other children and low quality of education as a result of this.
“I would like to grow up my children differently, to be polite, to have school, to grow up
completely differently than me. Or a different outcome for my daughter – not to get
pregnant and not to finish school. [I will not allow it] By no means. To do everything or
something different for it. I do not want them to end up like me that I got pregnant and
was ashamed of myself, even to go out with the belly to school. I want something
completely different for them.” (R58: 537)
My reflection: Barbara also got pregnant ‘by accident’ and she was unable to bear it. Her
former partner was not supporting her much. She reflects that the improvement in her life
came only recently (also with life with a new partner). Somehow, she thinks that she is unable
to catch up what was lost and to have a different life than the life typical for people living in
Roma community. She believes that she can raise her children differently and to get different
outcomes.
My reflection on family sphere
There are three typical ‘problems’ in the family which cause troubles in the general situation
of young people: the absence of an important family member and the situation where family
members are there but they are not functioning in a way to help or they themselves need
specific help.
The situation may be more difficult for young people who lived during their childhood and
adolescent years without both parents in institutional care (Otto, Magda) or without one
parent (Quido, Jake, Simon). Considering the reasons for the separation of children from their
parents, we noticed the following main reasons: death of one parent, parenthood because of
random sexual encounter (unknown reasons), partnership breakdown, neglect, and difficult
financial situation of the family.
Another important condition was the absence of the partner – father of the child. There were
several girls (Betty, Karin, Magda, Helen, Alice, Eugenie) who cared for the children themselves
because fathers of the children have never lived with them or because they left when the
children were small.
“My former boyfriend does not pay alimony for children and so [social office] pays these
money instead of him. Maybe he is going to be imprisoned for this, I do not know. He
has not paid us anything for seven months. Therefore, I accused him and there was a
trial, but he did not go there. I asked for alimony.” (R58: 125)
In contrast, Gwen was helped by her partner and it contributed to realise her working and
training plans.
“My boyfriend cares for the child too. I cannot say anything bad about him. When I was
working, he cared for the child whole day…after work he let me sleep and he cared for
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the child whole day. Even when she [the child] was still very young, he cared for her. I
had no problem with this.” (R50: 204)
Magda described that her husband helped her in several ways including employing her.
Lone mothers often had financial problems and problems to get a job. There may be a strategy
to find a new partner that is relevant for women (lone parents). I do not say that is a fully
intentional strategy, but I noticed how much this helped in some cases. Betty said:
“I yelled at my son. I was dissatisfied all the time, unhappy, faint, closed, everything
was against me and nothing was turning for the better. And I saw no way out, not a
small one. I could think about it for months up to night how to get out of this, but I did
not know. The only thing I figured out was to find a man.” (R22: 234).
She reflects how her situation improved after finding a new partner:
“I had got financial help only from my parents…but since I have a new partner, the
parents stopped to financially support me…now I have a new partner who is responsible
and who cares about us all.” (R22: 106)
Betty spoke about satisfaction with the financial situation.
“If I were alone, I would not be. However, I have a partner I can rely on. When I do not
go to work, I know that he will care for the family.” (R22: 194)
Lucy commented about the improvement of her situation:
“…and then I met a new boyfriend, with whom I was for a year. They [family of the
boyfriend] were very well financially situated. He was a lucky guy. My boyfriend had a
flat, we lived alone in our flat. Thus, my situation solved itself.” (R29: 5)
The situation was difficult for families where both partners had problems in the labour market
at the same time (for example, Tony and his wife, Gwen, and her boyfriend). Family situation
was an obstacle for finding a job also in situations connected with illness, divorce, and specific
care for children. It was a distracting factor in the ability to be focused on life outside the
family. This can be seen in the case of respondents Quido, Simon, Eugenie, and Violet, whose
relatives were severely ill or disabled. We see that some respondents cared for their elderly
parents (John, Fred, Otto) or other elderly people (Otto). In these cases, it was not clear
whether it somehow constrained them in looking for work. On the other hand, sometimes it
provided them with financial or other indirect support, which could lessen the burden of their
situation of unemployment.
Considering gender roles, we did not find much data. It is more discussed considering the work
of both partners (see below). Some men, for example Bruno and Simon, repeatedly spoke
about their responsibility for the financial situation of the family. Lucy and other women spoke
about their responsibilities as mothers. We noted that especially some young people from
Roma community have more traditional values about gender roles – Maria, Harrold (‘men
have to be responsible for the family’).
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“Men have responsibility. Or at least I think that every normal man is set on
caring…about wife and family, about all. Not care about the household but about the
money. He should not ask his girl to feed him, to go to work and earn money.” (R57:
272)
Robin commented about the division of roles in Roma families.
“I will tell you. In Roma families, the man works, and the woman is in the household.
Woman in Roma family does not work, she does not have to work. However, when it is
a normal Roma family and the woman says that she wants to go to work to have more
money, she goes…when the woman does not want, she does not go. She says: ‘What,
this is what I have my man here to earn money and I am here to care for the food, about
washing and similar things’. This is Roma habit.” (R49: 145)
Rosalie commented that generally women/girls do work in the household including teenage
daughters helping their mothers. In some cases, we have identified a discourse of
‘motherhood’. Women reflected what does it mean to be a mother through their role which
is fulfilled when children grow up (Violet).
Help from family and friends
Family (especially partner and parents, sometimes siblings and grandparents) and friends
were a common and strong source of support. Descriptions of various ways of help were
present in most interviews. Family and friends were the source of:
• Money – small or greater, more or less regular money gifts or personal loans (Bonny,
Magda, Bruno, Roman, Jake, Simon, John, Ellyn, Sophie, Fred, Betty, Helen, Sabina,
Tony, Herbert, Ron, Amanda). Some parents gave their children bigger lump sum
financial amounts to support their life start (e.g., to buy a flat, to move).
• Material gifts – clothing, food, free meals, etc. (Karin, Roman, Sophie, Ellyn, Jake,
Eugenie, Sabina, Melinda, Violet). Sometime young people fulfilled their needs
together with their relatives (common meals). Sometimes young people visited their
parents for a meal, or their relatives brought/gave them food.
• Allowed young people to live a social life – e.g., inviting them for a drink (Fred, Ellyn)
• Psychical support (Magda, Jake, Peter, Derek, Clara, Ellyn, Fred, Tony, Ron),
• Emergent housing (Bonny, Otto, Roman, Derek, Clara, Janine, Betty, Fred, Helen) and
providing housing for free or for low financial supplement. This is not automatic
because in some cases young people returned to live with them when they were
adults.
• Helped respondents with personal care about the children (Karin, Sophie, Betty, Helen,
Eugenie, Melinda, Violet, Barbara). This allowed respondents to go to work or finish
their studies (caring for children so that young people can attend school).
• Advising young people with concrete aspects (Greta)
• In looking for work (see the previous chapter)
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Living with parents when you are young means that you need much less money. Helen
explained this:
“I lived with my mother, with my parents, so I did not care, I did not have children…and
it was enough to cover my needs…to go to the disco on Friday…for my personal needs,
I gave them some money, I do not remember how much, for the household. [she
counted to the conclusion that she gave about one quarter of the salary for household]
So for my needs it was even too much, it was sufficient, and I managed well.” (R23: 39)
Respondents often mentioned that this help was most welcome, or they would not be able to
tackle it without this help (Derek). The principle of shared responsibility or reciprocity was
sometimes mentioned in the interviews, including helping parents, contributing to the family
budget, and caring for their needs, etc. (Fred, Herbert, Rachel, Melinda). Help from relatives
was enabling (allowing to achieve development goals) and functioned for some respondents
like ‘cushion’ defending against most harsh consequences and possibly influencing their job
search strategy (Janine, Derek). In some cases, it was apparent that the family lowered the
pressure that would be otherwise present in the situation of young people. Typical example is
Lisa who was unemployed for two years and on the question about money she always replied:
‘I get them from my mother’. This is also related to the age and general situation of young
people. Leila e.g. argued:
“Young do not care. They need money to buy for their personal needs and otherwise
they do not need to solve this.” (R47: 57)
The family was a key support factor for respondents who would be otherwise in a very difficult
situation (Derek, Bonny, Jake, Sophie). Typical example is Bonny:
“My family helped me that after my fall, after my dark period, they took me back and
they gave without…they sometimes mention it…but even when they were not obliged
to help me, they provided me housing, they gave me space to solve my things. I am
convinced that it would not be possible without it, I would not manage it both
psychically and physically.” (R1: 110)
Despite the strong cohesion in the family and good friends, some of the respondents noted
that the help from friends or relatives was limited because they are themselves in a similarly
difficult economic situation, they had personal quarrels, or they were not willing to help them
repeatedly (Lucy, Vendelín, Bruno, Derek, Otto, Ellyn). Some respondents also mentioned that
their friends were not really interested to help them (Bonny). In rare cases, some relatives did
not or refused to help or have even active strategies against providing help (Ellyn, Violet).
Violet said that they have to care for themselves and her family did not help her except for
her grandmother. Her father was occupied with his own interests. The fact that some of our
respondents (Otto, Magda) have grown up in a children’s home could have limited the
possibility of family support. They are often even not in contact with relatives.
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Work sphere and its influence on life situation
Work sphere reflects how parents are able to work due to their family situation and how both
work and family life are mutually influenced. The following traits are relevant for the work
sphere:
• Working organization, work allocation (need of commuting, time dimension, need of
security), overwork, and time regime of employment may provide an opportunity as
well as restriction when it is in interaction with the need to care for children and the
working situation of the partner (Scherer and Steiber 2007, Hora 2008b, Formánková
and Křížková 2010, Trilfajová et al. 2015). This dimension includes both nationally
defined rules, sector and firm negotiated/set regulation, and concrete possibilities
offered at the individual level. Key dimensions for individual level are scheduling
(predictability), (un)social time, and amount of control over working time (see Scherer
and Steiber 2007, McGinnity and Russell 2013).
• Intensity of employment, overwork and specific work demands may provide an
opportunity as well as restriction when it is in interaction with the need to care for
children and the working situation of the partner (Scherer and Steiber 2007, McGinnity
and Russell 2013).
• Support from bosses and colleagues may reduce work-family conflict (Byron 2005).
• Attitudes of employers towards women may include screening questions, statistical
discrimination, and different working contents and conditions (Hora 2008b, Plasová
and Válková 2009, Formánková and Křížková 2010).
• Security and periods of employment can have an influence on the situation when
children are born (see Formánková and Křížková 2010).
My reflection on the work sphere
Substantial part of the respondents had current or past caring responsibilities including care
for children and care for the elderly (John, Betty, Eugenie, Fred). Care for the elderly was
mentioned also by several men. These caring responsibilities are very life cycle dependent
(usually when the child is small, and the parents become old and fragile). On the other hand,
work is more possible when relatives are willing to care for the child (Betty, Eugenie). Mothers
like Eugenie looked for work that would be compatible with needs of the child (caring needs)
and possible offers of caring by other family members.
Mothers who did not finish their school or they never worked before having children may have
been influenced by this. Lucy regretted that she did not have more work experience before
having children.
“We started the family [when she was 20], but it is true that if I waited and had some
work experience, it would be better. It was then more difficult to find work. When you
complete vocational training and work for a while there and for a while there and then
suddenly maternal leave and what after that. At that time [she ended maternal leave]
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there were workplaces in a bakery, but I could not work for three shifts, because I had
a small child at home.” (R29: 19).
Some of the mothers thought that the combination of living alone with small children was an
obstacle in their chance to find a work of to hold a job (Betty, Helen, Eugenie, Lucy, Alice). One
group of mothers argued that employers do not want to employ mothers with small children,
especially lone mothers. Mothers argued that risk of children being ill was problem from the
perspective of employers (Betty, Helen, Lucy). Lucy described the period after when she
divorced, and she was alone with two children:
“And then it was the worst to find work because I was divorced, alone with two children,
and no one wanted me. I often went to Employment office, even when I did not have
to, I went there all the time…It was very difficult to find work and I was unemployed for
more than one year…. (R29: 29).
Alice explained about her experience with looking for work:
"It is horrible. In the meaning, how they start to behave to you, and even all surrounding
people here in the Czech Republic as to outsider. Going to the Employment office was,
I think embarrassing to me. Embarrassing a lot. I was able to reconcile with this, but it
is hard to reconcile with the fact that you send an CVs where you have to write:
Currently registered at Employment office, mother of three children. You are a lone
parent, registered at Employment office and in this moment they all stop to care about
the age of the children, your work experience, education, they spurn you. They take any
candidate without these marks...it is really bad. And I think that it is because this
mental state, when people look at you disdainfully, it is really horrible." (R28: 123)
Mothers also described perceived discrimination due to their situation of motherhood (having
children and other aspects of family situation). Mothers thought that motherhood was a great
source of discrimination (Alice, Lucy, Helen, Betty).
“Most of the time, the first questions were: ‘Do you have children?’, ‘Are you married?’
When I told them that I am divorced: ‘We will notice you’. I became allergic when
someone said, ‘We will notice you’.” (R29: 29)
Helen said about the chance of mothers to find work:
„…when you are 25, they [employers] do not want to take you because you can get
pregnant, when you are up to 30 you have small children, and you can be ill with them
and when you are 40 you are too old. I think that women are discriminated a lot in this
aspect, because men do not have it this way.” (R23: 178).
Betty spoke about ‘having problems with parenthood’ and concealing being a mother to have
a better chance to get a job.
“No one wants you when you have a child, additionally when you are a lone mother.
This was always the second sentence in the interview: ‘Who will care for the child when
it becomes ill?‘ ” (R22: 126)
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Some mothers (Sophie, Betty, Sabina, Alice, Lucy) reflected that having children limited them
in doing the job because of the required long working time, shifts, jobs being far away
(commuting) or night work. Lucy, for example, would be finally able after several years to find
a job as a baker, but due to children she did not want to work at night. Betty had to temporarily
switch from working as a waitress to working as a real estate agent. She was afraid that she
will be not able to return to her profession of waitress because there are long shifts which she
is unable to do. Sophie wanted to work part-time. Sabina said that it was impossible to find
work which would be compatible with caring for children and the work schedule of her
husband who is working as a driver in public transport. There is no such offer from
Employment office.
“…if there was a job working on three shifts, manufacturing work, 60 kilometres far
from home, it was so that as a mother of three kids, a lone parent, I could not do it.”
(R28: 73)
The role of the partner was relevant in this. The situation was more difficult for those women
who had no partners, or their partner worked on shifts and so it was not possible to
synchronize the work schedule (to allow him to care for the children). In contrast, Melinda
had a partner who worked at night and he was able to care for the child part of the day. This
is probably also dependent on age of the children and other help available (see story of
Eugenie).
Social policy sphere
This sphere shows how parents are enabled to reconcile work and family life with the help of
a public or private caring institution or other similar options.
• Pre-school facilities: Structures of institutions for caring may provide opportunities for
men and women caring for children (see Formánková and Křížková 2010, Trilfajová et
al. 2015). This include the following dimensions: whether such services exist, whether
they are accessible (usually there is a limit given by the age of the child and capacity of
institution) and affordable, and whether the concrete conditions of such services (e.g.
opening hours) are usable or acceptable. For some people, the purchase of services on
the market may be an alternative to services provided by public policy.
• School hours and holidays: these may be restricting without further support (Clasen,
Gound and Vincent 1998).
My reflection on the social policy sphere
Although there was no direct question asked on kindergartens, parents (mostly mothers)
mentioned using kindergartens and some other facilities for smaller children in the relevant
context (Karin, Sophie, Betty, Helen, Lucy, Melinda, Violet). Using of creches was mentioned
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only by Violet, but this was reference to the past33. Eugenie mentioned that creches are not
much functioning in the Czech Republic – it is probably because there were not so widespread,
and they were abolished as state organised activity around the year 2012.
Kindergartens are an enabling factor allowing the mother to go to work (Sophie, Betty, Karin).
For Karin, the kindergarten served as a replacement for missing help with care by her family.
“…I have no one to help me…I realised that it is necessary to give the child to the
kindergarten and so my son goes to kindergarten.” (R2: 60)
On the opposite when kindergarten for the child is not available, it serves as obstacle. Maria
reflected:
“When you want to enlist your child to the kindergarten, it is common that there is no
free place, and you have to wait another year until the place is free for you because
there are a lot of children” (R52: 135).
Some mothers (Sophie, Betty) mentioned that it was difficult to take a full-time job or work
shifts because they had to place her child in the kindergarten, where attending hours are
limited, and take it out every day.
“Kindergartens work until 4 o’clock, or half past 4 and it limits your work, and you have
to take part-time shortened job…it reduces the choice of jobs that you can take” (R18:
168).
This reduces the variability or the number of offers that they can accept (Sophie). Working
part time can mean to have too little money (Betty). This is highly relevant for the lone
mothers who have to care for the family.
My final reflection on the family sphere
It seems to be necessary to discuss here why work-family and family-work conflicts are
important for young people’s insecurity. First, these conflicts may produce situations when
the balance between both spheres is unbearable or even impossible, effectively reducing the
ability of young people to care for their children or maintain work. Second, even when such a
balance is possible, it may be at the cost of reduced income, neglect of children, and limited
choice of occupation or career. It may also bring hardly resolvable day-to-day conflicts and
produce distress to parents.
33
There was a substantial change in pre-school care system in the Czech Republic. During the communism period,
crèches were available but after 1989 these were gradually abolished. On the other side, kindergartens for
children aged 3-6 are (despite capacity limits) rather widely available as a basic standard of care.
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Role of employers: selection process and job quality
The role of employers for young people is relevant in two aspects concerning interactions
between young people and employers: when looking for a job and when working for someone.
First dimension is connected to job-matching process and behaviour of employers within this
process. Some authors argue that the strategies of companies in their selection of workforce
have changed (see Cachón Rodriguez 2003). Unemployed described the behaviour of
employers during job contacts both positively and negatively (Hora 2008b). People often
declared various unpleasant experiences and consequent negative feelings (see Hora 2008b,
Hora and Žižlavský 2009). Employers are quite selective towards potential employees. Some
unemployed or marginalized people often refer to repeated refusals by employers (Engbersen
et al. 2006, Hora and Žižlavský 2009, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018a). Plasová and Válková
(2009) have found that the subjective perception of refusal by the employer is for women
connected to a period of typical transition from economic inactivity to work (when the child
is 1-6 years old). The authors connect this selectivity with discrimination or scarring
(Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2019). Employers often did not inform unemployed about
the results of the recruitment process (Engbersen et al. 2006, Hora 2008b, Sirovátka, Válková,
and Hora 2018a). Other problematic situations included arrogant, discriminating and rude
behavior, refusal on sight, and cancelation of workplace at the time of job entry (Hora 2008b).
The concept of job quality is another relevant dimension of our research. We understand here
job quality as a direct or indirect result of interactions between a concrete young person and
employer. Both qualitative (Hora 2008b, Trilfajová et al. 2015, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and
Draganov 2018) and quantitative (Hora and Žižlavský 2009) research confirmed that job
quality is important both generally (values) and for concrete decisions of people. In other
words, perceived job quality is a potential reason for job refusal or for quitting a job. Young
people may reflect the reputation of concrete employers (Hora 2008b). Research usually
shows that there are some sectors of employment where the probability of insecure or lowquality
jobs is higher than in other sectors. While we do not operate quantitative evidence,
we can focus on the experience of concrete aspects of job insecurity, job quality in relation to
concrete jobs in the interviews.
There are specific types of jobs that the unemployed often refuse. These include fraudulent,
deceptive34 and suspicious jobs, very insecure jobs, and jobs based on direct selling of specific
goods (Hora 2008b). One important dimension of the role of employers is the perception of
the type of contract and security. Young people in disadvantaged positions often find jobs with
some substandard conditions, including temporary jobs, jobs without work contracts and
subsidized temporary jobs in the public sector (Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018a, Hajdinjak
2018b). According to Hora (2008b), people reflect that some employers offer only fixed-term
contracts and that these firms typically are with frequent lay-offs after a short time. In
34
Unemployed often described that employers did not recruit anyone in recruitment process and that the
workplace is inserted repeatedly for a very long time.
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addition, work trials without work contract are typical (Trhlíková 2017, Krasteva, Jeliazkova,
and Draganov 2018). Some employers offer even fraudulent or untruthful job offers – these
include payments for working and the risk of not being paid at all (Hajdinjak 2018b). All such
job offers are perceived as suspicious or highly insecure. Work without work contract relates
to low payment security – it is quite often that the promised payment is not paid or that only
half of the promised money is provided. Engbersen at al. (2006) concluded that the prospects
offered by part-time and flexible contracts are often too insecure for the unemployed, many
of whom have social and financial obligations. Still, young people who have less of these
obligations may be more flexible (see the part about strategies of young people).
Unemployed due to bad reputation refuse employers with perceived bad work conditions.
People also sometimes reflect that employers in some firms do not obey labour law and that
there is only limited help from unions and state authorities. This leaves people in a vulnerable
position. They have to accept illegal conditions, or they have to leave (see Hora 2008b,
Trlifajová et al. 2015). We should see in our research what aspects of job quality and how are
going to be relevant for young people.
The role of temporary, short-term, and nonstandard work and especially work with low need
of qualification in the accumulation of human capital is theoretically ambiguous. Young people
also sometimes perceive this (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). What most young
people are looking for is a steady job with an income that allows them not only to meet the
most pressing needs, but also to allow activities specific to people of their age (Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Other research showed that young people may prefer
interesting and demanding work over income, job security, and promotion (Evans and Heinz
1994b). We should find how young people perceive the role of employers and what they
expect from their work.
Dimensions of job quality relevant for young people in both above-mentioned situations may
include, e.g., (see Jordan et al. 1992, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b, Trilfajová
et al. 2015, Gallie 2017, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018):
• legal character of the job: without avoiding law,
• legal character of the wage: without payments aside, which are harmful for future
social security,
• pay conditions: including level of wage with reasonable base payment, regularity of
payments, need to fulfil personal norms of production and paying sufficiently for all
work done (including overtime),
• solid firm strategy, behaviour or bosses and employers, keeping promises,
interpersonal relations, disciplinary strategies, and worsening conditions of the
employers to force people to some kind of behaviour,
• work intensity: problems to adapt to a new work, pressure for nonstandard
performance, long working hours, and difficult schedule (including enforced overtime
work, work at the weekend, health damaging work, etc.),
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• work autonomy (permanent control and surveillance of work, restricted behaviour,
assurances of thefts, and related surveyance),
• possibility of training and skills update,
• reasonable level of work stress.
We will present several stories to show concrete examples and to discuss concrete aspects.
Story of Vendelín
Vendelín is a Roma man in his middle age, who lives with his current partner and has eight
children (five of them are living in the same household). He had a child in relationship with a
different partner, when he was young, but this relationship ended.
Vendelín has only elementary education because he was not accepted for vocational training.
Since his young years he did earthworks. As a young man (teenager), he was sentenced to
prison for doing ‘duly things’ for four years (from his age 18 to 22). After release from prison
(as he said) he ‘took a lesson from this’ and he did not want to be imprisoned again.
“I live a decent life, no stealing, it is not worth it nowadays, I will tell you. You take
something and you have to repay twice as much, it is not worth it.” (R5: 19)
He went to register at Employment office, and he has been there continuously for many years
(he said ‘unemployed all the time’). He had only occasional jobs in the construction that are
irregular and on demand (on call) and mostly without a work contract (‘they will not give you
a work contract’). He characterised himself as a manual worker without education (‘working
with shovel’). He said that personal contracts are the key to his work because there has to be
trust.
“You do not have contacts and you have nothing because no one knows you. And no
one can tell: ‘Yes, this is a great guy who works hardly, you do not have to worry
because he will not steal from you’.” (R5: 117).
We can also see the discourse of ’stealing Roma’ within this quotation. He reflects on the
possibility to get a work contract:
“When nowadays you go to a private employer, he does not want to write an
employment contract with you, only ‘for a trial’. You work there and then he tells you,
he does not want you there. These are nasty people. This is my experience and I know
what I talk about…they only give you contact so they can release you anytime.” (R5:
65).
This type of work is otherwise very accessible, because according to Vendelín, the employers
do not care about his age or other things, they accept almost everyone who is willing to work.
For the chance to get other (legal) jobs there is a limit that he is low educated. The main
consequences of his situation for him are that he must look for work almost all the time, that
sometimes he does not get paid for the work done, that he can be controlled by police when
working illegally, and that the financial situation of the family is limited.
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Several discourses are apparent in Vanderlin’s story. This first discourse is the discourse of
‘sameness and going in circles’, reflecting that the situation is the same for a long time and
the events are repeated and this course of events absolutely cannot be changed by him.
“I say, I am walking around like fool, saying the same all the time, and they [employers]
all say it around and around.” (R5: 97)
“The situation is the same, only that I am worse off because I have children and more
trouble, but otherwise it is the same all the time.” (R5: 107)
He would strongly prefer a more stable and predictable situation.
“…you cannot afford what others have without employment, and all the time you live
from this, all the time you rotate the same…” (R5: 267)
Vendelín mentions both ‘education discourse’ (people with education would be preferred to
him in job search) and a descriptive version of ‘anti-education discourse’ (some people with
education cannot find work in their profession). Another presented discourse is
‘enlightenment’ (‘As young I did not see things. I took life as it was’). He reflects that as a child
or teenager, he did not care about the life and troubles of his parents.
My reflection: Vendelín and Fred are among the people who have the least predictable
working situation. Their situation is complicated by the fact that their work is only occasional,
it is usually not covered by a work contract and there is a great insecurity in the situation of
work itself. Vendelín is locked in a vicious circle of insecurity and permanently looking for
work. He has to choose between accepting what is available and having nothing, because legal
work is completely restricted to him. From the perspective of labour market, he is very
disadvantaged by many aspects mentioned in this story: age, Roma origin, having only
elementary education, health limits, etc. I also noted that this type of undeclared work is often
offered, and the state institutions tolerate it, or they are unable to restrict it and/or provide a
more viable alternative. Vendelin got in conflict with street level workers but this has not
changed his situation (see chapter 6).
Story of Betty
Betty is a young woman who got pregnant half a year after finishing her vocational school for
waitress. Before the child was born, she worked occasionally in undeclared jobs. Betty was on
parental leave for four years. The father of the child did not care for it (he even did not pay
alimony for some time). Betty lived with her parents and after several years she got a flat as a
heritage after her grandparents. She reflects how difficult it was to manage situation with the
child financially when she was alone. She went into disadvantageous debts and it was very
difficult for her to get out of these debts. She also noted that she had a feeling that she could
not manage it. Betty at the time of the interview had a new boyfriend for some time and she
was going to have a second baby. She was satisfied but she reflected that she is currently
dependent on her partner.
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Betty was unemployed for one year since the end of her first parental leave (partially also
because she was ill at that time). During her unemployment spell, she claimed social benefits
and worked on the side. Later she was expelled from Employment office register for not
fulfilling her obligations towards the office (she did not come to the meeting and did not
cooperate due to her illness). She reflected that the offers provided by Employment office are
not advantageous because the wage is very low. She thinks that it is because the work is
declared (legal) and she is willing to work in an undeclared job to get twice as much money.
Betty (with one exception of shorty working as a real estate agent) always worked as a
waitress. She described that it was not a problem for her to get a job, but it was a problem to
get an employment contract. She worked since the time of her vocational education including
time on parental leave in several places, but usually it was without a work contract. Sometimes
it was at least for short-term legal work contracts, but in other cases it was undeclared or
partially undeclared. Employers always promised an employment contract, but it was never
realised.
“Always there was a problem that the work contract was not realised, because I needed
it very much, but everywhere it was delayed, ‘It is going to be next month, next month’.
Because I think that in this field owners of the restaurants are not willing to provide an
employment contract. And so, it usually ended up that I left, because I told them that I
need an employment contract.” (R22: 51).
She also had other unpleasant experience from her previous jobs including employers not
paying the money promised in the work contract, low money for the work done, threatened
by the employer, having to work in a different profession than a waitress although she was
recruited as a waitress and no positive feedback.
There was a problem for her to work as a waitress because she has to work long into the night
and on shifts while she had a small baby (her parents had to care for it). She also thought that
in the profession of a waitress she could not work any longer after having the second child
because employers do not want women with children (‘You have to be at work all the time’).
“I have no plan [what I will do]. I really do not know. The only thing that I do very well,
and I am better than others, it is waitress. And I know now that it is a job that I cannot
do with children. Even if it were possible to think something out, the children are
damaged from this, I see it with my first child. There were moments when he started to
talk, and I did not even know when it was. Or I came and said: ‘O my god, you have
grown up’. Because I was not there” (R22: 152).
The discourse in the story of Betty is ‘realism’ mixed with some aspects of ‘calculation’ and
‘masquerade’. When she explained her relationships with employers and street level workers,
she reflected on two dimensions. The first one is that people cannot be trusted (‘they did not
keep their promises’), ‘I was naïve and trustful’, ‘you cannot count that everything is
automatic’).
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„You are in stress. Because you do not know what is going to happen. Because you have
a feeling that can trust to someone, and you find after one month, after two months,
that it is not true. That it is the same as the previous employer. That it is everywhere
the same.“ (R22: 136)
The second dimension is about her reactions including adaptation and her not honest
behaviour: (‘I could not tell them’, ‘You could lie to them, think something out’, ‘From my work
I have learned to get on with people that we do not understand each other. Such masquerade
I think.’)
“I had problems that I have a son and so I started not to tell them. Because naturally
they want people without children in this field. I know that after a new birth I will not
be able to return to my profession.” (R22: 118).
She explains that she changed her attitude to work and works with much less enthusiasm (‘I
think I lost my taste to work’). She described that she came late to work and did work in a
lower quality that she could. Betty also mentions minor discourses of ‘managing the situation‘,
‘claiming Roma’ and ‘going in circles’.
My reflection: Betty is one of the typical cases of an involuntary undeclared worker. Important
is to note that in insecure jobs the real rights of workers are diminished and their real-life
options are limited. This can be illustrated by the following statement where Betty explained
how she is trapped:
“They do not pay you because you do not have paper. Or you have it and there is written
10 000 CZK. You want to have a day off, and the employer takes that paper, a says:
‘You have 10 thousand written here, so if you do not want to go to work, you will get
what is in the work contract and fine, you can have your day off’.” (R22: 140).
This case shows how fraudulent and mischief the behaviour of some employers was and how
this creates mistrust from the side of employees.
Story of Helen
Helen is a woman in her middle age. She completed vocational training for a shop assistant.
She has a child (he is almost an adult now) but after separation from her husband (after one
and a half year of their marriage) she returned to live with her mother and lived with her ever
since. The father avoids paying for the child. They live a rather humble life although her son
would need more money. They often go into debt.
Her story is based on personal experiences with many employers. In her first job, she sold
vegetables and she had health problems there due to bad weather conditions and low
protection and had no legal contract. In the second job (drug store), there was found a
financial deficit (she said it was caused by the owner who took goods for his personal needs)
and she had to pay it. In her third job in the shop, she found that the employer had not paid
social contributions for her (it was found after one year).
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“They [the employer] gave us money, and we had some scraps of paper, it was not a
wage receipt…and then I received letter from the [social] insurance company that I
have to pay…that for more than a year I do not have insurance paid…I said that I do
not care that they [insurance company] should note me immediately as they find
it…and I am not going to pay it instead of someone [employer] who buys cars and opens
other shops, that is his duty…but she [social insurance worker] told me that I have to
pay it or there is very high financial sanction and that they control it once a year.” (R23:
7)
She had many problems until she managed to settle the situation. After two other short jobs
(that were fine) and a motherhood pause, she found a job in a pharmacy store where she
worked for ten years. However, the owner did not care much about the business and spent all
the money on holidays and the drugstore had substantial financial difficulties (e.g., wages
came late, not enough money for goods). Despite all problems, she said that it was her best
job.
She changed the job to a chemist’s store but there she was alone for everything. She stood all
the time, and she could not even go to the toiled because she was there alone. She was very
overworked (the employer refused to employ more people), stressed by the high pace of
work, and had health problems caused by weather conditions.
“…as autumn started, October, November, there were two very small stoves [half
working] and the door was between them which were permanently open, it was cold. I
had three or four levels of clothes dressed, I was like a robot, work was difficult when I
were so much dressed up. My rheumatism horribly worsened, I was standing all the
day and I was finished…I had a backache and said to myself ‘I have to end’.” (R23: 19)
She left when she found another job in the making of cosmetics, but the employer, who
repeatedly promised her this job, had not that concrete work for her and put her in another
manufacturing position. There were conflicts between employer and employees who had
work accidents with electrics and bad work conditions. She left and now she is unemployed
for half a year.
The main discourses in Helen’s story are ‘low trust’ and ’health consequences’. She reflects
that in many jobs, the health problems of employees are caused by monotonous manual work
or insufficient working conditions (including no breaks and dangerous equipment and
breaking safety rules in her last job) and on the other hand, these health problems lately limit
her in these professions.
“They want to destroy us completely. Because there are a lot of us, we have to die. We
are going to go from the work directly to the cemetery, because I believe that they want
to destroy us completely. Old age insurance is something that I really do not care about,
because I am going to have invalidity, or I am going to die, and they will take me away.
I have no chance to live to my 70 years in any way, in any way in this tempo no way.”
(R23: 37).
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She describes the arrogant behaviour of employers and some of their practices (e.g., paying
wages in food coupons, not keeping their promises, not caring for the fate of the employees,
dismissal of employees absolutely without reason). She says that when she was young, she
was very submissive and stupid, but she adapted in time with the ‘school of life’ and she
started to fight not only for her but also for the child (she said ‘I am a tiger now’). She started
to protect herself and her health and she is picky when considering jobs. She declares very
low trust in employers:
“…you have to be careful, be really careful, because some of the employers or
entrepreneurs, they are really brainy Smurfs35, really big ones. And you have to pay full
attention and to have a legal minimum and to be very cautious….May be it is low trust
in anyone…everywhere I went, I went with the feeling that they are going to trick me
to or it is going to be terrible…I try not to put things too close if it is not grave but it has
consequences for my psychics, for the money, I had low self-esteem that I cannot…I feel
it even now.” (R23: 152)
Other minor discourses present in Helen’s story are ‘claiming Roma’ (‘Roma know how to get
benefits’, ‘Roma claim although they are rich’) and ‘calculating’. Calculating discourse is about
assessing the job considering money and other conditions:
“I have got job offers…I cannot believe it. From morning to the evening, it is at [edge of
the city, far away]. How much I will earn, as much I will pay for travelling there, it is
about 3000 CZK for traveling pass. They are fools. I say no way to such travelling for
one and a half an hour, three hours there and back. I would go home only to sleep.”
(R23: 37)
My reflection: Two aspects are particularly important in tale of Helen. She worked almost all
her work career in marginalised working positions where some critical aspects of the work
contract were missing. She was very flexible and accepted disadvantageous working
conditions, but it was not leading to improvement. The other thing is that she is deeply
disappointed and her attitude to employers is very negative (see next chapter – changed
attitudes to work).
Specific tale of Magda
We presented the story of Magda in the previous chapter. Here we focus on one aspect of her
story: work intensification. She resolutely refuses to work in the factory because she had
previous specific experience with it. She also disliked some other jobs she did (e.g., in the
shopping hall) for similar reasons. The main reasons for her to avoid certain jobs are that the
35
This word can have various meanings in the Czech language. In the original positive meaning, it is someone
who is an inventor and is very clever. In negative meaning, it means someone whose work is innovative, but his
ideas are not very clever or they are even detrimental. In the Czech version of the cartoon Smurfs, the Smurf
with glasses (brainy Smurf) is named with the same name.
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work is stereotyping, and shifts are long (12 hours and over). It leads to exhaustion and it has
health consequences.
„…nowadays they [management] do not consider that you are tired and exhausted.
They do not care, you have to work hard, you have to work hard until you collapse.“
(R7: 201).
When she worked in the factory, she accepted overwork even at the weekends (she wanted
to prove that she was good) and she believes that it had health consequences to her. She said
that even the doctor forbade her to work in the factory. The second aspect that she mentioned
was the behaviour of the direct manager:
“…you have to be productive, because the more productive you are, it is better for the
firm and you make less rejects…and also the behaviour of them [management] is
relevant, because you like to go to work, or you go there with distaste and it has
psychical consequences..” (R7: 205)
“She [boss] chased me. I do not like running around and leaving things half done, but
the boss chased us all the time: ‘Come here and come there and come there’ and it was
not possible to withstand it.” (R7: 211)
Magda also spoke about being humiliated by the entry test in some works.
Story of Ben and Ken
Ben and Ken are brothers. We interviewed them together. They live in the household with
their mother. Both brothers studied vocational training for a locksmith, but they both dropped
out of school after one year (due to bad school results, skipping school, and some behavioural
problems). Ben has a son from his previous relationship, but he returned to live with his
mother. He has debts because he borrowed money for furniture when he started to live with
his former girlfriend. He also has to pay alimony for his child. Ken is younger, he is single, and
he has no children yet.
Work situations and work strategies of both brothers are very similar. They look for manual
jobs and their parents help them to find work. Both brothers worked mainly in manual
professions in factories. Ben worked only in occasional jobs until he was 18 years old. He got
one stable job lasting for more than three years which started when he was eighteen, but
since then he had only shorter jobs. He reflected:
„Since the time I worked for three and a half a year, later I fragmented it. Awhile in
work, awhile at Employment office, in work and at Employment office. It complicates
my life a lot.“ (R3: 193).
He usually worked in various factories (car industry, rubber-making industry) and he is not
very picky when choosing a job. Ben and Ken believe that their Roma origins negatively
contribute to their chance to find work, but ‘no one will tell you directly’ (and not all employers
considered this factor). “I do not accept everything, but 90% you cannot choose. I take what is
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available.” (R3: 63). “You have to work somewhere because you need money for living”. Ben
and Ken are unable to hold work for a longer time. They are often released from work after a
trial period.
“I do not know if they [employers] have some business contract and they want to do it
quickly. Sometimes they recruit. They dismissed a lot of people, they always recruit, and
dismiss, recruit and dismiss.” (R3: 63).
Ken argues that the same employer is willing to employ him repeatedly, but he never gets a
contract with unlimited duration. Ben says that these employers do not keep their promises.
Ben reflects that these firms often employ foreigners and that there are not equal work
conditions among various categories of employees.
Some employers are unwilling to give a work contract until they try the worker. Ken was forced
to accept such a job by workers at Employment office. It showed up that the job was without
work contract and payment of social contributions and there was an unacceptably low wage.
When you refuse to do such a job, you are expelled from Employment office register. Ken was
expelled from Employment office.
“You sign a paper when you register at Employment office. The lady informs you that
when you are accepted to the job with a recommendation from Employment office, you
cannot leave. And I stayed at home.” (R4: 334).
Income insecurity is presented in their story because Ben and Ken perceive various
consequences of their current situation of income insecurity (unable to get independent living,
unable to fulfil his needs without help or parents, unable to pay debts, limited expenses and
feelings of low self-esteem, limited social contacts, and limited family strategies). We present
more about this in the next chapter.
The main discourse shared by both brothers is ‘you have to be careful’. Ben best describes it
in the following statement:
“You cannot trust people; everyone has to care for his own things. It is this way at work
because the best friend will betray you. I see it positively that when I go to work
somewhere, I already know that it was this way and it is this way. Most of the time.
One has to be careful…when I was young, people asked me about my salary…I was
asked by a colleague and I was warned by another colleague not to tell it. It is never
told. You have to be careful. I think that I am generally more careful.” (R3: 439)
Ben discourses are ‘need of education’ (‘if I were younger, I would go back to school because
it is bad without school’), ‘work to have money’ and ‘discrimination’ (Ben says that
discrimination is somewhere but not everywhere). Ben presents a discourse ‘work to have
money’ which is about the importance of work for living a normal life.
“Then I had various occasional jobs etc. I had to care about having some work. Because
when you do not go to school, you have to live with something.” (R3: 26)
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“Now when I will achieve this, I hope it turns for the better. When I will go to work for
a longer time and hold that work. You can at least live somehow with this.” (R3: 183)
According to Ben, you need money to live alone, not to be dependent on parents, and have
money for common expenses and for long-lasting items and pay for obligations from the past
(see next chapter). For this you need more stable work.
Ken presented the discourse of ‘need of education’ (‘School is more secure, that is clear. When
you give a vocational certificate to the employer, you surely have greater chances than some
average person without vocational training’, R4: 106.)
My reflection: Ben and Ken try to get more permanent work as manual workers in factories,
but they are not very successful. However, at least they are able to work on legal contracts.
One interesting aspect notable in their story is instability. This included frequent involuntary
changes between work and unemployment. Ben repeatedly reflected that this complicated
his life a lot. His was partially protected by unemployment insurance which functioned well in
his case, although he reflected that the level of benefit was low. I have an impression that
street level workers were not much concerned about the quality of jobs they offered or forced
people to get.
My reflection on the role of employers
Employers are not with some exceptions assessed very positively in the interviews. We can
see that some people have many concrete reservations towards employers. In most cases,
these are based on their previous personal experience. It included descriptions of what was
difficult or unbearable in their previous jobs or job applications. The following aspects were
reflected in the interviews:
Getting job
• Employers usually do not respond to job applications (Sabina, Jake,
Vanda, Fred). E.g. Sabina commented that from 50 applies, there
is one answer. The more advanced phase to applying of the job is,
the more important the neglect is for some unemployed.
• neglect or refusal. This is usually connected to going to ‘occupied’
workplaces (see chapter 6).
• harsh and unnecessary entry testing (Magda)
• Discrimination
Information
about a job/
type of work
contract
• Low willingness of employers to provide a proper contract
including undeclared and strange occasional work, undeclared
work, and work on trial (Ken, Simon, Lucy, Betty, Helen, Vendelín).
Some unemployed who refuse work on short-term work and not
an employment contract (Sabina), others have to accept it.
• Non-serious behaviour of employers, providing inaccurate
information about the job in advertisements or personally (Jake,
Betty, Helen, Violet) and/or usually not keeping their promises.
Employing young people for a short time when long-term
employment is promised (Clara), the same for part-time jobs (Fred)
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• Employers did not pay health and social insurance for the workers
and the workers did not know it (Clara, Helen, Eugenie).
Type of work
• There are specific professions, which young people are unwilling
to do – especially telephone selling, acquisitions, and other work
with frequent direct contact with customers (Sabina, Fred, Jake,
Vanessa) because it is very physically demanding and working in
caring professions in hospitals because it is very difficult and
stressful (Antonia) and work in recreation services because it is
very time demanding (Quido)
• Boring work, where there is nothing to do (Jake)
Behaviour of
employers
during
contract
• Perceptions of employers in the case of some respondents
included also a low willingness to compromise their demands
(Sabina).
• Rude behaviour, neglect, enforced obedience (Rachel).
• Released inhuman and unpleasant measures like control against
stealing (Clara)
Working
conditions
• Not fulfilling legal conditions (Betty, Helen)
• Did not provide equipment (Clara)
• Bad or very difficult concrete working conditions (Magda, Clara,
Janine, Vanda, Helen, Ron, Tony, Rachel), e.g., long, irregular, and
unsocial working hours (with health consequences), physical
conditions (heat, temperature), pace of work, monotone character
etc.
• Very low wages, not paying promised money, not paying for
invested time, not being paid for high effort or work done (Ken,
Vendelín, Roman, Sophie, Janine, Clara, Peter, Betty, Ron, Tony)
Below we present the most interesting notes as examples how young people consider
employers and jobs. One example is employing people without serious intention to employ
them for a longer time. Clara, e.g., explained that the concrete employer employed many
candidates and then he released half of them in the trial period.
For some young people, an opportunity could be seen also in doing professions/working for
employers who are not too selective (Jake, Ellyn). Ellyn relates this to the concurrence effect
among unemployed. Employers who are giving chances to young people are very appreciated.
From some interviews I also noticed that sometimes the less appealing work is, it is easier to
get it. The criteria of appealing that I deducted from the interviews are character of the job,
work conditions, and money earned (especially part-time jobs and work on a work contract
limited to 10 000 CZK etc.).
Another aspect is working in difficult working conditions. This explains why young people
hesitate to work in some professions or in some concrete workplaces. Ron described how he
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worked in the factory in difficult physical conditions. Very demanding is working in specific
temperature conditions (heat, cold).
“…it was [a metallurgy work], it was stifling…50 degrees Celsius in the summer, 45
degrees Celsius in the winter, 12 hours shifts, and once a week you had to clear it
[accessory maintenance], and it was really horrible work. It was relatively well paid and
so I was there for some time and then they moved me to [different work position], and
I really very much did not like it there and so I left.” (R33: 3)
Working on long shifts is bearable but not preferable. Janine commented on working long
shifts:
“I was working on 12 hours shifts. I do not mind working on 12 hours shifts, but I do not
want to be there all the time. I had nothing from my life when I was all the time at
work. From morning to evening every day, it was silly.” (R19: 268).
We should note that working on 12 hours shifts without corresponding breaks (free days) is
not legal. Moreover, monotonous work is very demanding. Vanessa commented on working
in a call centre:
“Very bad approach towards people and mainly you sit there on the stool for eight
hours and speak to someone, repeating the same sentences all the time, it is getting to
your nerves.” (R34: 77).
The above-described characteristics of the employers were often mentioned as the ‘bag of
knowledge’ (in the phenomenological sense) of the respondents, which shaped their future
decisions about jobs and other behaviour (see e. g. Quido, Helen, Violet, Alice). Quido
reflected that he is not going to apply for jobs in organisations with which his friends had had
bad experience. This confirms that the reputation of employers is included as a factor in the
decision making of some unemployed.
There are several examples of refusing or leaving concrete jobs due to concrete conditions
(Janine, Roman). Some of the respondents also mentioned leaving a job after about one week
because they did not like the job or concrete conditions (Jake, Clara, Helen, Sabina, Ron). Ron,
for example, explicitly mentioned that he is rather unemployed than to do ‘the worst jobs’. In
other words, job quality and wages were crucial in decisions about employment. For some of
the respondents, the unsatisfying conditions in previous jobs were a reason to start his
business or an intention to start a business (Peter, Tony). Some respondents spoke about liking
to work alone, and the problems they had in work relationships. It is possible that the negative
experience further strengthened the individualistic behaviour of the respondents (see
discussion in the next chapter).
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Other factors
We have found also other factors, which may shape the work careers of young people (Clasen,
Gould, and Vincent 1998, Engbersen et al. 2006, Trilfajová et al. 2015, Hussain et al. 2016,
Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Among other factors relevant for the employment
chance of young people are debts and savings, lacking skills, imprisonment, and drug abuse.
Debts and executions
Being in debt severely constrains the ability of people to choose some of the strategies and
reduces their privacy (Engbersen et al. 2006). Experts in the research of Trilfajová et al. (2015)
estimated that more than half of social assistance claimants are in execution. This means that
when they work, their debts are subtracted from their income. Here we discuss debts are a
factor that further contributes to the worsening of life chances and life conditions of young
people. The role of debts is most apparent in the story of Simon.
Story of Simon
Simon is a man in middle age. He lived with his grandmother since he was 15 years old because
he did not like his stepfather. Simon studied two vocational schools (installer of metal
construction, painter) but he did not finish any of these schools. He said he did not like these
professions. After school, he worked in craft (making wooden and other floors). Although
Simon does not like school, he is a good self-learner, he is skilled, and he learns craft jobs
easily. He went to work abroad, worked there for some time, and earned good money. He
returned from working abroad to the Czech Republic because meanwhile his first child was
born in the Czech Republic and he married.
Simon went to prison for material delict when he was young, and he was imprisoned for
almost six years. He thinks that he lost his best years in prison and that it is irretrievable.
“Because I think that I lost my best years in prison. It will never return. I was there for
almost six years which was a problem…because I lost that work in Italy…although they
wanted us to work there. However, due to imprisonment, I lost that work.” (R15: 153)
He also divorced due to imprisonment. After release from prison, he worked in garbage
collection for two years and he went to prison again for driving without a driving licence. Later
he was self-employed, worked in metallurgy for four years, and he did also other jobs. Simon
feels that previous imprisonment severely limits him in finding jobs because he did not have
the free ‘list of sentence evidence’ (see also tale of Steve below). For Simon, imprisonment
had consequences that he is not able to change.
After several years of living alone, he met with his second wife. They started entrepreneurship
together in construction. During the entrepreneurship, which lasted three years, they made
substantial debts (all together more than 3.5 million CZK). It was because some customers did
not pay them and they had not money for functioning of the firm, to pay for employees etc.
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Simon has been unemployed for the last five years. The main reason of current unemployment
is, according to him, his debt.
„I am registered at Employment office since 2012. Because I have executions, etc. and
nowadays when everyone sends your salary to the bank account. That is a problem
because executors take your money at work, accountants take your money and even
freeze your account, and you have nothing to live from.“ (R15: 39)
Simon also reflects that the debts grow due to the specific behaviour of people managing
debts. Offered wages are not high enough for him to maintain living after subtracting
executions. Simon thinks that his debts including sanctions and fines are so large that he can
never pay them back. He was retrained in ALMP, but he cannot do that profession due to
legislative limits.
Simons’ second (small) child is severely disabled. This is psychically demanding. It limits his
opportunities to work for a long time or work too far away from home because his wife cannot
stay alone with the child for long. Their family lived on social assistance benefits. Simon says
that his family goes first and that he has to carefully consider the possibility of loss of social
benefits. He refuses to accept jobs in the grey economy because he is afraid that he would be
expelled from Employment office (it already happened to him once) and this is an
unacceptable risk for him.
Discourses presented in the story are ‘calculating’ (‘it is not real to go to work for 9000 CZK
when you have to pay for the flat and child cost you…’), ‘unemployment trap’ (‘I look for work
where I will earn at least 13 000 CZK, because this amount that we would loss when I would
go to work‘, ‘I must look at the money that we loose and then I decide whether I accept work
or not’), ‘going in circles’ and ‘claiming Roma’ (‘Roma get everything, white get nothing’,
‘Roma goes for benefits with gold chains and in BMW’).
Simons main discourse presented several times during the interview is ‘family goes first’. He
mentioned considering the family situation when he was looking for the job. Simon is not
much willing to solve his debts because it would be very difficult, and he is afraid that it would
have an influence on his child (‘we have to consider that we have a child’). Although Simon
knows that he is not behaving according to law and moral expectations, he puts the welfare
of his family including the handicapped child first over these other aspects.
“I know that it does not sound good, that is clear, but I have to protect my family.”
(R15: 85)
“I think those who want to work, find work. Hoverer in the past I was not married, I had
no children and so it was easier. When you have a family, you must consider how much
money you earn, what are the working conditions, where you work, etc. It is not so easy
as before.” (R15: 43)
Simon stated the typical Czech traditional motto that ‘It is better to have the sparrow in hand
than pigeon on the roof’ (it is better to have something little but sure than something that is
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greater but unsure). Another Simon’s discourse is ‘reservation’ including his age and health
problems and willingness to commute to work, etc.
“It is possible to do something with this, but it needs time, because as I say, you cannot
jump to everything you see, any work. You have to consider your abilities and your
ability to handle it.” (R15: 143).
Simon sees no perspective for him. He said that he is ‘going in circles’ and ‘sees no way out’.
My reflection: Simon story shows a typical case of multiple factors influencing life situation.
Some of them are personal (imprisonment experience, health problems, debts), some of them
are rooted in the family (handicapped child, low willingness to commute to work), and some
of them are structural (picky employers, law legislation for tackling debts, law legislation
allowing/restricting doing professions). Among all his problems, debts seem to be the most
important because they block him from getting any legal job (in the context that he is not able
to earn so much to overcome the subtraction from his wage). This means that he is in the
‘debt trap’.
My reflection on debts
Debts were widespread among the respondents, but their severity (manageable,
unmanageable) and sources (friends, loan sharks) were very different. For Simon debts
functioned as a barrier to find work due to two mechanisms. First, his debts would be
subtracted from his income and this lowered his motivation to work. Second, employers and
not very keen to employ people with debts, because this usually means for them various
administrative problems. Besides Simon, Bonny had the most severe debts which he was not
able to manage, and even with the help of others he had to repay them for a long time.
Concrete consequence of debts for Bonny was that he had to live with his parents because he
was not able, due to debts, achieve independent living.
The following aspects seem to be crucial: the level of debt, conditions of the debt including
interest and payment conditions and sanctions, and the ability of young people to repay debts.
Betty reflected how her insecure position on the labour market negatively contributed to her
current and future life situation:
„The consequences [of my situation] were, for example, that I had to borrow money
several times in very disadvantageous conditions because I had no work contract and
up to now…I will have to solve my debts instead of building anything else. This is the
worst negative consequence…It changes all your future life because you will be out of
it for several years.” (R22: 122).
Other type of making debts was borrowing for personal needs. Roman borrowed from his
parents.
“I mostly borrowed from my parents. And this is good because when they lend me, e.g.,
4000 CZK, they did not want everything back at once. Every month I returned to them
what I could.” (R9: 136)
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Another example is Magda who borrowed from both friends and from formal non-bank loan
providers. Debts make other debts (in her case because she had to pay for food and for
invoices). Rosalie spoke about the difficulty to borrow money and this led to the situation
when people had to borrow for high interest. Debts became problems in the context when
they are unmanageable and have an impact on other life aspects including willingness to find
and accept work.
Savings
We concern with the ability to save and its potential to change the lives of young people.
Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) found that some young people are high spenders,
and they are unable to hold money for a long time. Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018)
also argued that young people in a difficult situation are often unable to make long-term
(financial) plans and they are unable to save money for them.
My reflection on savings
Previous savings positively influenced the economic situation of some people. Some people
mentioned that during their unemployment they lived from previous savings (John, Vanda,
Tony). This was possible because both John and Vanda had previously one or more stable jobs
and Tony had periods with more and less commissions. This is yet another mechanism how
functional employment can reduce income insecurity. Various sources of income are
combined:
“[After claiming unemployment insurance] I was without money for a while and then I
went to the training course [during which there is financial support]. I got three months
of severance payment in my previous job and I had savings from the past. And so, it
was not for me as crucial, whether I got 5000 or 6000 CZK from Employment office. I
had really enough savings.” (R21: 173).
Respondents noted that saving was needed for achieving life goals. Ellyn struggled to save to
be able to pay herself a language course. On the other hand, other respondents (Clara, Maria)
reflected that inability to save was a clear limiting factor in the development of their lives.
Maria contrasted her own situation with the situation of her acquaintances (another family),
reasoning that the ability to save is crucial for change.
“They have social benefits and husband earns and so they are able to keep some money
and then escape from this locality and find a normal flat. Because of the low money we
have got, we cannot do anything, we have money only for basic living, to survive.” (R54:
73)
We also noted that some young people have the need to save as one mechanism of future
change in their discourse of a way to a successful life (Lisa, Natalie, William). Rebeca
mentioned that she already saved money for her future. Example is also the following
statement of Natalie:
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„I would like to finish nine grades of elementary education and if they accept me to
school, I would like to get vocational training. Then I would find some occasional job,
and I would start to deposit, to save money. And then I would find myself a rent flat.
And when I am older, I would possibly start a family, if I had a house and money.“ (R66:
212)
Other people like Helen mentioned that they were not saving much even when they could
because they spent that money for entertainment and personal needs. This mean that saving
was not a high priority for these young people. This was also reflected by Bob who noted that
he started to save only after he met with his current girlfriend. There was usually a specific
moment when young people realised that saving would be helpful to achieve their long-term
goals.
Knowledge of languages, computer skills and driving licence, need of equipment
Young people with poor language skills (e.g., ethnic minorities) have restricted opportunities
to participate and fulfil application expectations. Some young people may be discriminated
due to their accent (see Clark and Kupka 1994b). Knowledge of foreign languages was a key
factor for education and work opportunities including study and work abroad (Trhlíková 2017).
Story of John
John is a man in his middle age who is single and childless. He lived with a girlfriend for twenty
years, but their relationship ended five years ago. Now he lives with his mother because he
cares for her (she is elderly). John studied vocational training in machinery, but after school,
he switched to work in electro technics and weapons, which was his hobby. He worked in
several rather stable (each lasting for several years) and well-paid jobs, but now he has been
unemployed for three years. He usually lost his previous jobs during reorganisations or
closures of the firm. He now lives from saving from previous wealthy periods. It is possible
because he lives in his own flat (he does not have to pay rent).
John has three main discourses when explaining his situation. First is the discourse of ‘age’ (he
is too old now). He has also some health limits restricting him for doing some professions (e.g.,
he does not have driving license because of health problems).
His main discourses are ‘unsuitable education/education discourse’ and ’lack of languages’.
He argues that it is much better to have a completed secondary education (with abitur) than
vocational training without abitur.
“[Education] was my basic mistake because I did not care about education and you find
when you are forty, forty-five that it was the basic mistake. When you underestimate
education from the start, it is all wrong.” (R16: 161).
John regrets his former education strategy.
“If I would not be slacking in school, because my marks were fine, and I could possibly
go to university. Because nowadays without education it is all wrong.” (R16: 163)
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However, he is not willing to return to school due to his age. Training courses in ALMP are not
offered in the field he did for his whole life (electro technics) – only retraining is offered to
professions that he is unable to imagine himself to do because he thinks that he does not have
proper skills (e.g. cook, waiter, baker). He is also not keen to try less formal types of education.
He several times referred to the problem of not speaking foreign languages. Some of the jobs
he would be otherwise able to do were unreachable for him due to lack of knowledge of
specific foreign languages (German, Romanian). John, for example, explained:
“…and that was German firm and the first condition not mentioned [in the
advertisement] was the requirement of German language, because most of the
machines and equipment were in German, and not even in English. I would be able to
tackle the basic machinery language in English, but these were German machines, all
were in German, and ‘come and speak German now’.” (R16: 103)
John said about himself that he is ‘too dull’ to learn these languages. However, because as
unemployed, he has a lot of free time and he studies languages now. “….I improve myself in
English gradually, and now a bit of German and a friend of mine persuade me to Italian and I
read a lot....” (R16: 149). For John, the languages were personally so important that he
mentioned them when asked about his personal goals.
John as many other respondents saw his life as ‘going in circles’.
“I would say that I go from nowhere to nowhere and no direction. It is still. I stagnate
in one place from nowhere to nowhere and I wait for something all the time.” (R16:
237)
My reflection: It was clearly more difficult to learn languages for the older generation of
people who grew up in the communism period, when the offer of foreign languages (especially
English) was often ideologically restricted. Nowadays, language knowledge is a standard in
some professions and people can have problems to find jobs in the fields which they did for
their whole lives (the job requirements are stricter than in the past). The issue is that they are
replaced with younger people with less experience but more recent formal school knowledge.
John himself has personal barriers, e.g., that he is not willing to try to get a driving license
because he feels old for this. John also was calculating concrete conditions for jobs; he was
not willing to accept anything.
My reflection on missing skills
We noted the following missing skills and equipment working as barriers to find work:
language requirements, need of previous experience with the profession, missing a driving
license, work with a computer, need to know concrete software, or to have an own car for the
job. Helen, for example, said that she has deficits in all languages, and has not computer skills
and driving license. Some respondents mentioned the need of language skills they do not
possess at a sufficient level (John, Clara, Ellyn, Betty, Sabina) and the need to have a driving
license (Roman, John, Clara, Helen). Young people usually missed better knowledge of English
or sometimes German. Clara reflected on the importance of English language:
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“What is hard when looking for a job is when someone does not have sufficient
knowledge of English, it really limits you in looking for a job. When they found that I
were epileptic, they also found that I have dyslexia and dysgraphia…doctors told me to
learn German…which I disagree…I think that English is easier…and I had to learn it
myself using internet. Now I have basic knowledge that I can use selling shoes. I think
that if I had better knowledge… or if I have an entitlement for some course, I would go
there without hesitation…because the doors are much more open…this I think reflects
my work-looking experience that since I speak English I have better chances to find
work.” (R17: 114)
Clara regretted that she learned German at school and not English. She also reflected that not
having a driving licence limits her in finding a job and going abroad. We also noted that in
some rare cases young Roma did not speak Czech language fluently (spoke simply with a
strange word order structure), but it was exceptional. Young people mentioned situations
when they were not accepted to jobs due to missing skills. Languages are also useful or
necessary when they want to work abroad (Ellyn). Respondents reflected that their language
skills were not on an appropriate level and they forgot a lot when the languages were not used
(Betty, Ellyn). Respondents define deficits as the gap between what they know and what is
needed by employers.
Imprisonment experience
Insecurity may be a consequence of criminal activity of part of young people, as documented
by previous research (e.g., Hussain et al. 2016).
Story of Harrold
Harrold is a young man. He studied elementary school with a specialisation in sport. Even now,
his main hobby is football, and he spends a lot of time in football training. After elementary
school, he studied vocational training for a cook/waiter. He liked praxis but not much school.
He was expelled from vocational education last year when he was in the third year of his
studies. Harrold has no work (even occasionally) nor study for a year. Harrold plans to return
to the same school in the next school year – he already enlisted there. He also said he would
like to find some work in the meantime until the school starts. He started to look for work only
shortly before the interview. He states that he ‘does nothing’. His girlfriend ‘feeds the family’
and he himself had some money left from previous heritage. Usually, he spends most of the
time at home (e.g., lying, cooking, tidying), occasionally he goes out. He cares for the children
of his girlfriend from the previous relationship.
When reflecting on his childhood and teenage years, he described that his family moved
several times. He explained why they moved to independent housing and why he started with
criminal activity.
„We lived there with my sister [in their own housing]; we are twins. I moved because
my mother died, and my father was unable to withstand it and he started to drink
heavily. We then lived with our grandmother, but she was also alcohol addicted. I
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started to sell drugs to have money, because we did not have anything to eat at home
and I wanted to care for my sister.” (R57: 177)
Harrold sold drugs all around and had a lot of friends who were drug addicted. He estimated
that about half of the young people in the locality took drugs. He lost a lot of money he got
from selling drugs in gambling machines. He was also stealing to have money for gambling.
Harrold said that it ‘started to destroy him’. He explained that his lifestyle crucially changed a
lot one month ago.
“I fortunately lived so so for the last month, but before I lived peculiarly…I sold drugs, I
took drugs. I run around the town, played gambling machines, stole in the stores, etc.
I calmed last month, because they caught us, together with my friend that I was doing
it with, and they put us into the prison. It gave me a lesson…when I was there in
detention [for two days] I said to myself… that if I should be in something similar, e.g.,
for a year, I would not be able to withhold it. And so I thought a lot there and became
aware [realized].“ (R57: 161)
One important discourse presented in Harrold’s story of enlightenment in prison.
“I thought about my lifestyle. When it started it was a piece of cake, I had a great
amount of money. And I liked it a lot. It was a piece of cake from the start, then it was
worse and worse, and I thought for a long time that this…that I want to have a family,
to go to work, function normally and not run around the town doing silly things.” (R57:
185).
Harrold believes that he should care for the family. He said he had to abolish contacts with
some of his former mates (who took drugs), otherwise it would be still the same. He also
started to look for work, but it is difficult for him to self-motivate because he was used to earn
much more money by selling drugs.
The second discourse presented in Harrold’s story is that there is ‘negative influence of
environment’ on Roma young people. It is most apparent as the influence of parents and
mates on young people. Young people are not going to school, they are idle, wandering
around, and they are easily influenced by what they see. The third discourse is the negative
influence of drugs on the health and behaviour of young people:
“Drugs damage their health. And the second thing is that man behaves completely
differently. He endangers himself, because in some states [under the influence of
drugs], he does things that he would not otherwise do. To other people and to himself.”
(R57: 367)
Another presented discourse is connected to the ‘need of education’:
“If I had not school, I would not find work. Or maybe I would find it but for less money.
Or I would get work without an employment contract, and so I would be afraid of not
receiving payment. If I had no work, I would not be able to care for myself nor for my
girlfriend.” (R57: 352)
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My reflection: It is hard to say whether one experience of imprisonment changed the life of
Harrold or whether it was a longer process. He is probably afraid to go to prison for the longer
time. Nevertheless, he said that he found out that he must stop. Interesting is his perception
how environments influence young people growing up in specific communities and create a
very harming and dangerous environment. This vision is indeed very disturbing. It is interesting
that Harrold was himself a significant part of the problem for a long time.
Story of Steve
Steve is a young man, aged 21. Steve had several problems during his elementary education
due to his lack of interest in studying, bad behaviour, and highly emotional attitude, but it
improved in the last years of elementary school. Steve did not go to any further education
(second level), because he did not care.
“I was supposed to go to vocational training, but I started…I ended up in a bad party. I
started to take drugs, smoked cannabis and it went with me…I did not care [about
vocational training] but I regret it now that I did not do it. I would help me to get work
and everything.” (R56: 23).
Steve ended up in prison [it was not mentioned in the interview, but I suppose that he was
about 17-18 years old] and he was imprisoned for two and a half years. He did retrain there
(for painter?) but it is not enough to get a job. Rest of the imprisonment sentence is
conditionally postponed for a period of five years (it is conditional on his behaviour) and he
must attend to authorities regularly. He stopped to take drugs (he was in an institutional
health program, but he said that finally he decided to stop himself with the help of his friends).
Steve is unemployed and he lives on social benefits. They live together with the parents of him
or his girlfriend.
Steve is not satisfied with his life, partially due to lack of money, dependency on social
benefits, and difficult housing situation. Young couple switch living in the flats of his and his
girlfriend’s parents. Steve desires to have own housing.
“I would need some good work, to have money and flat…if you have your own things,
you have completely different worries. You do not have to bother, to have bad ideas
and nerves…you know and sometimes you have quarrels. If you do not have your own,
it is difficult.” (R53: 525)
Steve says that it is difficult to find a job when you do not have vocational training. He is only
able to get occasionally some temporal work in construction. Imprisonment may be another
barrier for him to find a job:
“It [imprisonment] somehow blocks me. If I would like to get some permanent job, they
require you to have a clear list of imprisonment evidence, and I do not have it clear. It
is difficult. I tried it at [ask for job concrete employer] but they wanted a clear list of
imprisonment evidence.” (R53: 109)
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Discourse in Steve story is ‘lack of education’. He several times regretted not having vocational
training because he would have better work opportunities. Steve also reflects that he lacks
some skills that he would have learned in vocational training. He did only the least qualified
jobs in the past (earthworks, demolitions). Steve also believed that in many aspects ‘people
are doing it themselves’ and have to bear the consequences of their previous behaviour.
Another discourse of Steve story is ‘enlightenment’. He realised that even a small crime would
have fatal consequences for him because the new sentence would be added to his previous
sentence.
“[I was imprisoned] for two and a half years. I realised a lot of things. It [committing a
crime] is not worth it [to go to prison again]. I have a girlfriend who waited for me and
she would not deserve it…I am a good boy now.” (R53: 61)
My reflection: The situation of Steve is difficult because he has no secondary level education
(not even an unfinished one), and he has imprisonment experience (and already he has found
that it does matter) and he has no contacts to people who would be able to find him a better
job. He tries to live a normal life because he knows that ‘Damocles sword’ of being imprisoned
again for a long time is a real thread for him. His ambitions are rather low (to work, e.g., as a
storage worker), still he was not able to get any decent work.
My reflection on imprisonment experience
We have seen imprisonment experience in several stories. Barbara said that many young
people end up in prison including girls. First group of reasons for imprisonment were various
material delicts including stealing, cheating (frauds), and dealing of drugs. For young people it
was sometimes easy way to get money. Alan saw stealing as a strategy made of necessity
when some people are not able to get any jobs. Some people ended in prison for nonmaterial
delicts like not paying alimony, driving without a driving licence, and being part of brawl.
Melinda commented that her husband was sentenced to prison for one and half year for not
paying alimony for children from the previous marriage and she stayed home with a small
child.
Ray, a young Roma man, was 22 years old at the time of the interview. He did not go to
vocational training and he did a silly thing with his mates. He was imprisoned for two years for
violent delict. His father was still in prison. Ray does not want to go to prison again.
“I was in prison for two years and still I am… I will not do such things…I changed. I do
not want any problems. When someone starts to do problems, I go away. I help to my
mother and to my sister…I want to have a better life.” (R38: 72)
Ray was 22 and had elementary education. He did not work, and he was not interested to get
work until he will get qualification. Ray planned to start a vocational school for profession of
the floor layer lasting for three years. He believed that having this qualification will help him
to earn sufficient money. I have chosen this example to show how previous choices and
imprisonment delayed key milestones in life of Ray. For example, he wanted to start his
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vocational training eight years after the typical age when young people enter secondary level
education.
It is striking how similar the imprisonment experience was in most cases (Simon, Vendelín,
Herbert, Steve). For most people it does matter, leaving a deep scar. The following effects are
visible in the imprisonment experience: losing years and delay of key life events, break of some
family ties (e.g. divorce), threat of being imprisoned again, and worse chances to get work.
Simon said that many employers wanted a clear ‘list of imprisonment evidence’ and it was
mentioned in the job advertisements. Herbert noted that he is listed in the list for ten years
and only after ten years he can ask for clearance. According to Herbert, ‘the list of
imprisonment evidence’ is a work disqualifying condition without distinguishing contents of
the sentence. Vendelín reflected that employers preferred workers without imprisonment
experience and they always asked for the reason of imprisonment, but he thought that it did
not matter because it meant an automatic stop.
Drugs and gambling
Drugs are a widespread problem in deprived localities (see ‘Locality’ section of this chapter)
Story of Mortimer
Mortimer is a young Roma man, 17 years old. He lives with his parents. He studied elementary
school for children with specific needs (see chapter about education), but after seven school
years he switched to normal school. He had to switch due to quarrels with his schoolmates
and other his ‘silly behaviour’. Mortimer already used cannabis during his elementary
education. He admits that his behaviour at elementary school was influenced by smoking
cannabis. He ‘does not have any good memories for any school’ (i.e., he does not like school).
After elementary education, Mortimer started a vocational study for a bricklayer. He is in the
second year of study and he likes it more than elementary education because he likes the
profession of bricklayer and because there are good relations with schoolmates and teachers.
Mortimer is an active and frequent cannabis user. Although Mortimer still formally studies, he
goes to school only occasionally (‘only when he wants’). All day he spends doing his hobbies
(computers, attending online social networks, gym) or with his girlfriend. When asked why he
does not go to school, Mortimer answered that he is with his girlfriend all the time because
he recently fell in love. He also does an occasional short job in the field of his study (undeclared
work) instead of going to school. He earns enough money for his current life and he does not
need money from his parents. He is very satisfied with his life and he has no need to change
anything. He plans to do the same undeclared work after he ends his school (but more hours).
Otherwise, he has no concrete plans nor dreams for the future.
Discourse presented by Mortimer is ‘everything in my life is fine’ and ‘drugs are not problem’.
When asked about the main problem of young people in the locality, Mortimer answered:
“Drugs, cannabis and alcohol…a lot of such people…and bullying and stealing…I have
a problem with stealing, but about drugs I do not mind, and I do not care”. (R51: 273)
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My reflection: Mortimer is still in the situation when taking light drugs, not going to school,
and having some money from small scale occasional jobs constitute for him the ideal lifestyle.
Influence of drugs is notable in his communication style. This situation is typical for many other
young people. Drugs constitute an important part and reference frame of his current life. He
started to take cannabis when he was a child, and he does not see a problem in using them
even when he sees how widespread their use among his mates is. I have chosen his case
because he is a typical Roma actively using drugs who spoke about it honestly and felt no need
to hide it during the interview.
My reflection of the use of drugs and gambling
Situation with using drugs was different between NEGOTIATE and CITISPYCE interviews.
Among NEGOTIATE respondents, Bonny mentioned he took drugs for half a year during his
wild period. Many Roma respondents (most of them from CITISPYCE interviews) often
mentioned drug abuse as the most severe problem in their specific locality. It was widespread,
e.g., Harrold estimated that half of the young people in the locality took drugs including mesh
and heroine. These people are very active during the evening and night hours. Rudy speaking
about the same topic estimated 30 percent, Bob estimated one-third. Some people according
to Laura and Bob even abuse toluene. Even very young people (12-15 years) take drugs
(Harrold). We have noted several cases of young people in interviews who more or less
regularly abused drugs. Some young people (Leo) said that it is easy to obtain drugs in the
neighbourhood. Taking drugs is often connected in concrete cases with selling drugs, with
playing gambling machines and stealing. Being in prison or having some family members in
prison due to drugs (directly or indirectly) is also widespread (Tobias, Harrold). Ray explained
that his family is on drugs and that he wants to avoid them.
Drugs also change people and close some pathways for them.
“Some of my friends are OK and some are not OK at all…and this means meth [pervitin
in Czech language]. There is a lot of it...some whom I have known for a long time…and
when now I see them and speak to them, I say to myself: ‘Damn what happened to
you? And it is because of meth. The change‘.” (R58: 373)
“Young people learn taking drugs out, I dislike it. Cannabis. Children I knew and I loved
them, who I knew well, we were going out together – how they look like now, how they
are worn out, how drugs destroy them.” (R41: 181)
Laura and Harrold commented that people who take drugs or drink heavily are more
aggressive, endangering both self and others. Barbara described that a friend of her stabbed
himself on the mesh and he ended up in psychiatric care. Bob said that these people are
psychically out (they intellect is lowered) and that they do not care about anything. Some of
them die young (Rudy, Tobias).
Maria reflected on her view (discourse) on two main factors influencing the widespread use
of drugs.
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“I think that it is fault of the parents that they do not care [for the kids] as they should
and due to this, they [kids] end up in some party who do this, and they get into drugs
and they take it all together. It is also due to this locality…because there it is
widespread. (R52: 79)
When considering measures for drug addicts, this was mentioned only by Steve who was in
such program. Steve believed that other factors helped him more than this program.
Gambling was also presented among our respondents, but it was usually not presented as the
main topic (the exception is Harrold who was stealing to have money for gambling). Gambling
is presented also in the story of Robin. Robin says that his main and frequent hobby is playing
gambling machines and that he plays them often. It costs a lot of money. He said: ‘sometimes
you win, sometimes you lose, that is clear and normal’. (It is part of Robins personal discourse
of ‘seesaw’ – one moment up, one moment down).
Other respondents spoke about gambling very negatively. They saw it as one of the main
sources of problems in Roma locality (Rupert, Gwen, Rosalie, Nancy). Gwen mentioned that
she hates gambling machines. It is because her mother was dependent on gambling and her
boyfriend plays occasionally:
“First of all, I hate gambling halls, pubs with gambling machines, I completely hate
them, really hate them. And they are at each corner…I would like them all to be
cancelled in the future.“ (R50: 87, 302).
Nancy commented:
“I think that these [gambling machines] negatively influence young people. When they
see these machines in the gambling halls, they are lured into it. They think that they
are going to win and instead of buying ice cream, they rather throw it to the gambling
machine, and they became gamblers…If I could, I would abolish these everywhere.”
(R72: 17).
Conclusion – Concept of multiple disadvantages
Some authors discuss the role of several disadvantages present in the living situation of
concrete people (Plasová and Válková 2009, Formánková and Křížková 2010, Trlifajová et al.
2015). In this perspective, disadvantages are usually seen as individual deficits (Du BoisReymond
and López Blasco 2003). Disadvantage points to the susceptibility of persons and
groups most likely to be hurt, damaged, or otherwise negatively affected due to their position
in the labour market (EGRIS 2002). The concept of disadvantage can be discussed in the
inequality perspective and limited access perspective (see Bendit and Stokes 2003). The
concept of multiple disadvantages is related to the situation of a concrete person, where
several factors simultaneously may act as a signal of his/her low employability. These
combinations of such factors may include, e.g., (Plug et al. 2002, Bendit and Stokes 2003,
Plasová and Válková 2009, Trlifajová et al. 2015, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018a, Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018):
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• learning problems,
• health problems, physical or mental handicaps,
• low or unfinished education,
• parenthood,
• interrupted work career,
• being ‘out of reach’ or in a critical life situation,
• ethnicity and visibly different cultures,
• low work experience,
• inadequate competences,
• perceived low motivation,
• indebtedness,
• poor housing,
• and age.
For young people, one obvious combination is young age in combination with low or
unfinished qualification and sometimes early pregnancy or minority origin (Clasen, Gould, and
Vincent 1998, Plug et al. 2002, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). On the other hand,
the disadvantage may relate to concrete structural conditions (EGRIS 2002, Bois-Reymond and
López Blasco 2003, Bendit and Stokes 2003) e.g. with.
• living in a structurally hit region
• entering the labour market in the time of deep recession
• structural lacks,
• missing opportunities,
• uncertain rules of competition.
Bendit and Stokes (2003: 263) argued:
“We can observe that ‘disadvantage’ and ‘disadvantaged groups’ are universally the
outcomes of specific temporal and spatial combinations of structural and individual
factors and of social challenges (expectancies) coming from society.”
Economists often link multiple disadvantages with the metaphor of queue where employers
rank people due to their perceived employability (see Sirovátka 1995, Clasen, Gould, and
Vincent 1998). Formánková and Křížková (2010) connect the concept of multiple
disadvantages with discrimination. Young people may perceive that they are discriminated
due to their skin colour, accent, or place of residence (Plug et al. 2002, Trlifajová et al. 2015,
Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018a, Hajdinjak 2018a). Important aspect is that multiple
disadvantages are not only living condition and a precondition for tackling with the living
situation. It is also multiplied by the outcomes of previous events, activities, experiences, and
decisions.
From the social policy perspective, also other dimensions are important, namely, whether the
concept of disadvantage is used in the social policy, how it is used (or even misused), what the
approach is towards disadvantaged people and what concrete measures are realised (see
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EGRIS 2002). One crucial aspect of the discussion is whether the most disadvantaged should
be provided with specific programs tailored to their needs (see Bendit and Stokes 2003), see
more discussion in the next chapter. Critics of the concept argue that in some versions of the
concept there is an inherent individualistic perspective that may be inadequate and lead to
cooling out (see Walther 2003, Walther and McNeish 2003, Bendit and Stokes 2003).
My reflection on multiple disadvantages
Multiple disadvantages are presented in many stories presented in this book. We also saw
that such situations happen quite easily as a normal part of the life trajectory. In the case of
Melinda, for example, who had problems and problems caused by her Roma origin or in the
case of Steve, who had imprisonment experience and unfinished education. For a prime
example, see also the story of Simon. We cannot work with this in the statistical sense, but we
can see that these people often have very low chances for standard employment. We have
also seen that sometimes one disadvantage may directly or indirectly contribute to the
emergence of another disadvantage creating a new paid or set of disadvantages. For example,
the health problem leads to prematurely ending original education and the young person has
a substantial problem to strategically overcome such situation. We also noted that such
disadvantages matter in several potential mechanisms of change.
• Disadvantage limits the capability of young people and it limits the options that are
available for young people. Some disadvantages are so harsh that they almost
completely diminish the chances of young people to change their situation (they are
blockers).
• Young people having a particular disadvantage are perceived more negatively and
behaved to differently than other people who do not have such disadvantages.
• Young people are often not themselves able to overcome the disadvantage. They do
not know what to do. They may not even notice that something may create a
disadvantageous position for them in the future or they do not care.
• Disadvantages are leaving scars. They often cannot be overcome quickly, and they have
long-term consequences.
Specific consequences of the insecure position are discussed in the next chapter.
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Chapter 5: Personal consequences of
insecure trajectories
In this chapter, we discuss the personal (for individual or close relatives) consequences of
insecurity. Such outcomes of early job insecurity were mentioned in previous research
relevant for our study (see Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 1984, Clasen, Gould and Vincent 1998,
Sverke et al. 2002, Cheng and Chan 2008, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). We refer
to the possible consequences of all four main forms of insecurity (job insecurity, employment
insecurity, income insecurity, and combination insecurity). This included both insecurity
during periods of work and during unemployment or economic inactivity. Literature shows
that both unemployment and insecurity have similar detrimental psychical effects on
individuals (see Gallie 2013a). It is meaningful to distinguish between short (more immediate)
and long-term consequences of insecurity. However, we still lack a reliable framework for such
exercise. We can assume that short-term consequences may include, e.g., changed work
attitudes and long-term consequences, e.g., health problems and family breakdown. PercySmith
(2000, quoted in Sirovátka and Spies (2018: 17) defined in the same context economic
dimension, social dimension, political dimension, community dimension, individual
dimension, group dimension and spatial dimension. Numerous moderators for relationships
between insecurity and its consequences may exist, for example, age, family support and type
of work contract, type of sector, union membership, and job tenure (see Sverke et al. 2002,
Cheng and Chan 2008, Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 2010). These constitute possible
mechanisms of change helping to explain the relationship between insecurity and quality of
life of young people.
We can see that some young people see more of these consequences present in their lives
simultaneously (see, e.g., how Ben described these consequences). It is interesting and
important to see how various consequences of the insecure situation are interconnected.
Relationships in the lives of young people are complex, complicated, and heterogeneous (see
Rogers 2008), effectively reducing our ability to fully cover and understand all factors and their
consequences. Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) identified that low position in one
aspect (resources) leads to similarly low positions in other aspects (education, work). Social
worker quoted in Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora (2018b) spoke in this context about
destabilisation of the family including debts, loss of housing, frequent moving, and
consequences for school attendance of children.
Another relevant dimension includes the attitude of young people towards perceived
outcomes of their insecure lives. Whether young people are, for example, bothered, worried,
or depressed and how their personal attitudes change due to an insecure situation.
Changed life attituded, work attitudes, and work behaviour
Some researchers assume that the attitudes and behaviour of young people change due to
experiences with nasty behaviour or closed opportunities. Among other related consequences
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are absenteeism, lower work satisfaction and lower organizational commitment, resistance to
change, and higher turnover intention (Sverke et al. 2002). Hussain et al. (2016) noted that
young people were more individualistic and cared only about their own interests. Hussain et
al. (2016) also wrote about retreating as a process of relying more on themselves than on
others.
My reflection on changed values and attitudes
We noted reflections of respondents on their changed values and opinions in comparison with
the period when they were younger. This was extensively reflected in some interviews
presented in previous chapters (e.g., in the story of Herbert, Melinda, Betty, Ben, Ken, and
Helen). Despite reflecting giving more importance to employment and education and ‘school
of life’ approach, we also noted changes in the importance of some values. Bonny said that he
lost belief in values common in the society.
“It influenced me a lot considering trust to other people, to other people and the whole
functioning of society and also my life values.” (R1: 128)
Herbert commented on his stance towards his contemporary conditions:
„I would say that I hate these times. Really a lot. Really, I hate these times. Some of the
other [people], they have, but I do not. I did not live much in communism, up to mine
14 or 15 years, I do not remember exactly, but I lived normally. I did not think about
problems or if I have money for ice-cream. I always had money.“ (R31: 171).
The second dimension presented by young people is a reflection on their changed stance and
behaviour. Strategy of unemployed is probably influenced by low trust and corresponding
perception of insecurity. Some of the respondents said that they had developed an attitude
of permanent mistrust (Bonny, Ben, Ken, Jake, Helen, Alice, Melinda, Violet).
“Sometimes what is said is definitely not the truth, everyone has his/her own truth”
(R11: 161)
“I did not trust anything and anyone. The promised you ‘mountains and mines’ [in Czech
language this means everything and great] or everything looked beautiful, but it was
not so. I became already reconciled that it would not be functioning like that.” (R32:
25)
Melinda and Eugenie spoke about having problems with being honest and telling the truth.
“My fault is that I trust people a lot and I believe that they are like me and that they
are just. However, it turns a lot against me. My father told me many times…learn to
live with this. Do not tell them the whole truth, they are not like you. I did not believe
him and now I know what he spoke about.” (R30: 55)
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“If I could return time I would be silent and obey, do exactly what they wanted…‘Yes
boss, sure boss, you are always right’…and maybe I could have that work and my life
could be completely different.” (R24: 135)
Young people say that their trust towards employers is very low (for example, they do not
trust what employers say or that they will keep their promises), they have to be cautious and
be careful what they say (Eugenie, Ken, Betty, Helen).
“You should not count that everything is automatic. That you get an employment
contract, that you will get the promised money, that you will get work that is written
in the contract etc.” (R22: 116)
Betty’s stance toward all people was her ‘masquerade’ and lowered effort towards disliked
employers. Violet explained that she always verifies every information provided by employers
and she seeks for information about their reputation. Alice commented that she checks on
fulfilment of legal conditions such as paying health insurance. Some unemployed also
reflected that their morale is low, and their effort is reduced (Betty, Ben), they were afraid to
leave a bad job because they thought that it can be even worse (Eugenie) or they lost hope
(Melinda).
“My attitude to work changed. I would never allow myself to come late and in my last
work I regularly came three quarters an hour late because I knew that I were able to
handle it. It will not be so well done as I can, but why should I when I have such money
for it. Why should I work hard, you know?” (R22: 142)
“…and my hopes went down more and more, and more and more I did not know, and I
did not believe. What is going to be tomorrow. What is going to be next. It brought me
more trouble than opportunities….I thought about being without work and being
kicked off flat….What I feared it all really happened.” (R30: 75).
Last direct result was that some people like Tony after bad experience with employers
preferred self-employment to employment (to have more freedom, avoid future bad
experience from dependent employment). Tony explained:
“…that job where I worked for two and a half years, it marked me a lot, that behaviour
of bosses, even now I say [I can try] to employ myself…but I have problems with
authorities or commanding behaviour. I would not be able to accept it, I am used to
having it this way.” (R27: 189)
Tony described how his negative experiences from the first jobs influenced his decision to be
self-employed and his problems with authorities. He even does not trust formal authorities
such as social insurance.
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Consequences on the labour market, enforcement to leave the labour market and
future work prospects
The insecurity in the labour market can contribute to further losses of jobs or inability to find
one. Some authors suppose that some of these outcomes can further diminish the labour
prospects of young people (see Dingeldey et al. 2015).
My reflection on labour market consequences
We noted several specific consequences on the labour market. First of them was the scarring
effect discussed in one of the previous chapters. In some rare cases, we noted that
respondents were gradually losing their ability to participate in the labour market. It was
caused more by health problems than by insecurity. More respondents mentioned that it was
harder to find a job due to low education and lack of formal work experience (Janine). Low
ability to get an interesting job blocked the future development of their skills. Some young
people were concerned with losing the necessary time to develop their work careers.
“I would like to have a job where it is possible to have a career development and so the
sooner I will get such a job, the longer time I will have to make a career. However, If I
found such a job as late as when I would be twenty-six, it would constitute a problem
for me.” (R13: 137)
For some of the respondents (Vendelín, Fred) the substantial consequence was seen in
permanently looking for jobs (because they worked only on short jobs or many jobs) or for
commissions (Quido, Tony).
“You come home from work and you start it all over, constantly looking for work all the
time. You look for work every day, even when I am at an occasional job, I permanently
ask someone, if he does not know about some more permanent job.” (R5: 259)
This permanent looking to work is related to insecurity (Quido, Tony, Herbert). Moreover, it
was very unpleasant and for some people also psychically demanding. Another perspective
mentioned by Janine was being disbalanced – frequently changing life situations contributed
to the feeling of distraction and insecurity.
Lower or missing future social protection
Häusermann and Schwander (2009) argue that position of people on the labour market is
interconnected with their future social security including unemployment protection and old
age pension. Insecure positions may have influence on social rights including unemployment
protection, pension schemes, and invalidity benefits (Häusermann and Schwander 2009,
Davidsson and Naczyk 2009). Missing social protection relates to work in the grey economy –
although this practice is considered as a strategy to cope with the existing financial difficulties,
it increases the insecurity and risk of social exclusion for young people (Krasteva, Jeliazkova,
and Draganov).
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My reflection on missing social protection
Immediate consequences in the absence of social protection were widespread among the
respondents (see details in the next chapter). Jake, for example, noted that he was not given
Unemployment insurance benefits because he had worked on the ‘agreement for a specific
task’ with an income lower than 10 000 CZK. Considering more distant effects, Otto reflected
that his future protection would be limited because he was unemployed for a long time. Otto
expected that his old age pension is going to be low or it is not going to be paid. He knows this
situation well because his mother is not eligible for old age pension. Tony also knew that his
old age pension is going to be low, but he was not able nor willing to pay more into the old
age insurance system. Tony refers to the situation when he, as self-employed, recently
received a letter from the public social insurance company about his current and past
contributions and future entitlements.
“…they wrote me a letter that I should pay two thousand [CZK] more to have a pension
about ten thousand [CZK]. Otherwise, I will get around six or seven [thousand] or
something similar they wrote me. However, I do not understand them, and I do not
trust them that when I will put two thousand there, they will give me a bigger pension.
In three years, there will be other political garniture and different situation. I enlisted
into the pension supplement scheme and I pay for my pension and I do not trust the
other [scheme].“ (R27: 197).
The future income insecurity is in Tony’s tale connected with uncertainty about future
development and low trust to state. For people, it is sometimes very difficult to consider all
the circumstances of the offered schemes and to be able to build a coherent strategy. It would
require a really sophisticated calculation and also a crystal ball to be able to see whether it is
more advantageous to put scarce resources into public social insurance or to private
supplement funds. Tony himself did not go to adventure with such exercise. He was more
driven by intuitive judgement.
Financial situation and low ability to maintain living
Insecurity brought problems for young people to manage their lives with current income and
to pay both regular and unexpected expenses (Clasen, Gould and, Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b,
Hora and Žižlavský 2009, Trilfajová et al. 2015). This may include both severe material
deprivation (including lacking food, any suitable clothes, and missing healthcare) and low
ability to keep the expected social standard, e.g., having fashionable clothes or attending
social events (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and
Draganov 2018). For some young people, even in employment, their income may not protect
them from material deprivation (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). People with low
income from work can assess their income situation similarly as unemployed (Hora and
Žižlavský 2009). Among other factors that influence the ability to maintain living is lone
parenthood and situations when the other parent is not paying alimony as in the case of Betty.
For some people, material need means that they have to change their overall strategy to stop
studying or to go abroad (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). For others, lacking money
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means blocking opportunities, e.g., they cannot choose their school freely (Behrens and
Brown 1994a), cannot to go to university or to start an own business (Krasteva, Jeliazkova and
Draganov 2018).
Story of Bruno
Bruno is a Roma man in his middle age. He successfully completed vocational training for a
bricklayer during the last years of communist times. Although it is more than 20 years, he was
formally employed only for one month during his whole life (he is permanently unemployed).
He admits that sometimes he works in undeclared jobs (it is insecure because sometimes he
is not paid for the work done) or he collects scrap metal and old paper to earn some money.
He attended five retraining courses, but it did not help him (at least once he was not able to
do the final tests). In the year before the interview, he was a participant in a car accident, and
he has health problems since this event. He was expelled from Employed office last year for
six months and this had deep psychical consequences (see below).
When Bruno was young, he lived with parents until the age of about 25. He had the first child
with his former girlfriend. After they separated, he took the child into his care because his
former partner did not want to care for her. Although the former girlfriend left them, her
income was still counted towards family income and they (family) were without social
assistance benefits. They also had debts because she did not pay rent.
Now Bruno lives with another girlfriend and they have two children (all together three). One
child is handicapped, and one is small (about one year old). He must care also for the girlfriend
because she has a low ability to care for herself. In the past, the children were placed into
institutional care until the time he could take them back.
The main problem for Bruno is the financial situation of his current family. All goods are costly,
and small children have specific needs. His daughter has health problems and medicine for
her is very expensive. They (family) are just surviving – ‘it is not possible to feed the family for
social benefits’ (R8: 48). They are often going to debts which are of high profit and very difficult
to handle.
“I am going to debt. When child milk costs you four hundreds, nappies cost you four
hundreds too, and the child milk is for five days and what next?“ …”They will lend you
money for profit. From five hundred you have to repay three hundred more” (R8: 169).
He reflects that the only help he got from the authorities is social assistance benefits and
sometimes lump sum benefit as a loan, which he has to return latter. He must use part of the
benefit which is formally dedicated for personal needs to pay part of the rent (for housing).
This is all together a very unpleasant and stressful situation for Bruno.
„Last year I was totally out. I had to undergo medical treatment….I was unable to bear
my psychics because I was not able to handle children [financially], I could not bear it
any longer. (R8: 248).
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For this reason, the financial situation also has deep consequences for his psychics. Bruno is
deeply depressed. He said that ‘it is a horrible life’.
There is no one main discourse in his story. Instead, many partial discourses are mentioned
and they all together constitute the story of Bruno. The discourses present in Bruno’s story
are connected to work: ‘having no chance’ (I did not have a chance), ‘lacking experience’ (‘they
all need experience and where you should get it when no one will take you’) and
‘discrimination‘. Bruno described discrimination in the following way:
„They found there are free vacancies. I phoned there and they said: ‘Come, everything
will be super’. I think for myself that [later refuse] is due to Roma people, to say it as it
is. It is because I am Roma that they are not going to take me, but they do not tell you
[that it is due to being Roma]…they tell you that the job is full, and you can do whatever
you want..“ (R8: 100).
Bruno said that employers normally accepted other people who came at the same moment
ask for the job, because they were white but not him. Bruno reflected his situation as ‘going
in circles’ (‘is all around, it is the same all the time’) including both looking for jobs and
repeated ALMP retraining courses. He also argued with aspects of ‘calculating’ discourse (‘I
would have to travel far, and the base wage is 8000 CZK, and I would suffer a loss’). Different
discourses are connected to his family situation: ‘hard work’ and ‘breadwinning’ (‘I have to
care for all it myself’, ‘I was not able to feed the family’).
My reflection: In the story of Bruno, financial hardship is connected also with the difficult
family situation – having children from the previous relationship in care without the help of
the previous partner, having a current partner with limited capability to care for herself, one
handicapped, and one small child. On the other side of the equation is his limited ability to
sufficiently care for the family due to inability to get a normal job despite long Employment
office registration. Financial hardship of the family is apparent and social benefits are not
enough to prevent such hardship. For example, medicine costs for the handicapped child are
very high compared to family income.
My reflection on the ability of people to maintain living
When we asked young people about their economic position in the society, I was surprised on
many occasions that they place themselves in relatively high positions despite apparent
problems and insecurities. There are various explanations, which were present in their
reasoning. First, it may be self-presentation because it would be humiliating to place
themselves in a low position. Second possible explanation is that their reference group may
be limited to the people they know (this was, e.g., the reasoning of Ben). The third argument
was that they place themselves high because they can live according to their values and
lifestyle that they themselves prefer.
In contrast, in interviews we can reflect many situations of extreme poverty. For example, in
the story of Melinda, Ellyn and Harrold. These include having nothing to eat, starving, sleeping
in the park, and collecting food from dustbins. Karin mentioned that she walked to work a long
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distance every day because she could not afford to buy tickets. We include in this category
also respondents who claimed that their financial situation was very bad, horrible, etc.
(Sophie, Bruno, Karin), respondents who regularly borrowed money to survive and
respondents who lost children for some time due to unacceptable financial situation or living
conditions (Bruno, Magda).
Another group of people lived from hand to mouth, spending immediately all spare money
(Lucy, Josephine, Sabina). People sometimes reflected how expensive concrete things or
services were for them or how they were much more expensive than before (Bruno, Laura,
Simon). Roman and Amanda mentioned that having a child and family was expensive and their
ability to manage the financial situation of his family was unstable. Sabina and Amanda said
that often there were not enough money and they needed help from relatives. Vanda
explained that they had to postpone the buying of some things. Tony said that his budget is
tense, and he is not able to save much. When he occasionally saves something, he spends it
almost immediately. Credit card functions for him as a financial reserve. We present here the
statement of Josephine, reflecting typical financial problems:
“I earn about 8000 CZK a month. I work for almost 200 hours and I earn only 8000 CZK.
Half of that money I give to my mother because we have expensive rent. There are 4000
CZK left for me. I have to put aside money for snacks, I have to pay for my transport
pass every three months. It is not very nice when you want to go to the city, and you
look in your wardrobe asking yourself: ‘What I am going to wear?’. And then you go
around the city and suddenly you see something, and you want to buy it. You have the
money with you, and you do not think, and you buy it for your pleasure. And then you
see that you have no money left.” (R42: 94)
There was present immediate financial pressure which according to some of the respondents
(Vanda, Roman, Clara, Ellyn, Otto) pressured on activity and acceptance of ‘anything available’
and it had detrimental psychical consequences (see below).
Some respondents (Clara, Ben, Ellyn, Jake) also mentioned the influence of low income on
social activities (going out with friends, buying gifts). For them, this was related to feelings of
being embarrassed or inferior for not having the standards common in society. However,
according to Ellyn, this can be managed by various humble, alternative, and saving strategies
(buying less, buying worse quality/second hand, going without).
Family structure is relevant for copying with financial issues. Karin and Melinda noted that
their difficult situation was caused by the absence of partners. Young people who lived with
their parents were often able to tackle the financial situation only with the help of the parents.
Jake explained:
“Considering [parental] support, they feed me still. Not now when I have work, but in
periods when I was at Employment Office or when I had these call centres, it was mostly
work on ‘agreement for doing a specific task’ and there, yes, I was able to earn on rent,
but it was not possible to feed myself from it or give something from it.” (R11: 139).
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Young people with low incomes are unable to save and are not able to fulfil their dreams or
to buy things which are common for their mates or that they were used to buy when they had
a job (Vanda). Ben spoke about not being able to buy a second-hand car. John, Clara, Janine,
and Maria could not go abroad on holidays or long-term work visit. Maria explained that she
would like to ‘go to see the sea’ which she had never seen. Although this dream is not as
expensive (it is something that many people do every year in the Czech Republic), for Maria,
it is currently unachievable. In this regard, she is not able to live according to the standards
common in the wider society. Jake, John, and some other respondents mentioned that they
were limited in doing their hobbies (e.g., doing sports, buying a new computer).
This is starkly contrasting with people like Ellyn who despite low income, do not have a feeling
of hardship or do not feel concrete bad consequences. Ellyn reflects that she adapted her
behaviour to reduce expenses by buying clothes second hand, cook by herself, avoid going to
the pub, and travel by hitchhiking. She was also able to save for more expensive things. Various
saving strategies were mentioned also by other respondents (e.g. Otto). They present a
humble lifestyle of copying rooted in their financial hardship.
Going into debts
Debts were often caused by the limited ability of people to pay for necessary expenses (Clasen,
Gould, and Vincent 1998, Engbersen et al. 2006, Hora 2008b). There are several quite different
situations. Clasen, Gould, and Vincent (1998: 187) described how going into debt was a
deliberate strategy used to survive in the situation of insufficient income – “being in debt had
become a way of life”. However, unemployment is also a key factor in low ability to pay
previous debts (Trilfajová et al. 2015). Some people were trapped due to low ability to tackle
previous debts (Hora 2008b, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
My reflection on debts
Debts are a typical feature in the life of respondents which is both the cause and consequence
of their life problems. Consequences of debts are highly influenced by scope of the debt and
from whom did you borrow. Some debts are not caused by borrowing money but by other
specific behaviour (entrepreneurship, travelling without a ticket, or not paying social
insurance). Debts may be also caused by the necessity to pay bills and sudden lack or drop of
income, i.e., paying bills late (Tony). Tony argues that it is stressful when you are not sure
whether you would be able to pay. People usually borrow from their relatives and friends
(Magda) but also from people in their networks who lend money for high profit (Bruno) or
from non-bank financial institutions (Magda). Some very difficult debts were also debts on
social and health insurance caused by various situations (Ron). Some young people owed for
insurance because they had irregular income (Ron), some young people had debts because
their employer did not pay insurance for them, and some because they were expelled from
Employment office, and they did not find work quickly. Magda mentioned that she went into
debt because she was not able to live on social benefits and to pay the year balance of the
bills.
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In addition, debts were significant constrains for some people because they had significant
debts or even executions on their potential income and the conditions in ‘the debt trap’ were
hardly manageable (unmanageable) for them (Bonny, Simon, Betty). Betty said that debts
were the worst consequence of her situation:
“The consequence was that several times I had to take a very unfavourable loan
because I did not have any employment contract and up to now…I have to solve my
debts instead of building [household?]. This is the greatest and worst negative
consequence…because it changes all your future life. You can try to get from this for
several years.” (R22: 122)
The role of debts is also notable in the story of Ben who made debts to buy furniture for
independent living. Later, he had problems to pay for alimony because he did not have a stable
income. Other respondents (Karin) mentioned debts which they perceived as manageable.
Karin said that managing debts improved when she got stable work.
Limited housing options
Consequences of insecurity for housing situation are apparent when young people cannot
move, have to live in the rooming house, have to live in unsatisfactory conditions, live together
with a former partner etc. (Hora 2008b, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018b). Young people
can have very different housing aspirations including ownership, renting, and living with
parents (Brown and Roberts 1994). For young people, common living with parents can be also
advantageous, because they have a higher income at disposal and have to care less for
themselves (see Brown and Roberts 1994).
Different aspects of the difficult housing situation are shown in the following two stories.
Story of Lucy
Lucy is a woman in her middle age. She studied vocational training for a baker and finished
shortly after Velvet Revolution. She worked in the field of bakery only for a short time after
graduation. It was difficult for her to get a job as a baker. She explained that at that time there
was no need for bakers and older workers were preferred because they could work on shifts.
She enrolled in further study, but she did not finish it due to absences caused by working.
Her parents had seven children and she could not stay home because there were four other
children younger than she. Lucy described how earnings were important for her housing
situation during her first years of living alone. Parents could not support her. She has to ‘stand
on her own legs’ and care for herself. She left her parents and her hometown when she was
seventeen. She started to live in a rented flat with two friends from school, but later they were
not able to pay for the flat and they invited other people to live with them to share the costs.
“…I had a boyfriend at that time, but we quarrelled a lot about it [about work], we
quarrelled a lot due to work, because I was at work all the time to earn some money.
Rents were not so expensive, but compared to the money we earned, they were
relatively expensive. We lived six of us in one flat to be able to pay it. We floundered
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and it was a wild period, we could not save anything or buy anything. We just went in
circles” (R29: 5).
Lucy described that living in a flat with five other people helped financially, but it was crazy,
because various people with different needs were living there (both people studying and
people working). They lived six people in two rooms.
“You went home after work, you wanted to have peace and go to bed and at the same
moment the other group decided to have a party and enjoy life.” (R29: 17).
She needed to find something better and calmer. Her situation was solved later when she met
another boyfriend who had his flat. She was pregnant at that time and had a baby. She cared
for it for three years. After parental leave, she was unemployed. She did retrain for the
accountant profession, but it did not help her. She had another baby and was again at home
for four years.
She found some shop assistant jobs and later other jobs in coffee house and plastic window
making. Most of these jobs were low paid and/or she lost them due to closing of the firm
(concurrence effect). In the later period (after divorce), she was a single parent with two
children.
„Lady [at the Employment office] every time raised her hands up and said that she does
not have anything for me that no one wants a single mother with two children. Because
you have small children and they can be ill with them and that is wrong.“ (R29: 7).
To have at least some work, she had to accept an undeclared job and worked long hours. She
was very afraid because the children were home alone and that she would lose social benefits.
She said that this was the worst period of her life because no one wanted to employ her. After
two years, she found a job in catering lasting for three years until she married again and had
her third child.
Lucy could not return to bakery work due to children (because it is shift work). Now she works
as a cleaning lady in the house for the elderly. She thinks that she decided to put having
children first and she has to do manual work now.
First discourse present in Lucy’s story is ‘need of work experience’ mentioned when she spoke
about looking for a job after school and after the retraining course (see in the next chapter).
“No one wanted to employ us [graduates]. They said that they have enough or their
own people and that we do not have work experience.” (R29: 9).
Another discourse was ‘need of education’. This is apparent from the following short
quotations: (‘I regret not finishing studies’, ‘It was deadening to do such [unqualified] jobs’, ‘I
force my children to have education’, ‘it is hard to find work without education’, ‘educated
have more chances’). The following statement is typical for this discourse:
“I force my children to have education. My son studies university and the daughter is
at high school….I would certainly not allow them to fail their education. As how I failed
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it, I do not want them to fail…I really think that nowadays when they will have
education, they have better chances at the labour market than we who do not have it.
Because always they ask: ‘What school do you have?‘.” (R29: 67)
Lucy explained how her life is difficult in the discourse of ‘going in circles’ (‘going from nothing
to nothing, from left to right’, ‘hard life’ and ‘legal employment’ (see part about employment
protection in the next chapter). She thinks that education is necessary for good job chances
and that she missed her chances when she was young. It was very difficult for her to accept
an undeclared job but once she was forced to do it due to her situation. She said that for her,
the vision of an employment contract and being legally employed was more important than
making money. She wants to avoid Employment office. She also wants to have more stability
in her life:
“I am embarrassed that I had so many jobs…I was like ping-pong ball…I do not want
more changes to other fields.” (R29: 67).
“We were unemployed and went in circles. Now I want to find something more stable.
I do not want experience that period again when you go everywhere and ask for work.
I need more security. At my age, [I need] some security [workplace] where I am going
to work until my pension time.” (R29: 43).
My reflection: Although there are many interesting aspects in the story of Lucy, I have chosen
to highlight her early period of leaving parents’ home and living with low income in provisional
and low-quality housing. She was in a very difficult situation because she was forced to leave
her parents and live on her own when she was very young. She lived in shared housing, but it
was not suitable due to two aspects: her life situation changed, and she was in a period when
she needed more privacy and more control on the situation in her flat. Her situation partially
improved only after finding a boyfriend (her later husband) who had his own housing and it
worsened again after she divorced.
Story of Maria
Maria is a Roma lady, who is 21 years old. After completing elementary education, her
teachers helped her a lot to find further education. She studied vocational training for a baker,
but she dropped out after half a year due to unwanted attention from one young man who
stalked her. She said that there was also a noncomprehensive stance from her schoolmates.
She switched to a different school, but after another half a year she became pregnant and she
ended her education. She did not return to education later.
Maria did not work much yet (she did only some occasional jobs before she was pregnant for
the first time). Her boyfriend is unemployed (He did some occasional jobs in the past, he had
a current promise of job attained due to the help of NGO). Maria cares for her child and for
the household and she claims parental benefit. She has a traditional view about the division
of family roles (man earns money, she cares for the household and the kids). They all count
together in social benefits. Half of the money she got from social benefits she must pay for
housing and the rest go to food and other expenses (it is enough but almost nothing is left).
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Maria lives with her boyfriend and their child in the rooming house for two years. They live in
one rather small room and the kitchen is common for all rooms. They are limited in what they
can themselves do with their living (decoration, etc.). Quality of housing is influenced by the
negative behaviour of other people living there who have an impact on the common living
space. Maria explained:
“I am pissed off by some other people who are not able to behave normally and they
do not keep the rooming house in the proper state. When you enter a rooming house,
you say to yourself: ‘My god, that is horrible, I would never live there’. However, when
you are here for a longer time, you stop to notice it…. You are used to it. Because you
have nowhere else to go, you are glad to have a roof upon your head, but it is not as it
should be. The people are not good. Mainly cooking is [a problem?] you have to go cook
down in the kitchen.” (52: 223)
Maria was going to have a second baby at the time of the interview. She wanted to have her
own housing which she can adjust according to her taste. Own housing is for Maria her main
need. She commented:
“I am not satisfied how I live. I did not expect my life to be like this, live in a rooming
house for two years and to be there with the family. I would like to have my own flat
and start my own life with my two children and my boyfriend whom I love. However, it
is not possible, when you do not have money, you cannot do anything.“ (R52: 33).
Not having spare money (no saves and no ability to save) is a barrier for her family for moving
to better housing.
“I do not have money to pay for the deposit, because they want 8000 CZK for a room
and kitchen and another 8000 CZK in addition [deposit]. Where can someone like me
get it? He would have to live for a month in the street or I do not know…when he [her
partner] does not go to work, it is difficult.” (R52: 37).
“…I would like my boyfriend to find work finally and earn money for other things and
we could start to enjoy life.” (R52: 213)
Discourse present in the story of Maria is ‘traditional division of roles’. Marias’s mother is a
housewife. Maria sees partner roles as traditional and given (she, e.g., expects her partner to
be financially responsible for the family) although she does not personally completely agree
with it in all aspects. She commented on the division of roles.
“…men have a better life than we women have. They do not have to care, but their
main responsibility is to go to work and nothing more. The rest is on women who care,
who care about cooking, they care about children, they care almost about everything”
(R52: 167).
Another discourse presented by Maria is ‘discrimination’. She said that Roma are often
refused on sight (‘employers say that they have bad experience with Roma’, ‘they put all Roma
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in one sack’, ‘maybe it is due to my colour’, ‘they could not employ me because other people
would not be glad to see this’).
“I want other people to behave to us as to people and not as to animals. I have to say
it like this….because there is horrible racism to say it precisely.” (R52: 233).
Racism is, according to Maria, typical not only for the place where she lives but it is
widespread. Maria reflected that racism is also in healthcare.
Maria also presented a widely shared discourse of ‘need of parental care’ (children take drugs
because parents do not care for them).
Another her discourse is a mix of ‘need of education’ and ‘work experience’, and ‘own fault’
for not achieving it. Maria generally thinks that education is important, and it depends on your
own effort.
“When I attended high school, some schoolmates did not go to school or they did not
want to learn, and they did what they wanted. However, then what happened? They
were not able to get a vocational training certificate and they can thank only to
themselves, because they do not have anything and look at others who have but they
do not have. However, this is all their fault, because if they completed vocational
training, they would have the same as others and would be well as well.” (R52: 141).
…
“When you go somewhere to look for work, they look at you completely differently,
when you bring a certificate about completion of vocational training. They assess you
completely differently, that you had an effort to reach something…“ (R52: 143)
Maria ’s discourse is also based on her personal experience with refusal (‘they told me that I
am not a suitable person and I am not an experienced person’).
My reflection: In the story of Maria, ‘lack of money’ relates to the need to work and save as
pre-requisition for quality housing and better life. Although her current housing is not of
sufficient quality, the family is hardly able to pay for it. We can identify following aspects of
lowered quality:
• Problematic locality of living: need calmer place with good people
• Lack of space: one room small for the family of four
• Common utilities: kitchen, lack of privacy
• Surroundings: their rooming house is messy and dirty within the common space
• Problems with other inhabitants: they are noisy, she would rather avoid them
• Lack of freedom: their options to improve housing are limited.
For people living in rooming houses, it means letting the problematic environment into their
housing. Maria expects her boyfriend to improve the situation, she cares for the kids, and she
plans to go work for half-time job when the children are older and will go to kindergarten.
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My reflection on housing
We can divide our respondents into four groups concerning whether they live alone or not
and whether they have housing problems. One rather small group of respondents had almost
no housing problems. They used step-by-step strategy to achieve their own housing. We
understand success as ensuring stable housing without the need of living with parents (if the
respondent did not want to live with them due to other reasons). John bought a flat when he
was young in privatisation and he was glad because it saved him latter a lot of money. Tony
was able to live in a small flat and after several years he bought a bigger flat. Violet was
supported by his father and they bought a flat and later they changed it for a bigger one.
Tobias has got a stable job and he was able to move to a small flat. Betty got a flat after her
grandfather.
For young people living with parents, the situation of parents is relevant. One interesting part
of the interview with Antonia was when she explained about her housing situation. She said
that she is not afraid to lose housing because she lives with her parents. However, her parents
are old people and she said that they have minimum chances to get a job. Social benefits help
them a lot. Although they live in state-owned flat, the rent is high. Half of the rent is covered
from social benefits for housing and the second half they have to pay from benefits for living.
Living with parents provides people like Antonia with security.
There were several stories where respondents had substantial difficulties with housing during
certain periods of their life. The situation of Roma community in housing issue is specific and
more difficult. Otto moved several times because of various reasons (e.g., the house, where
he lived was demolished) and he lived with far relatives in overcrowded and dirty housing. At
the time of the interview, he lived in a rooming house and had his post address at municipality
at the other end of the country (typical for homeless people). Magda described her very
insecure housing situation:
“It was wild. I already had children at that time, but I was looking for the background,
it was hard for me. I wanted not to look for some rental housing or asylum house all
the time. I was very bothered by living in asylum houses. I went to achieve my goal
which was to have my own flat or to get a flat from the municipality to settle down and
start to do something.” (R7: 91)
Roman had a very unstable housing situation and he said that it was the main consequence of
his insecure situation. He said:
“When I was unemployed, it was worse. It happened that I almost ended on the street,
I was able to step on my legs only due to my parents. Because when I did not go to
work, I had no money, I did not claim any social assistance at that time, I had only a
few occasional jobs, and so I lost my flat. I lived with my parents for a while, I got
another flat, I was able to save something, and so I had another flat. However, there I
was only for half a year and then I had nothing again, I was out again. I ended up living
with my father-in-law and mother-in-law, and I was able to find this work and now I
live differently.” (R9: 224).
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For some young people, the low stability of housing constituted a problem. E.g. Ellyn noted
that she already moved eight times. Melinda told us a tale pointing to the insecurity of rent
housing:
“Flat owner expelled us from the flat in two days. He came on Friday and he said: ‘I
need this flat free on Tuesday’. We paid the rent right. He was satisfied with us…but he
himself had nowhere to go. He divorced with his girlfriend and needed to return to his
flat. We could not hold him this flat because it was his flat. And so, we ended up on
street. One night we spent sleeping in the park.” (R30: 15)
Antonia explains that young people generally have problems with housing. One problematic
aspect for young people is low access to get their own, i.e., independent housing (mentioned,
e.g., by Philip and Lisa). From the financial perspective, they need help from their parents, and
it takes a long time before they move. Some young people do not have enough money (enough
income) to live separately from their parents (e.g., Steve, Gwen). Some of the respondents
(Karin, Benn, Quido, Derek, Janine, Lucy, Bob) mentioned a consequence of not being able to
get their own housing due to low income or due to expensiveness of housing. Gwen
commented on the situation of her family:
“I am displeased that we are without money, without work and that I am still here living
with parents. This is the flat of my parents and they live here with us…I want to have
my own housing, but we do not have income for this, to get my own flat. I would like
to achieve a lot, but it is not happening.” (R50: 75)
…
“I have a lot of friends who have nowhere to live and they are living in asylum houses.
However, at least they are there but I am still here. I asked for an asylum house too.
They told me that in three quarters a year. I simply do not know. We will have to move
from here because the whole house is going to be renovated.” (R50: 105)
Some young people used the shared housing mentioned above (Bonny, Lucy). It can be a way
how to lessen expenses. However, Rachel argued that shared housing is not good in the case
of Roma people. There is also a possibility to ask for the municipality flat (mentioned by Bob,
Natalie, Nancy, and Steve), but it was not very certain and short-term strategy. Natalie
mentioned that young people wait for two years and then they may not be successful. Bob
explained:
“I enlisted [for a public flat], it is already a year and nothing yet happened. It is about
waiting…one lady told me that she waited 10 years for that flat until she got it. It is
three years for someone, one year for someone else, and yet another one ten years.
Therefore, it is wild.” (R46: 109)
It is essential to plan expenses well, pay rent regularly and in time in municipality-owned flats
(Barbara, Nancy) because there was a risk of losing the rented flat. Maria mentioned that the
municipality realised activities aimed at helping people from deprived families to attain or
hold housing. There are also emergency housing options of which asylum houses for mothers
with children were sometimes mentioned (Nancy, Magda).
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Young people often have to pay substantial among (e.g., three rents in advance as deposit) in
advance to get a flat owned by a private owner (Harrold, Laura, Lisa, Rosalie). For many young
people, this itself is a decisive barrier. From another perspective, Roma are often unwanted
and refused inhabitants (Antonia, Josephine, Robin, Bob, Tobias) and landlords often hesitate
to lend flats to Roma.
“It is hard finding housing here. I found my flat with the help of acquaintances, but
when I sought alone, I was calling there, and they [landlords] asked me on the phone
whether I were from the [Roma] community. If you are Roma, the landlord is not
interested.” (R43: 210)
According to Robin and Bob, it is because Roma people have a bad reputation of not paying
rent and doing noise. Sometimes landlords have other additional criteria that discriminate the
other group, e.g., they refuse families with more children (Lisa, Pablo, Rosalie). Because the
offer of housing for them is further reduced, they have to accept disadvantageous offers
(Josephine). Rooming houses are more accessible than flats (Lisa).
Other problematic housing aspects include low quality of housing (typical for rooming houses),
high prices for low quality (mentioned by Pablo and Rachel), and overcrowding of some Roma
families (mentioned by Rebeca, Karin and others). Melinda commented the quality of housing
in the following statement.
“We went to the rooming house for the first time in our lives. We were afraid. We have
never seen a rooming house even from a distance and suddenly we should go there
with so many children. Children were shocked because it was only one room. This room
was catastrophe. Dirty, messy, horrible walls. When I went there, I cried all the time.”
(R30: 15)
Community aspect of housing is also essential. Nancy commented the difficulties of living with
some neighbours:
“There are drug addicts all around. People who harm us in the house. We were burgled
six times in three years than we live there, six times, we had matches in the lock, the
mailbox was stolen six times. We were not receiving post. It is not so bad in winter, but
it is horrible in the summer.” (R72: 59)
We also noted that insufficient housing may constitute a barrier for other important life
aspects. Interesting remarks came from Karin who reflected that housing acted for her as a
barrier to solve her school situation. She said:
“They do not have possibilities to get somewhere and housing matters a lot, because
when someone does not have housing, does not have shelter, you cannot do anything
else…if I had better housing, I believe I would finish school, that it would be different.”
(R2: 167).
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Leaving parent's home - delayed or reduced economic independence
In the following part, we reflect on the ability of young people to care for their needs
themselves and to live independently. Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) were
concerned about the autonomy and independence of young people. They used five
categories: housing autonomy, economic autonomy, psychological autonomy, autonomy and
social exclusion, and autonomy and state policies. Autonomy of young people may be
influenced by legislation and social norms that may be specific for young people (EGRIS 2002).
Young people often have sufficient personal autonomy including personal life and lifestyle and
independent decision-making (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). There are several
reasons for housing autonomy including finding a partner, moving to school or need to be
independent from parents (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Reasons to live with
parents include economic difficulties, need to care for relatives, or assessing living with
parents as cheaper and more comfortable (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018).
Economic autonomy is based on personal income and people with whom young people share
their expenses, and the necessity of other support and reference frameworks (Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Other dimensions of autonomy include autonomy to look for
work, to have contact with friends, to go on a holiday, and to care for children (Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Some young people connect autonomy and independence
with happiness and wellbeing, because of the feeling of personal achievement (see Krasteva,
Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018).
Some literature also reflects that lack of autonomy related to dependence (Walther 2006,
Hora 2008b, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). This may include both dependence on
relatives and dependence on social benefits. We refer to dependence here in the meaning
that individuals “would be lost, would hardy do anything without it…” (Hora 2008b). Young
people may be most probably more often dependent on their parents or on their partner,
because social benefits are often not available to them (see Hora 2008b). According to Hora
(2008b), there are several aspects typical for young people: (return to) common living with
parents, economic dependence (lower than proportional financial contribution to the family
budget), lower pressure when parents have sufficient income but higher pressure when
parents have low income (the case of interdependence).
My reflection on economic independence
Many respondents left the home of their parents at the age of 20-25 years. Leaving the
parental home was usually the respondents’ decision. Stated reasons why young people
started to live alone were very diverse and included:
• Need to try to be independent (mature), to live alone (Roman)
• Going to school/dormitory (John),
• Need to find work (Lucy), go work abroad (Alice),
• Getting housing offer (Betty, Sabina)
• The need to live alone – e. g., to have more privacy and personal space, reduce the
negative influence of family (Sophie, Fred, Violet, Antonia). In some cases, the situation
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in the primary family was difficult or there were conflicts with parents, or parents
wanted their children to leave for financial reasons, contributing as a push factor to
the decision to live alone (Ellyn, Lucy, Violet, Fred, Simon).
• Finding a partner and/or starting a family (Ben, Vanda, Fred, Tony, Herbert).
There were a lot of people who (still) lived with parents for various reasons (Bonny, Karin,
Jake, Quido, Derek, Janine, Eugenie, Josephine, Ron). The first relevant aspect is whether
respondents wanted to live alone or not. For some young people, living with parents was
welcome because they liked the ‘provided service’ (feeding, washing clothes) and did not want
to be an adult prematurely (Josephine, Herbert). Some contribution of working young people
to the family budget was standard. Alice, who in the past wanted to live with her parents,
argued that her possibility to stay home was conditioned on her contribution to the family
budget.
In some cases, young people did not want to move because they lived in the same house, but
otherwise, they had separated housing (in the meaning that they lived in separate flats) and
there were in some respects less dependent or they were used to living with their parents and
they welcomed it (Eugenie, Fred, Ron, Violet). Important factor was the availability of
accessible housing for the future (Jake, Betty, and Sabina who were given or promised housing
originally belonging to their grandparents). Jake commented:
“I am lucky, my grandparents were active, they bought a house, they rebuild it, repaired
it and once I will get it as heritage and so I do not have to be afraid about housing any
longer.” (R11: 157).
This group of young people counted on living with their parents and/or grandparents for a
longer time because it was much easier that achieve other housing.
Limited income (even when stable) and not having stable work blocked people from leaving
parents’ homes when they wanted to do so (Ben, Karin, Janine, Jake, Quido). This means that
they would like to leave in a short time if they could.
“Because I still live alone [i.e., without a partner] and I have a basic wage about 10 000
CZK, I cannot go to live alone, I cannot.” (R2: 87)
“I have occasional jobs. Being a hostess is not permanent. Therefore, I have to live at
home until I find something normal…If I could, I would leave immediately.” (R19: 120)
For Bonny, debts were the key obstacle for independent living. When asking whether a lack of
money limited his life, Jake answered:
“I do not want to start a family right now but considering being independent in housing
[which I want] sure that I am limited by my salary, I know the rough cost of rents here
in town. And living in a room with a tree more people is not something that I want.”
(R11: 67)
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Laura noted that she wants to earn and save some money first and then live alone. Is some
cases, parents helped young people financially to be independent (in transition).
It was difficult to achieve stable independence. Sometimes the respondents lived alone but
later they returned to live with the parents again. There were two main reasons: financial
reasons (severe financial problems) and relationship breakdown or other conflicts including
quarrels, separation, or divorce (Bonny, Ben, Roman, Clara, Helen, Fred, Herbert). In the later
period of their lives, some respondents lived with their parents also to help them and care for
them (Fred, John).
For some respondents, economic independence related to fulfilling particular life stages of
career goals (Bonny, Derek, Ben). This was mentioned by Ben as being unable to ‘jump out’.
Bonny argued that due to his life stage, when he lived in a squat, everything in his life like
finishing school and finding a good job was not stopped but it was slowed and delayed, and
he regrets it now.
“I would say that it did not stop me fatally. Rather, it delayed me to a great extent.
When I consider that my sister is twenty-two and she has already been living abroad
for a year and she studies university. I think that in these things it delayed me rather
than stopped me because who says that I cannot do it now. I regret it a lot, but I would
not say it was a fatal stop or it would knock me down. It is a pity, I regret it, but it
already happened.” (R1: 186)
Decision to go live alone is in the case of some of the respondents based upon good conditions.
Derek mentioned that sometimes he thinks about what would happen when he had decided
differently. He links it to the life stages of both partners:
“…and the partner, we want to start the family, to live alone, but it is dependent on
finishing my school, luckily she studies as well…. When I had a stable job, I could even
study with it, but [need] to have financial security to go alone and make the next step
in the life” (R14: 254).
For young people without high education and work career aspirations, the independence
related to finding a reasonable job. Young people wanted to be independent, but it was not
possible due to not having a stable income. Quido, e.g. noted:
“I am unemployed for some time or I do not have such money [as when I worked] and
it blocks me from living alone. Even if I were able to find housing, I do not have security,
so that I would be able to pay rent every month…but it does not have influence for me
on having partner…” (R13: 79)
Quido is afraid of the concurrence effect of young workers whose career is not delayed and
who would have better opportunities to develop. Ben, another young man, commented on
his limited options for independent life with the following statement:
“From my point of view, it complicates life a lot…he cannot be independent, he is at
home, parents maintain him most of the time and even when now he is limited in what
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he can buy. He has to live for something. It is not only about being at home. He is totally
[missing word], to be closed at home all the time. He is inferior when he does not go to
work. You do not meet many people….To give an example when I live here with my
mother and I find a girlfriend where I will bring her, here to this flat? You need to build
your own. In addition, when you do not have work, you cannot build your own. E.g.,
you have debts from the past, you have to pay them. It is all complicated when you find
work with difficulties.” (R3: 155).
Later during the interview, he added:
“I would like to live alone. If I get to work, to have it. I hope in it. Who would like to
listen to this all the time? With my mother speaking: ‘To what age you are going to stay
here, go and find a girl’. I have enough of this. I feel not well sometimes, I would like to
live alone. However, it is not possible without work.” (R3: 458).
There are factors that directly contribute to the ability to get housing. We noted stories of
young people like Clara who found a stable job and were due to it able to move to their own
housing. Other respondents (Sophie) commented that the transition was realised because
they saved some money. Sophie also reflected that the housing benefit helped her to live
alone. For Vanda, housing was not a problem because she had a financially well-situated
partner.
For some respondents, their current life course was linked to the concept of totally missed
opportunities. These are pathways that were not followed and there is no way back, these
doors are closed forever. For most respondents, this included traveling and working abroad
(Betty) or having a better job (Lucy).
Family formation, having children, family conflict or family breakdown
Postponed family formation is related to the need to offer the new family some security and
sustainable financial conditions (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). There may be also
problems in partnership (arguments), isolation and breakdown of partnership (see Clasen,
Gould and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b, Gallie 2013a, Greenhalgh and Rosenblatt 2010). On the
other hand, there may be no such problems when the family has a realistic and supportive
stance to unemployed member (Hora 2008b) and there may be even positive effects such as
more common time (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998).
My reflection of family formation
We noted that having children is related for respondents to a wider life change concerning
partner, work, and independent mature life. Some respondents (e. g., Ben, Betty, Ellyn,
Magda, Vanda, Fred, Simon, John, Lucy) mentioned that the feelings of young people (when
they were young) about life (concerning mainly work and partnership) were positive,
optimistic and maybe a bit naïve, but it changed in the latter stage of their life.
“I had a completely different imagination. When the school will end, you immediately
get a job, an employment contract, and you work there for several years. Nothing was
functioning like that…I ended up on Employment office…I was naïve a lot.” (R22: 114)
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“[I thought] that everything will be easy, but it is not. I was seeing it all pink [optimistic],
that I will find a boyfriend, marry, we will live together, but not. It is all completely
different.” (R7: 189)
“It is not automatic to have a good work, you have to chase it or fight for it. Everything
is not natural.” (R21: 253)
With rare exceptions, economic and security reasons were not mentioned among the reasons
causing start or end of the partner relationship. Some respondents even explicitly mentioned
that despite their relatively difficult situation, it did not have an influence on their chance to
find a partner or existing partner relations (Ben, Quido). Exception is Helen who said that the
problem with housing contributed to end of her relationship. However, good partner and
economic conditions are a key for stating a family (see below). Steve commented his life goals:
“I would like to have a good work, to work, have money, flat…to have your own things,
completely different thoughts. Not to be distressed, having this idea in your head all
the time, being on nerves, quarrelling sometimes [with the girlfriend]. When you do not
have your own, it is bad.” (R53: 263)
Partners were during partnership an important source of support for respondents. Magda
described how she was able to settle down due to her former boyfriend. It is important that
many partnerships of our respondents have separated/ divorced later (see below).
My reflection on decisions on having children
If the respondents from the middle cohort had children, it was usually at a young age – about
20-25 years-old (Tony, Simon). This was the normal age of the first child in the society for the
middle cohort (having children around 1990-1995), for the youngest cohort, the average age
of the mother when having first child increased compared with the middle cohort by six years
– see CZSO (2014). In older cohort there were some people who stayed childless (Fred, John)
and well as people who had children later (Herbert). Herbert commented that in the previous
period his partnerships were unstable, as well as his housing and economic situation.
Concerning the reasons for being childless, Fred said that he missed the right moment and
John mentioned that he cared for the child of his partner from a previous relationship instead.
One respondent also mentioned that she wanted a child, but her partner could not have
children and had the baby much later with a different partner.
Many young people in the youngest cohort were still childless (Bonny, Jake, Peter, Quido,
Derek, Clara, Janine, Ellyn, Ron, Robin, Josephine, Bob) and not planning children in the near
future. Robin, Josephine, and Peter, e.g., said that they would like to enjoy life first and have
family (much) later. However, most of these respondents wanted to have family and children
in the future.
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“I want to settle things later. Now I want to enjoy things and postpone having children
to the last moment when I am twenty-five or twenty-six and to have a family house. I
would like to have a feeling that my parents and my family have wellbeing.” (R42: 185)
There were also respondents (including Roma) who had children at a young age around 20
years or even sooner – in the case of Roma mothers at the age of sixteen or seventeen (Karin,
Roman, Simon, Sophie, Betty, Melinda, Gwen, Maria). From their stories, we can conclude that
early motherhood usually was not intentional. For Roma mothers, it often led to the ending
of school attendance. Alan described a common situation in Roma community:
“When she [Roma girl] is pregnant, or she thinks that she will become pregnant. This is
more difficult for girls with these problems. They consider whether he [father of the
child] will continue with her or whether he only slept with her…when this happens, what
to do. Maybe she does not want to interrupt the pregnancy and he wants it. Whether
they will keep the child and they will be together. In this it is more difficult for girls, no
fun.” (R73: 365)
We also noted that early motherhood meant for some mothers a negative experience leading
them to postpone the birth of their other children (Sophie).
Moreover, from the statement of some other respondents (Vendelín, Simon, Tony, Violet) we
estimate that having children was not always an intentional matter (at least not for all the
children). When people spoke about it, they sometimes reflected that some of their children
were planned while some were not planned (the first one was usually not planned). Some
respondents noted that it crossed their original plans:
“When my first son was born. Sure, I had different plans: complete school, build
something, to have a house, everything all right, career, and then children. I started
from the opposite direction.” (R22: 226)
When respondents reflected that their family planning for some of their children was
intentional (Peter, Derek, Clara, Sophie, Ellyn, Fred, Lucy, Violet, Ron), it was based upon the
assessment of good preconditions: a good partner who can support, finished school, stable
employment, enough money (enough saves), living together etc. Some respondents also
considered the situation of their partners or they referred that both parents have to agree
with parenting (Fred). For some respondents (e.g. Peter), parenting was also connected to
proper time or age (‘when I will be thirty, we want to wait several years’).
We have some potential gender differences in stances towards parenting. For some girls,
having a good partner was the most important. Ellyn mentioned:
“I do not really plan to find a family yet. I think… I do not have a boyfriend and I wait
for the right one. And I do not hurry…I think that once I will feel ready, I will start a
family...until I will find someone whom I can rely on, who will love me…I think that work
is important but more important is to have a fine man and some background. If I do
not have this, I will not have a child despite having work or not.” (R20: 193)
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Considering the preconditions for parenthood, Clara explained:
“Because I do not have a boyfriend, there is no reason to plan a family, there are
absolutely no thoughts about planning a family. Additionally, until I feed myself and we
are not two for this I could not plan anything, any family, because the child living on
my salary would be poor and I would be poor too.” (R17: 112)
Sophie said:
“My perspective changed a lot. I will definitely wait with the second child until I will
have school finished, until I will have good work, sometimes later.” (R18: 78)
Lucy mentioned that she was calm when she saw she lived with well-situated partner and
started to think about the baby. She thought that later she would be too old. Vanda explicitly
refused the influence of the insecure situation on their decision of having/not having children.
However, Vanda lived with a wealthy partner.
Considering the stance of men, there was a group of respondents who refused to have
children in the near future because they did not feel financially secure and able to care for the
family (Fred, Derek, Bonny, Ron, Bob) or who recalled this situation from the past (Herbert).
Fred said:
“…when I had a relationship, a girlfriend and I thought about starting a family, she did
not want because she was much younger than me…and later when I changed the
partner and she wanted to start a family, I did not want, by the way because I was not
employed and so I did not feel that I could take care about me and the family and then
I had no girlfriend I could start the family with. I ended up being single and with no
children.” (R26: 57)
Bonny said that he would not be able yet to give the children what they need, and it might be
detrimental for the children.
“I love children. I would have children immediately, if it were possible, but I perceive it
as unfair towards the children at this time because I would not be able to give children
what I want.” (R1: 101).
Similarly, Derek replied to the direct question about planning children:
“Sure, but I do not want to start a family, if I do not have security, that family will be
secured, and that the child will be secured” (R14: 133).
My reflection on partnership and family breakdown
Partnership breakdown was described in many interviews. Very high share of the respondents
divorced/separated, or they had divorced/separated parents. The financial and personal
situation often gets much worse when the partnerships depart (Vendelín, Bruno, Helen, Lucy,
Melinda). For example, this means a very bad economic situation for lone mothers (see also
economic consequences). Notably, very difficult was the situation of Lucy who stayed after
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divorce with two relatively small children. In case of separation, one of the partners often
loses housing (Bruno, Helen, Melinda). Melinda described a typical such situation:
“The flat where we lived belonged to my former husband. He automatically asked for
it. We had to leave that flat, he moved in and we ended up on the street.” (R30: 15)
There were several cases when both parents (fathers, in one case only mother) abandoned
their children (They were gone, they were no longer interested in the children; they did not
pay and obscured paying alimony for the children) and they ended in the care of the other
partner or in the children’s home (see below). We have noticed some cases (Magda, Melinda)
when grandmothers cared for their grandchildren (being a foster caretaker for her
grandchildren) because mothers did not want to care for the child. Moreover, Simon has
grown up with a grandmother due to problems with his stepfather.
Influence of economic and family situation on children
The children were essential in the life of many respondents (especially when they were young,
and the children were still at home). Children were one of the central values in decision
making. Financial aspect of upbringing was mainly relevant for households whose members
were living on social assistance benefits but not only for them. Household income was very
limited in some cases because social benefits were not enough for the family (Magda, Bruno,
Vendelín). Various saving strategies were used (Roman, John). Especially expenditures on
children were demanding (Roman, Vendelín, Violet).
“It is a little money for so many people. The children need something costing money in
school all the time, they need money for clothes, for food. You have to buy things all
the time. It is not that you buy it, and it lasts for a longer time.” (R5: 145)
Some of the parents (Vendelín, Eugenie, Sabina, Melinda, Violet, Sophie) mentioned that
children are a priority in the expenditures. They do not want them to suffer due to the bad
financial situation of the family.
“First of all, you care about the needs of your child – to have all that he needs according
to his age, to go to the cinema at school, to the theatre, etc. and you do not have time
for yourself.” (R25: 141)
“I think that children did not suffer, to have a lack of something. I have always tried
them not to feel extremely. Not to have everything but not to be the target of mockery
in the school due not to having brand things.” (R24: 59)
Respondents said that the economic situation provided an important limit in their ability to
buy things for the children and this was recognized as an important consequence of
unemployment or insecure position (Magda, Helen, Bruno, Herbert, Violet). There were also
special necessary expenditures (such as medicines, fees for hobby groups, mobile phones) for
the children that were very stressful for the parents (Bruno, Violet). Especially parents of
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severely ill or handicapped children (Bruno, Simon) are in a very difficult position. Children
may have problems with the ‘saving attitudes’ of their parents. Helen explained:
"...I am trying to be rather down considering expenses and my son disapproves...he tells
me that I should find work…he is not able to understand that I am unemployed and that
I have little money...that we are alone, we have debt, an ill dog…he would like to have
fancy clothes, cell phone for 10 000 CZK [she refused to buy it] ...he really fights with
this….He understood the value of things, he said: ‘I do not want it’, and I regretted
him...he is not able to understand it at the moment because he has friends, whose
parents are entrepreneurs, living in super villas and we have ruined all house. I told
him: ‘It is your turn now’." (R23: 59)
Magda described how her children were temporarily placed into institutional care because
the family became homeless. The placement was on the initiative of Magda and it was realised
with the help of a concrete NGO. After some time when the situation stabilised, Magda took
the children back to her care. Similarly, Bruno lost housing, he had to place the children into
institutional care, and he took them back later. It is important to distinguish cases when the
parent did not want their children (Otto, Magda as children) and cases when the parent lost
their children due to immediate financial or housing crisis, but they were able to take them
back latter (Magda, Bruno).
Mothers sometimes wanted to live with their children in a separate household (aside from
their relatives) to have a better influence on their children’s upbringing, reduce the influence
of others and have more control on the household (Sophie, Karin). Karin said that the greatest
impact of her situation was on her son. She said:
“I think that the greatest impact was education or upbringing for my son because he
could not raise in a calm environment. He could not have quiet and wellbeing, it is
apparent from upbringing. It is different when you live alone, and you can spend more
effort on the child than when you live with twenty other people in the flat and you do
not have time for anything, and you do not know what to do first. When you are alone,
you solve your own problems. When you live with twenty people, you solve their
problems even when you do not want to do it because you live there and listen to it.”
(R2: 94)
Betty spoke about missing childhood of her son due to working long shifts. She said:
“Even if it were possible to think something out, the children are hit by this. I see it with
my first son. There were moments when he started to talk and I did not even know
when it started. Or I came and said: ‘Oh, my god, you have grown up’. Because I was
not there.” (R22: 152)
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Low self-esteem, feelings of shame, inferiority, and embarrassment
In this section, we open three related topics: self-esteem, psychical consequences of insecure
position, and relations with other people. Inferior feelings or even psychical problems are
often mentioned as a consequence of unemployment of insecurity (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998, Walter 2006, Engbersen et al. 2006, Hora 2008a, Hora 2008b, Hora and Žižlavský 2009,
Trilfajová et al. 2015). People, for example, say that they feel hopeless or useless (Clasen,
Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b). Feelings of stigmatization are rather rare due to the
understanding and supportive stance of the neighbourhood, but they can be strongly
connected to the claiming of social benefits, especially social assistance (Hora 2008b). Clasen,
Gould, and Vincent (1998) have found that sometimes relations with unknown or less known
people and officials are the ones most difficult to handle. We are thus interested in noting
situations causing such feelings.
My reflection on the feelings of people
Some people have unpleasant feelings due to the mere fact that they must attend
Employment office. Tony and Alice said they were really embarrassed to have to register at
the Employment office. Tony also said that he would not go there again. Lucy commented in
a similar meaning:
“When I was at Employment office, I was ashamed. It was unpleasant for me to go
there among these people. And always when I looked around, and I saw that, and I told
myself: ‘My god, do I belong among this bunch of people?’ However, it always kicked
me on that I must find work that I will not be there.” (R29: 43).
Clara, Sabina, Ben, Vanda, and Helen reflected that they felt less worthy and looked for guilt
in themselves (not being able to find work, being stupid, not being able to do anything, being
useful for nothing, being nothing and worthless). This is as Vanda reflected about selfaccusation
for the negative situation. This low personal value was for Ben connected with his
low ability to live a normal life like going into the pub (without money). Some respondents
also argued that finding work worked in the opposite direction (Magda). They were proud of
their achievements and glad to have social contacts.
Sadness, unpleasant feelings, and connected psychical problems
Unemployment and insecurity may cause discouragement, stress, low mental and physical
health, depression and anxiety, substance abuse, headaches and sleep problems and suicide
attempts (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Sverke et al. 2002, Kieselbach 2003, Greenhalgh
and Rosenblatt 2010, Trilfajová et al. 2015, Tryfona et al. 2018). Several factors contribute to
psychical distress. These are often in the form of psychical costs of tackling a concrete
situation. They include: a) economic situation including financial problems, responsibility for
other household members, negative feelings due to dependence on the partner and negative
feelings due to debts, b) negative feeling due to job search process, c) low possibility to realize
themselves, d) interaction with institutions of the welfare state and e) loneliness and boredom
(Hora 2008b). On the other side, finding work had a positive impact on the feelings of
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previously unemployed (Hora 2008b). Still, some people do not have such feelings, they are
satisfied with unemployment, or they rationalize about it (Hora 2008b)36.
Unemployed people perceive unemployment insurance and social assistance very differently
(Hora 2008b). Claiming social benefits relates to administrative barriers and a feeling of
stigma, which for some people leads to avoidance of social assistance at any cost (Clasen,
Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b). People who live on social assistance try to avoid as
much as possible any activities which may lead to their identification as social assistance
claimants (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b).
My reflection on psychical consequences
Respondents described unpleasant feelings, dejection, distress, sadness (unhappiness),
depression, and other psychical consequences. Most respondents talked about themselves,
but some (Vanda) mentioned also psychical consequences for their family members. First, the
situation of insecurity is stressful for some young people (see the story of Betty). She reflected:
„Everyday stress, bad visions about the future. Every day feeling, I am not going to
manage it. That I do not manage it…I shouted to my son. I was all the time dissatisfied,
unhappy, faint, and uneasy; everything was against me and nothing was going for
better. In addition, I saw no way out. I could think about it all the night for several
months, but I did not know how to change it.“ (R22: 230)
Ben and Ken were distressed every time they lost work. Some respondents mentioned being
unhappy and seeing no solution (Magda). The aspects that were detrimental for people’s
feelings included an unknown future, not having work, money, and housing (Betty, Magda,
Helen, Bruno, Ben, Vanda, Ellyn). For Helen, the unknown future (‘where will I go, what I am
going to do’) and irregularity of income was particularly stressful (see also Herbert, Ben, Ellyn,
and others). Often respondents had also feelings of despair and discouragement from
repeated refusals by employers (Karin, Ken, Magda, Bruno, Quido, Melinda, Herbert) or
negative psychical consequences of the behaviour of employers during the job (Betty). Stress
was caused by insecurity or detrimental position.
“You are used to having some money and have a stable healthy wage and you know
you have wage next month and you do not have to care. However, when they release
you from work, you say to yourself ‘What will I do?’ This is your first idea. This is the
moment when you feel the worst.” (R4: 402)
To give another example, the most difficult situation for Bruno was when he was promised
job on the phone, but it was not realised. Magda connected this to the feeling of being helpless
without money and to specific situations of rejection and being given no chance (including
feeling humiliated and having to beg for work). This was similarly described by other
36
Hora (2008b) has found several reactions: good withstanding of unemployment, anger, rationality and realism,
and powerlessness and hopelessness.
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respondents (e.g., Melinda, Lucy). Herbert reflected on similar feelings in the following
statement:
“That is catastrophe. Every day you have to go somewhere to pray for work. I had to
pray for it. Moreover, they tell you: ‘no, no, no’. Alternatively: ‘call later’. It is all going
in circles. I wanted to slash my wrists. I had this up to now. I had such depressions that
I could not find anything, that they tell me ‘no’ all the time…It is a waste to talk about
it, I would cry.” (R31: 181).
Similarly, Ellyn said:
“Because it is insecure. You go to an occasional job and the next 14 days you have
nothing, because there are no workplaces. I think it did not add much good to my
psychics.” (R20: 173)
Some respondents (e. g., Karin, Vanda, Helen, Lucy) mentioned explicitly that feelings about
unemployment are not only about money but also about the fact they liked their work, it gave
them a sense in life and the need to be in collective (to belong somewhere). For some people
(like John, Fred, and Roman), bad feelings relate to the lost organisation of the day, staying
home, and having nothing sensible to do.
“I am sitting home, I feel like a parasite siting home, sometimes I enjoy it…but on the
other side…I say to myself I am completely useless…it gets on my nerves…walking from
nothing to nothing…thinking about it…I am entering a phase when I need people, to
communicate…it is such a stereotype, I do not have money, I cannot even go to town
shopping…” (R23: 178)
Some respondents mentioned deeper psychical consequences (Vanda, Magda, Bruno,
Melinda, Eugenie, Herbert). Bruno said that he had to undertake treatment due to his
psychical problems. Eugenie collapsed and ended up in psychiatric care. Vanda described how
in her case the depression was somatised to have psychosomatic consequences.
“I had migraine and headaches all the time. It was leaving its health consequences,
even when I did not notice it, to the level when it had to go out and it was going out
like that that my head was in pain all the time. And I was tired and exhausted from
nothing.” (R21: 73).
Magda has also related psychical and psychical conditions:
“For ten years my body was telling me. It is genetic, or it is from my psychical condition.
I have a few magnesium in my blood and so I am more exhausted and when I am the
more exhausted, more tired I just collapse.” (R7: 253)
Some respondents also mentioned that they did not want to live or that they thought about a
suicide.
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My reflection on the stigmatisation of being unemployed / claiming social assistance
Another aspect that contributed to negative psychical feelings was the attendance of
Employment office and social assistance offices (Peter, Eugenie, Violet, Lucy). Peter
commented that he was influenced by the negative stance of street level workers. Violet said
that it was unpleasant to attend Employment office because the waiting corridor was always
overcrowded. Alice and Vanda connected negative feelings to the fact of ‘being registered’
and/or ‘being unemployed’. Eugenie mentioned that this gets her down and that she does not
like going there. Lucy tried to avoid Employment office. She felt depressed:
“That was really depressing. That is the feeling that you do not belong anywhere, only
to Employment office. I had a feeling all the time that someone is controlling me if I go
to look for work or not. That it [the situation] is not upon to you, but you have to be
responsible to someone: why you do not have work, why you were not accepted in a
concrete workplace, why did you not try that retraining course and try this one. It was
in the form that you went crazy from it. I told to myself: ‘My god, that is not possible, I
am not going to find a normal work’.” (R29: 45).
Some respondents felt that asking for social assistance was humiliating (Melinda). John
commented about the possibility to claim social assistance:
“No, no, no. I would never allow myself [to claim]….I never was a sponger to take from
others. I live with what remained to me from the past…from my saves…to claim social
benefits would be a shame for me…There are other people who are more in need.“
(R16: 89).
Some of the unemployed looked at unemployment with a pragmatic/unruffled stance, trying
to be resilient to such feelings (Vendelín, Otto, Roman, Quido, Jake, John, Janine, Vanda, Tony,
Violet). Some of them referred that they do not feel so bad (‘it was bad but OK’) or that they
do not feel any hard psychical consequences. They accepted their situation as reality. Very
interesting example is Jake who spoke about himself as about ‘phlegmatic who does not care
much’. Jake commented on the consequences of his insecure situation:
"I would say that every work gave me something, I learned something there, I found
something, I realized how things are functioning, that sometimes what is said is not
true, everyone sees it his own way. Otherwise, I think that it did not influence me...I still
believe, and I must trust to myself. If I thought that it did not have a point to do
something, it ends up that it will not have a point to do it...I am phlegmatic, I do not
care.... I am not stressed, I do not like to be sitting at home, doing nothing.”
“I do not feel any negative consequences. I do not care. I am not much attached to this.
I have work or I do not have work. When thinking about it, it upsets me a bit, but I am
able to accept it for some time until I find another work. However, I cannot say to have
stress or other problems. No, I am not so concerned.” (R11: 221)
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Later in the interview, Jake also explained that his self-esteem was not hit by his situation. On
the other hand, he said that he was just surviving, and he was not enjoying his life much. I
conclude that for Jake, not having serious psychical consequences is still far away from being
satisfied.
In some rather rare cases, respondents had no economic problems, they were able to find
something to do, and were in some periods somehow not much concerned nor dissatisfied
with unemployment (Quido, Janine, Fred). Janine was for a long time satisfied doing
occasional jobs and having occasional income. Only later in another stage of her life she
realised that it was not satisfying.
“Before, when I was without work, I was telling myself how I would live for so many
years and how horrible it were going to be, and it was disturbing me. And then I
changed it. I told to myself that I cannot think like that, that I will improve it, I planned
it and I dreamed about a better future. I am happier now that I fulfil my plan.” (R19:
200).
Very similar story was told by Fred.
“I subjectively perceive it that I was satisfied, I was not [word missing]..it was because
I did not have any existential problems which is given by my family background that
even If I were not working for the whole of my life, I would not be going to be homeless,
I would not die. My parents are very nice people who sustained me…there was no
Damocles sword above my head…and maybe it is why I was approaching it like that.
From my point of view, even when I was unemployed…it is true that I did not travel
around the world but on the other side I was living happily in that period.” (R26: 81)
On the other hand, in other parts of the interview, Fred spoke about ritualistic behaviour and
about being desperate during some phases of the job search.
My reflection on psychical feelings of the unemployed
We have seen that young people spoke about various contexts in which they felt negative
consequences. They also differed in their perception of the situation and in their ability to bear
a negative event without severe psychical consequences. Still, we understand that most of
above-mentioned situations can easily bring severe disdain. We also noted that psychical
consequences were mitigated by the help and psychical support of others, notably friends and
family as it described in previous chapters of this book.
Influence on relationships and reduction of social contacts
In this chapter we reflect how relations with former colleagues, schoolmates, or friends may
be influenced by an insecure position (see Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Hora 2008b,
Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). This influence may emerge due to the reduction of
common time, due to distance or due to limited financial resources (Hora 2008b). Reaction to
this situation is differentiated. While some people are bored and depressed, others just do
not care (see Hora 2008b).
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My reflection of social relations
Generally, many respondents explicitly refused the negative influence of their situation on
relations with others (e.g. Ben, Ken, Quido, Vanda, Ron, Sophie, Jake, Clara, Fred, Herbert).
Young people mentioned the following reference groups: family, friends, former colleagues,
neighbours, and other people.
Respondents mostly reflected that their situation did not have a negative influence on their
family relations (Vendelín, Sophie). Family relations are typically more influenced by other
factors. Sophie said that having a child changed relationships. Bonny explained that he was
grateful to his parents and their relations even became stronger. On some occasions, it led to
a change in the roles. This is connected also to maturing and the situation when parents
became old.
Some of the respondents (Roman, Jake, Ellyn, Sabina, Alice, Violet, Ben) reflected some
specific social consequences of unemployment in family. There were some specific situations
when there was a conflict through a specific aspect. Usually, parents and grandparents were
not able to understand the situation of their children and they pressured for finding work (Ben,
Betty, Violet, Derek). Parents also lied to others to hide that they children are without work
for a longer time (Ellyn). Betty commented:
“For my parents it was absolutely not normal that I do not have an employment
contract. They were [?] due to it, it was a real shame. It was not acceptable to work
somewhere and not have an employment contract. Thus, I listened to this from the
beginning. Therefore, it was contempt from them that I work in the field, where this is
normal.” (R22: 196)
Violet told a similar tale:
“My grandmother, she was very unhappy because she was working in one firm for 40
years. When she found that I worked in two firms within one year [she told me] that I
should go to a psychiatrist, that I am not normal. That mistake is within me. And it is
hard to bring new information to the old person, who do not understand.” (R32: 83)
Similarly, other respondents reflected that relatives were dissatisfied with their situation, but
it was mostly not crucial. What we can see is a linked pressure from parents to look for work
and this was a source of inherent conflict (Roman).
“Yes, it had an influence [on relations] because when I was a year without work, my
parents [repeated] all the time: ‘Why do you not find work, why is it not possible, why
are you not going around’ and similar things.” (R9: 186)
Betty mentioned that it was not pleasant to be fully financially dependent on the partner.
“I am starting to feel that I was used to having my money and suddenly I do not have
them. It is a horrible feeling that I am dependent on someone. It is nice that I do not
have to work but it is not much entertaining. And I have to submit to my partner.
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Considering money, I cannot say that I will buy this, and I will buy that. Because I did
not earn that money.” (R22: 272).
Negative consequences on the relationship with friends were almost not mentioned. Some
young people like Ron even noted that they had more time for friends when they were
unemployed. Ron mentioned that his relations with friends improved because he met them
more often. Violet argued that most of her acquaintances were also at least once unemployed
and that it was so common that it could not lead to negative attitudes or behaviour. Herbert
and Violet said that unemployment is so common in their social networks that it does not bear
any negative stigma. Clara argued that her relationships with friends did not change because
they know her well and they know her true traits. Friends often supported young people, but
it was a bit different type of support than family support (spending time together, buying a
drink, psychical support). Magda and Ellyn spoke about their friends very highly, but Bonny
mentioned that he was displeased when he found that his friends were not really interested
in his problems. For Ellyn, it was about finding the right friends because a lot of people around
her perceived her negatively. However, she found true friends who, e.g., lent her money and
did not want them back, who paid a drink for her, spoke with her even when she was out of
money and intentionally looked for doing (together) financially inexpensive activities.
Some of the respondents reflected how lack of money acted as a barrier for having friendship
relations due to reduced social life (Sabina, Jake, Ben, Ellyn). For Sabina, the financial situation
worked as a barrier for maintaining friendship relations.
“When you lose work, you are without money, without means, have nothing, you
cannot go anywhere, even for a glass of wine with girlfriends or for a cup of coffee or
to the disco…I have no friends…because we did not go out. We did not have means to
go anywhere. Thus, maybe it is the result of this all.” (R25: 143)
Ben commented:
“I feel less worthy. I do not go out much. Why should I go out when I have no money?
Go for a walk? When I do not have money for sitting somewhere. When you work, you
can spend some money. I feel worthless, that it is.” (R3: 414)
Furthermore, Ellyn spoke about dilemmas connected with the financial dimension of social
contacts. She knew that going to the pub with her friends may mean to be without food for
two days.
Another situation mentioned sometimes was when respondents reflected on the more
general stance of people who were not friends or close relatives. Roman thought that social
relations generally worsened. Vendelín mentioned that his neighbours are jealous because
they are a big family, and they buy a lot of food. Some people had bad experience with the
reactions of other people related to personally being unemployed, attending Employment
office or claiming social benefits (John, Helen, Alice, Violet). John, for example, stated:
“I tell you that people sneer at you a lot. It is not that you are excluded, but they look
at you awkwardly because they think that you live on social benefits. It is not worth to
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explain it to them. They think that everyone who is registered at Employment office
claims benefits to the end of his life.” (R16: 121)
Helen said:
“The longer you are at Employment office, people look at you that you are feckless,
that you are problematic, that you are this and that, and they are cautious when
dealing with you.” (R23: 164)
Vanda mentioned that she was not telling people whom she did not trust to be understanding
about her unemployment. Alice also mentioned that being registered at Employment office
creates some stigma for people in the eyes of the employers (‘they act on you as an outsider’).
This is situational (different experiences and situations) and it is based also on self-perception.
Many respondents also said that it does not matter.
Another interesting aspect noticed by some respondents is that some people think that you
should not have money or property when you are unemployed. Peter reflected on his visits to
Employment office.
“When you go to the Employment office and you have a great cell phone, nice watch,
skirt and beauty jeans and you see a lot of other people there who probably cannot buy
this, it looks silly you know. However, I am proud of me, because I have earned for all
of this myself and I never asked social assistance nor Employment office for anything,
this was for the first time.” (R12: 147)
Moving, going abroad and migration
We may expect moving within the country or abroad because of economic insecurity
(Erhenberg 1994 in Gazier 2002, Hussain et al. 2016, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018,
Chrabąszcz et al. 2018, Michón 2019).
Concerning moving within the country, it was mentioned by respondents, but it was not
moving due to looking for a better job (exceptions were Lucy, Bob). Respondents mentioned
three dimensions of moving with corresponding reasons to move: locality and out of locality,
bigger cities and smaller towns or villages, and the central or peripheral character of the
settlement. Some CITISPYCE respondents wanted to escape the locality (e.g., Bob, Lisa). Bob
explained his intention to move:
“…I want to move out of there for sure. There is no future there, no. The wages there
are very low, due to the financial crisis. I know that it is everywhere, but nowhere it is
as bad as here….they pay less and less money…40 CZK per hour, that is silly is not it?
They do not appreciate that you do craft.” (R46: 19)
Later in the interview, Bob also mentioned that the locality is not a good place to raise
children.
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Other respondents rejected moving due to target place reputation and financial reasons
(Herbert, Bruno). Bruno argued that in the places where he could move situation is the same
or even worse. Herbert explained his reluctance to move:
“You listen that it is also bad there. ‘There is nothing, do not go there’. You listen to
such talks all the time. Where you want to go when you are without money? You must
have something to go somewhere. If we packed and went to a different town, you have
nothing. Where would we go to sleep? What I would give them?” (R31: 111)
Next, we reflect on moving abroad. It is hard to distinguish between migration and working
abroad only for some time, but most people wanted to work abroad and return. Emigration
was almost not existing phenomenon in the interviews. It is logical because we only could
speak with people who never left or who later returned to the Czech Republic. Some
respondents were working abroad when they were young. They perceived working abroad as
a great opportunity to see the world, to get work, and to make money (Simon, Ellyn, Alice).
Alice e.g. argued:
“I had a vision of money and work. I could not study, and I wanted to work. And I could
not work here [in the Czech Republic], it was not possible [to achieve] any change and
so I went to Italy.” (R28: 71)
Alice described that it was a completely different world and she had to learn language on the
job. Alice and Simon said that they earned unbelievable money compared to their options in
the Czech Republic. Alice even regretted returning home to the Czech Republic. Respondents
returned home for family reasons (Simon) or because their perceived it better for raising
children (Alice).
Some respondents from the youngest cohorts mentioned considering the possibility to work
abroad for some time (often not permanently). Respondents believed that it would be better
than to work and live in the Czech Republic. Leila would like to go abroad but she is not
preparing herself yet:
“I would like to finish school and after I am eighteen, I would like to go out of this town.
I would like to go to Germany. I would like to find work and start my life there… But I
am not in a hurry, everything has its time…I always wanted to live in USA, but a friend
of mine lured me to think about Germany. Teachers said that there [in Germany?] are
more money than here, you can earn a lot there. It was very interesting for me. I would
like to go to one of these countries, go out of there.” (R47: 135)
However, often there were some constrains or fear of going abroad or fear of unknown, etc.
(Ben, Ken, Ellyn, Quido, Ron, Lisa, Jake, Janine, Clara). These constraints most often included
lack of money (you have to save first), low knowledge of languages, missing a driving licence,
restriction of entry to other countries, and being afraid to live in an unknown and ‘strange’
environment. For Ben, the decision of going abroad was dependent on his current situation
(when he found work, he stopped to consider it). Specific case is Sophia who wanted to go
abroad but she had to abandon her plans due to pregnancy and lone motherhood.
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The reasons why most respondents did not want to go abroad included refusal to separate
from the family and friends, preferring living in the home country environment, perceived low
ability to own adaptation, low knowledge of a foreign language and low preference of
speaking a foreign language.
Learning and getting experience
There was also a rather widely shared and interesting opinion that the experience of
unemployment and difficult situations on the labour market helped young people with life
orientation and somehow strengthened the respondents (Karin, Derek, Peter, Magda, Jake,
Sophie, Janine, Ellyn, Vanda, Lucy, Violet). People reflected that they have got a lot of
experience in hard times (Bonny, Ellyn, Derek, Magda). They learned what they want from life,
learned new skills, how to be self-sufficient (care for himself/herself), rely on their skills, they
learned about laws, and how the system is working (their rights and duties within the system),
they learned the value of money, how to live on low income and save money, to be able to set
priorities and to adapt to changing conditions. This can be linked to the ability of the
respondent to be resilient in the future/to be ready to better tackle future problems (Derek).
Ellyn said:
“Short-term consequence was that I learn how to manage money. When I have little
money, I learned to be thrifty. And in the long term I think that I got experience, that I
worked in various factories, I had various occasional jobs, about 30 jobs, factories,
supermarkets, storages, food shops, restaurants, printing, farm, in such various places.
I got a great experience and I met new people.” (R20: 213)
“And I think that I am glad for the experience of not having a job for a long time. Or not
glad, it could have been better to have a job, but it advanced me in other things.
Therefore, I try to perceive it positively. And I think that it helped me to determine what
I want, what I would like to.” (R20: 221)
Vanda reflected on the consequences of her long-term unemployment.
“It had a great importance for me. I realised various things, which are not self-evident,
work, etc. Such things I realised that it could happen in life and it can be demanding.
That it is not that you cannot survive it and that it pushes you further. I take it as some
further experience. I take it positively and not negatively, that it was awful. It gave me
something new, some new view of things.” (R21: 133)
Vanda thinks that she has grown up mentally and that she got to know herself better. Bonny
used his previous experience within his work in NGO working with children.
“I use experience from these times in my work and I think that the great change for me
is in the approach to other people and in the assessment of their problems and when I
am considering the problems, I can imagine how it is.” (R1: 166)
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Derek and Ellyn spoke about this repeatedly as about ‘school of life‘. This, together with the
widely shared character of this set of ideas, is the reason we interpret this also as the discourse
of ‘school of life’.
Conclusion of the chapter
This chapter is mapping short-term and long-term consequences of insecurity. It shows how
the insecurity and its consequences are in some cases closely interlinked, how insecurity
influences individual and family life, and how it relates to future of the respondents. It was
very disturbing to see how difficult the life conditions of some people were. People themselves
(e.g., Violet, Herbert, Roman) often note how their live was difficult, how it was hard (I
interpret this as ‘discourse of hard work’). Many of the respondents at least at some point of
time did not see any opportunities in their lives and any chances for the change for the better
– they spoke about ‘vicious circle’ or about missing their chances (Bonny, Karin, Otto, Jake,
Simon, John, Betty, Lucy, Melinda, Herbert). They did not see any way to solve this and their
low self-esteem may play a role limiting them in trying some things. Young people sometimes
noted their low ability to plan their future activities and future lives (Peter). Some of these
people were slightly over forty, but they felt ‘finished with their lives’.
Difficult situation was mitigated by several factors. Besides the influence of personality, family
and friends played a positive role in the life of the respondents, showing in concrete cases that
without such help the life of the respondents would be much more difficult and with harsher
consequences. On the opposite, when these factors were not functioning, or young people
refused help, it led to the most severe cases of misfortune (Otto, Bonny, Ellyn). Another
mechanism we noted was ‘building’, a situation when young people accumulated some capital
helping them to improve their situation or they at least were able to better adapt to it.
Third group of intervening mechanisms was related to clashing of personal interests. We saw
in many cases that the perception of individual interests by important others were different
from the interest of young people and that caused the emergence of key structural barriers
for improvement of the situation or for lessening the worst impacts of insecurity. In fact, these
may be the key factors both causing insecurity, maintaining it, and contributing to its
consequences. These are most visible in interactions at the micro level. For example, refusal
of employers or landlords is based not only on the assessment of skills but also on other factors
(low trust, low interest, low willing to risk). Others even use the difficult situation of young
people to improve their own position, providing inferior housing for high prices, abusing
offered work, or not paying for it. The situation of young people may be more difficult also
because they are not sufficiently developed, helped, nor protected from the side of public
institutions including both state-provided services and public and private sectors of services
of public interest. This is the issue that we will among others discuss in the last chapter.
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Chapter 6: Institutional determinants of
early job insecurity
In the last chapter, we discuss the institutional determinants of early job insecurity. Our
explanation of transitions is neo-institutional. Labour market is not fully competitive. There
are institutional rules, norms, directives, regulations, and unwritten habits that redefine
conditions in the labour market (Brožová 2016). Big firms and trade unions do key decisions
according to their own rules – there are not fully market driven, information is limited, and
opportunities are unequal. There are also limits for entrance to specific professions (Brožová
2016). Many states changed conditions within their social systems. Working conditions and
social protection of various cohorts may differ due to differences in regulation, approach or
due to development of the system. The concept of ‘youth labour markets’ refers to the fact
that the entrance of the younger generation to the labour market may be regulated in a
specific way, e.g. by youth specific wages or labour protection and apprenticeship systems
(Walther 2002). Institutional settings and public policies play a prominent role in influencing
the transition from school to work (Zimmermann et al. 2013).
Institutions such as the education system, social protection, and active labour market
programs shape opportunities for young people. They function as specific conversion factors
(Hora et al. 2019a). They may be enhancing and supporting structures, bridges, and mediators
as well as barriers, obstacles, and mediocre pathways leading to dead ends. In the NEGOTIATE
project, we were interested in answering question: How policies influence young people’s
scope for active agency, strategies, capabilities, and resilience as responses to job insecurity
(Hvinden et al. 2019a). According to Standing (1999: 184), job security (although often mixed
with employment security) “arises from the existence of institutions, regulations and practices
that enable people to obtain and retain a niche and to pursue an occupation or career.” We
understand such institutional determinants as something natural and embedded in the lives
of young people, as something that just happens to them (there always is or is not some social
policy), as something that is often ‘built in’ rather than ‘bolt on’. However, it does not mean
that young people are always interested or engaged in offered activities or that they always
obey set rules.
In the first part of this chapter, we discuss the normative discourses aimed at social policy
toward labour market integration. Later, we can confront various perspectives confronting
the institutional approach to assessment with the knowledge of young people about the most
relevant policies. In the last part of the chapter, we reflect on the relationship and interactions
of young people with the policies that are offered to them.
Normative underpinnings and discourses of policies
towards young people
In this section, we provide a more academic perspective on policies relevant for labour market
integration. We reflect that there are several academic/political discourses more or less
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attached to the situation of young people. These discourses are sets of ideas, theories, and
underpinning ideological assumptions that are shared by some groups of people. To the
greater of lesser extent, they can be sources of stances toward the situation of young people
or toward the emergence of real policy. We reflect that many theories which are presented in
this book often have their own ideological underpinnings (Walther and McNeish 2003) – i.e.,
they may be used with the aim to present the view of reality as ‘natural and normal’ (see
Serrano Pascual 2003). Serrano Pascual (2003: 86) even argued that:
“The construction of social categories, such as that of a person being ‘unemployed’, has
a central function not only as an instrument for describing reality, but also for changing
and transforming it. The dominant notion of youth unemployment shapes the
experience of unemployment, contributing to the way in which the difficulty
encountered by young people seeking to enter the labour market comes to be viewed
as normal.”
Discourses are seldom presented in a coherent way allowing for ‘copy paste’ approach.
Instead, their portraitures in this book are mere reconstructions performed by the author of
this book. Among the problems connected with discourse reproduction or analysis is the
ability of the author to sufficiently distinguish between ideas about the concept proposed by
its proponents and critics and to avoid ‘caricature’ of the concepts.
Presented discourses present various partial theoretical systems of social policy. In the
traditional view, social policy may protect individuals from the negative effects of the market,
i.e., against labour market risks (Withagen and Rogowski 2002, Boeri, Conde-Ruiz, and Galasso
2003). This protection links to various types of insecurity as they were defined in the first
chapter: a) job insecurity, b) employment insecurity, c) income insecurity, and d) combination
security. It may also aim to find an appropriate balance among various vested interests. Some
ideological schools aim for less support and less protection, preferring other goals, instead
protecting young people against the perils of the market.
The role of the discourses in our analysis is threefold. First, we believe that discourses can
have a real influence on the goals and realization of social policy. Second, we want to
understand the contents of the discourses to see how they are motivated and what main ideas
they propose. Third, we would like to see how these discourses are reflected in the stories and
arguments of young people scattered through this book.
In the next section, we will discuss the contents of some of the most prominent discourses.
Transitional labour market approach
Transitional labour markets are linked to critical points of the life cycle where transitions can
lead to labour market inclusion or exclusion (Kruppe 2002). Social integration means
participating in various productive social networks related not only to paid work but also to
family work, cultural activities, and voluntary work (Gazier and Schmid 2002). Youth
transitions are interlinked, and transition policies should be also interlinked (Du Bois-Reymond
et al. 2002). The system should be based on negotiations and bargaining among stakeholders,
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especially at the local level (Gazier 2002). It should be realized in a way, which does not
support the creation of various pathways with sharply different outcomes for various
segments of young people (see Gazier 2002). The better the transitional system is, the less
people end up in a clearly marginalized position. The evaluation of transitional labour market
policies needs to consider their impact on lifetime trajectories and not simply the impact on
current employment level (Detzen and Rubery 2002). Some of the more concrete arguments
of the discourse were formulated as follows:
• There should be appropriate training and career guidance (Gazier 2002). Training
should be a real and supported option for unemployed people and other people in
need (Schmid 2002c).
• Policies should be formulated in a way that allows for taking risk and flexibility (Schmid
2002c).
• Policies should be formulated to allow for freedom of choice including, e.g. part-time
work and self-employment (Schmid 2002c). This may be enhanced by individualization
of entitlements for all people in the relevant situation, including both men and women
(Schmid 2002c).
• Policies should offer a wider range of ‘real opportunities’ for all categories of workers
and even for workers facing critical events in their lives (Gazier 2002, Schmid 2002c).
• Active labour market policies should allow for the combining of work and other
productive activities, allow for the combination of various income sources, provide
legally enforceable entitlements, and fiscally support employment rather than
unemployment (Schmid 1998 quoted in Van Lieshout and Wilthagen 2003, Van
Lieshout and Wilthagen 2003).
• Policies should be formulated differently to solve different problems (Schmid 2002c).
• Barriers for labour market integration should be lowered (Gazier 2002)
• Wanted types of transitions should be enhanced.
• Precarious employment should be avoided.
Integrated transition policies approach
This set of recommendations for policies for young people was formulated in the work of Du
Bois-Reymond et al. (2002) and Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco (2003). Van Lieshout and
Wilthagen (2003) argue that the specific distinction between integrated transition policies and
Transitional Labour Market is that the former is aimed only to the transition of young people
while the latter seeks for a universal approach. There are two main objectives of ITPA:
preventing transition risks from becoming risks of social exclusion and assisting individuals in
coping with transition risks. Transitions are interlinked and require interlinked transition
policies with joined-up or cooperative approach. Attention has to be drawn not only to labour
market needs but also to the individual motivations and experiences of the young people
concerned. Policies has to be realized in an appropriate context. Institutions should develop
reflexivity about the implications and consequences of the instruments they apply. There are
the following principles proposed:
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• The biographic perspective reflecting the needs of young people should be
incorporated, allowing also for gender and cultural diversity.
• Young people should be supported in activities that allow fulfilment of their subjective
live plans.
• Balancing flexibility and security (defined from young people’s biographic perspective)
• Active participation allowing young people to make autonomous decisions about their
transition pathways, including the change of the route. The system should help young
people to manage their trajectories, to be negotiators of their own affairs and prevent
decisions under pressure.
• Communication structures should be open and balanced.
• Education: Education system should be open to all, support intrinsically motivated
learning, broaden contextual competences, allow for sensible life-long learning and a
lesser divide between general and vocational education, and lower barriers between
formal and informal learning, directing to informal learning.
• Labour market: respect to youth policies of informal development, transforming
informal activities to paid activities, sustainability of jobs, using of part-time
arrangements, wage subsidies for worthy and real jobs, appraisal of family work and
support of parents, and support of self-employment.
• Security: providing individual welfare rights, linked to other activities, balancing rights
and responsibilities, securing basic income and housing policies.
Flexicurity approach
Traditionally, there have been on one side advocates of flexible labour markets (flexible work
organisation, strong adaptability to change, work intensification, minimum employment
protection, minimum social benefits, strong activation, and workfare). Advocates of flexibility
recognise the main benefits of the flexibility approach in easier adjustments to external shocks
and internal needs of firms and in improving economic performance, competitiveness, and
job growth. Employers achieve numerical flexibility by placing an increasing proportion of
employees on nonstandard contracts (Gallie 2007b). On the other side, there have been
defenders of the social dimension of work, who try to protect workers from the arbitrariness
of the market (need for social security) and who believe that security is the cornerstone of
necessary social cohesion. According to both these groups, there is a potential inevitable
trade-off between flexibility and security. Growth of flexibility (embedded in the form of
nonstandard and less protected employment) leads to the growth of insecurity (both
structural and connected with the economic cycle)37.
37
We reflect that the dilemma between flexibility and security is not discussed only at the labour market, but
also within the education system and at the individual level (see Stauber, Kovacheva, and van Lieshout 2003) and
in the training system (Walther 2006).
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The third group consists of people who believe that the positive aspects of both previous
approaches can be somehow combined to a new model with strong positive aspects
maintained and their weaknesses restricted to key actors on the labour market – ‘win-win
solution, positive sum gain’ (see Wilthagen and Tros 2004, Viebrock and Clasen 2009, Muffels,
Crouch, and Wilthagen 2014). Flexicurity is about combining flexibility of the labour market
and organisation of work, conformity to the market (preferred by employers) and
employment and social security aspects of the labour force situation (Wilthagen and Rogowski
2002, Muffels, Crouch, and Wilthagen 2014). Van Lieshout and Wilthagen (2003) argued that
the flexicurity concept is aimed at providing both workers and employers the basic security
they need.
One crucial aspect of flexicurity lies in the distinction between job security and employment
security (Muffels, Crouch, and Wilthagen 2014). Life-time employment is replaced by the
ability to stay in secure employment for one’s entire career (Wilthagen and Rogowski 2002,
Muffels, Crouch, and Wilthagen 2014). This may be achieved through education and training
that are themselves the best security and contribute to workers’ flexibility (Van Lieshout and
Wilthagen 2003).
Some confusion may root in the fact that different authors used the word flexicurity for both
‘type of public policy’ and ‘condition of labour market’ (Viebrock and Clasen 2009). Viebrock
and Clasen (2009) argue that there is not one universal approach to flexicurity. Instead, various
mixes of policies may highlight different flexicurity aspects – these include, e.g., Danish and
Dutch models of flexicurity38. The role of social partners is crucial in most flexicurity systems
(Viebrock and Clasen 2009). Wilthagen and Tros (2004) highlighted that not any combination
of flexible and security policies is a flexicurity strategy. There may be a high difference
between policy proposals, rules, and laws and the reality of their real outcomes. We expect
that the situation has to be analysed in detail and specific context in concrete countries to
assess whether flexicurity is or should be a viable political strategy.
Critical normative assumptions of the flexibility approach may include (Viebrock and Clasen
2009):
• Flexible and reliable contracts: Employment protection is reduced to a level that is not
a barrier for enhancement of employment. It is realised in a way that is transparent
and predictable.
• Offering transition security: The lack of employment protection is balanced by the
protection of income security during periods without employment provided by reliable
social protection systems. Negative effects of social security on job search are
counterbalanced by activation strategies including increased enforcement, control,
dependability on activity, and use of active labour market policies (see Viebrock and
Clasen 2009).
38
The Flexicurity regime typology (Muffels, Crouch, and Wilthagen 2014) distinguished the uncoordinated liberal
model, from the traditional security model (advantageous mainly for insiders).
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• Tackling skills and opportunity gaps: This includes increasing employability with
reasonable education, training, and active labour market policy. Some countries use
also ‘educational leaves’ to provide an opportunity for life-low learning. There should
be appropriate targeting to ensure that the policies are not creaming towards more
prosperous people.
• Tackling contractual segmentation: Policies must guarantee an acceptable level of
economic and social security to all, including those who enter the deregulated labour
market (Viebrock and Clasen 2009). This may also enhance the using of opportunities
in the formal instead of informal labour market.
• Trust among partners and dialogue: When trust is low, flexicurity strategies can be
expected to meet with opposition and mistrust (Wilthagen and Tros 2004). This remark
may be relevant for both individual strategies and stances of social partners such as
employers’ organisations and trade unions.
• Universal of anticyclical character of the system: Wilthagen and Tros (2004) argue that
the need of stakeholders for flexicurity policy, as well as their bargaining position,
willingness to change, and potential policy outcomes may be different in recessions
and booming economies. This is clearly a relevant remark for the Czech Republic when
comparing the completely different situation in 2009-2013 and 2014-2019.
Critics of flexicurity often argue that the implementation of flexicurity is patchy, the promotion
of flexibility (deregulation) is much higher than the promotion of security and the social rights
may be reduced (Wilthagen and Rogowski 2002, Viebrock and Clasen 2009). To be more
concrete, e.g. a) the position of insiders is worsened to a greater extent than the position of
outsiders is improved or b) the security of workers is enhanced only in the aspects where it is
also potentially (more) beneficial for employers. Another important question is whether and
to what extend is a successful implementation of flexicurity dependent on compatibility with
concrete cultural and other specific conditions in a given country – it must be context specific
(see Viebrock and Clasen 2009). This argument is highly relevant in central and eastern
European countries including the Czech Republic.
Activation approach
Serrano Pascual (2003) argued that the activation approach shifted the attention of public
policies from Keynesian political perspective to focusing interventions more strongly on the
factors of labour (motivation, employability, and adaptability). De Koning and Mosley (2002)
and Sirovátka and Spies (2018) define activation as giving priority to reintegration of the
unemployed and ending passive income maintenance benefits (interpreted as dependency).
For some, activation is considered a policy reaction born as a consequence of policy in
previous periods when some categories of unemployed and inactive people were completely
neglected except for provision of benefits (see Serrano Pascual 2003). Activation is realized at
three levels (dimensions). At the individual level, it relates to balancing individual rights and
duties. At the second level, it relates to harmonizing benefits, wages, and taxation. Third, this
requires the connecting of three previously sometimes separated activities: job placement
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(matching), benefit provision (especially social assistance), and active labour market programs
(Koning and Mosley 2002, Sirovátka and Spies 2018). According to the above quoted authors,
the following principles are proposed in the activation approach:
• Aspiration to autonomy, self-sufficiency, and agency of (pro)active actors (positive
view of activation) – see Serrano Pascual (2003)
• self-responsibility for individuals in attaining success or failure (quoted in Walther
2006)
• The intervention should be provided early in the unemployment spell.
• There are conditionality requirements related to various decisions (restricting choice)
or activity (enforcement, external motivation).
• Social protection is conditional on the ability and willingness of an individual to display
‘positive attitudes and behaviour’.
• People must work in return for social assistance benefits (workfare).
• Accepting any job or programme as soon as possible, partially irrespective of its quality
and sustainability and potential to improve people’s situation.
• Centrality of job obligation irrespective of other possible options (education, training.
care).
• Needs, capabilities, and aspirations of young people are only marginally considered.
• Threat and screening measures (and effects) are a legitimate part of activation. Young
people have to prove their job seeking activities.
• Sanctions, expulsion, or neglect of those who are not compliant with requirements.
Critics of the activation approach point out that these measures are not effective in the long
run (people return to the employment register or leave the labour market) or that the
outcomes of such policies are suboptimal (people work in low quality, dead-end jobs or they
work illegally). Participation in low quality jobs or measures may further diminish future work
chances of young people due to stigmatization and negative signalling effects (see Sirovátka
and Spies 2018). Activation usually neglects participation approaches within realised
measures (Davelaar and Spies 2018). There may be also individual consequences for
participants including, e.g., low income, demotivation, negative self-image, and mistrust
(Sirovátka and Spies 2018).
The literature usually distinguishes between two basic styles of activation policy (Hora,
Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019a, Dingeldey et al. 2019). First model is defined as ‘workfare
approach’, ‘work-first approach’ or ‘demanding approach’. It is aimed at quick acceptance of
the job, it requires young people to accept any job or program, irrespective of its quality and
sustainability. It uses mainly incentive reinforcement and employment assistance. The second
is called ‘enabling approach’ or ‘insertion approach’. It is aimed to support young people in
finding and keeping a sustainable, meaningful job that allows for human capital development.
It uses mainly upskilling and individual counselling (Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka, 2019a). We
reflect that certain aspects of the enabling approach are present in Youth Guarantee (YG)
strategy. The goal of YG was to ensure that all young people under the age of 25 would receive
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a high-quality, concrete offer of employment or training within four months of leaving formal
education or becoming unemployed (Dingeldey et al. 2019).
Relevance of above-mentioned discourses
We noted that there are differences in above-mentioned discourses because they are aimed
at various aspects and levels of the policy. In addition, we noted some basic normative
principles that may be interesting in an attempt to assess the functioning of policies. These
normative criteria as implicitly defined by Detzen and Rubery (2002), Schmid (2006), Walther
(2006) include:
• The extent to which the system can offer some possibilities to every young person in
need,
• The extent to which measures respect their individualities and subjectivities, and
provide ‘human approach‘,
• The extent to which the system is negotiated in broad consensus and accepted by the
stakeholders,
• The extent to which the measures help young people to understand the choices they
are going to face,
• Whether they allow for choice,
• Whether they offer a real change towards some wanted goal: e.g., unwanted job offers
with bad conditions,
• Whether they support the development and maintenance of aspirations,
• Whether they support the balance between flexibility and security,
• Whether they allow for reconciliation between work and family life,
• Whether participation in activities leads to a type of stigma.
Our strategy is to confront the above presented discourses and approaches with the personal
experience of Czech young people with the policies. This will be done in the conclusion of this
last chapter. We believe that the stories of young people can lead to reflection, how systems,
concrete measures, and their quality and lived interactions with street level workers
contribute to the functioning of young people in the society through labour market
integration. To illustrate our approach we present here one statement from the interview with
Fred.
“I always felt some disproportion or unbalance in the fact that the Employment office
is called Employment office, but I have never met there with any work or work
mediation or recommendation to some workplace…I never met with this and this could
happen. May be there are people who welcome this because they are there only
formally and they do not want to be employed, but I wanted. I was desperate, when no
one answered me for a long time and I would welcome if they [Employment office] send
me…somewhere with a recommendation, at least you have some work habit, the
regime of waking up and doing nothing for a long time does not prosper to anyone…I
said to myself I would not be against if they would sent me somewhere even under my
qualification or to work that would much identify myself with…but I never felt any
236
pressure if I look for work or not and control was formal, if I would cheat with the list
of firm I visited I felt it would be the same. It would be super if Employment office could
recommend me some work.” (R26: 209)
We see here that Fred interpreted in this case the lack of activation as neglect. In this context,
we can well understand why some people want to be activated, what their needs are, what
they are able to do with and without the help of social policy. We also saw that Fred had some
reservations according to the concrete means of activation, providing feedback which is
relevant for understanding the strong and weak sides of the policies.
To conclude above-mentioned discourses are relevant at least at four levels. We can reflect
how these discourses correspond to lived experience and discourses presented by young
people. When they correspond to concrete aspects, we can discuss in which aspects they are
functioning well, or they are not functioning well. We can also try to explain why these
discourses are corresponding and functioning. At least we can use them to propose changes
in the system based on reflection at above-mentioned levels.
Employment and transition regimes
In this chapter, we discuss the role of employment, unemployment, and transitional regimes.
It is relevant when we want to characterise the transition system in the Czech Republic. The
notion of regimes is important as it allows for a more general view of the system of social
policy in a given country and allows to see how the measures are interconnected. First, we
will discuss the general relevance of employment and transition regimes. It allows us to set
the arena that we focus at. We want to join some criteria of above-mentioned systems to
provide one coherent picture of the basic situation in the Czech Republic.
Gazier and Schmid (2002) and Schmid (2002a) defined employment systems as sets of
institutions and policies that are relevant for the level of production, level of employment,
and unemployment. Gallie (2017) in this context referred to a specific analytical perspective
highlighting that:
“…long term patterns of historical development have led to distinctive institutional and
cultural configurations that not only mediate the impact of changes in production
techniques and labour market structures, but also influence the forms these take. The
interdependence between institutional structures and their embeddedness in
distinctive cultural frameworks means that they are relatively resilient in the face of
external turbulence, adapting to changes in their environments that preserve or even
consolidate their core principles.” (Gallie 2017: 228)
Gallie (2017) argued that there is a high degree of variability in the levels of job insecurity
among advanced countries, reflecting long-term differences in their employment and labour
market structures. According to Detzen and Rubery (2002), the employment regime is related
to the concrete labour market and its institutional settings which are relatively stable within
a specific time and space. Schmid (2002a) characterizes the employment regime as one
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concrete set (configuration) of policies which is open and may be subject to change. According
to Schmid (2002a), labour market systems include:
• household economy,
• tax and social security system,
• industrial relations,
• and general and vocational education system.
Employment systems can to different extend secure transitions, provide risk management,
secure income, and support employability (see Schmid 2002a: 40). These systems also more
or less support the existence of legitimate alternative roles including caring responsibilities.
At the individual level, employment systems are functioning as filters making some pathways
more possible while restricting other theoretically possible options.
The measures within the employment system are often interconnected (in some kind of
equilibrium) and it is not always easy to change one rule (or measure) without influencing
other measures and balance in the system (Gazier 2002). Change in given institution will not
necessarily lead to global change (Anxo and Erhel 2006). First, there may be other more
important factors (even outside of social policy) resisting the chance. Second, the choice of
pathway depends on other available options. Some characteristics of the system may even
effectively block the change (Viebrock and Clasen 2009). Another important issue is that the
same or similar policies often have different effects in different countries (Viebrock and Clasen
2009). Avdagic (2015) argues that the effect of one concrete measure can depend on the
overall institutional set-up and the interaction between the labour market, social policy, skill
regimes, and product markets.
Employment regimes (Gallie 2007b, 2013a) are embedded in the institutional structures of
employment and industrial relations policies. According to Gallie, there are three employment
regime types: (a) inclusive regime, (b) dualist regime, and (c) market regime. While the
situation in Western Europe has been examined many times, the situation in Eastern Europe,
including the Czech Republic is somehow ‘uncharted water’. Gallie (2013a) argued that central
and eastern European (transitional) countries including the Czech Republic could not be easily
integrated into the employment regimes classification. Still, some features can be
distinguished: low level of bargaining coordination and coverage and low unemployment
benefit coverage and expenditure. It seems that the Czech Republic can be classified as a
specific mix of liberal and dualistic regimes.
Some authors discuss regimes more specifically as unemployment regimes. Cinalli and Giugni
(2013) define the unemployment regime as a set of coherent measures that response to the
problem of youth unemployment. This includes unemployment regulation and labour market
regulation. They distinguished four basic regime types due to the level of labour market
regulation and unemployment protection: a) social protection (flexicurity) model, b) economic
protection (corporatist) model, c) full protection model, and d) precarious model. Cinalli and
Giugni (2013) have shown that the position of young people may be different from the
position of older people and that specific approach to analysis is necessary. For example, they
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classified Germany as a country close to the precarious model due to the different position of
young people and older cohorts. Gallie and Paugam (2000) suggested a typology of
un/employment policy regimes in relation to young people. They reflect the role of
unemployment protection, active labour market policy, and the role of the family in
supporting youth and the interaction with social policies. They distinguished four types of
employment policy regimes: sub-protective, liberal/minimal, employment-centred, and
universalistic. Gallie (2013a) latter classified transitional countries as an extreme version of
sub-protective regime.
Typology of transition regimes (Walther 2000, quoted in McNeish and Lancle 2003, McNeish
and Lancle 2003, Walther 2006) applies the results of previous typologies to the situation of
young people. Transition regimes are aimed at a complex system of socio-economic
structures, institutional arrangements, and cultural patterns that structure transitions
between youth and adulthood – models through which young people’s lives are regulated (see
Walther 2006). Transition regimes include the aims of transition policy, school and training
systems, employment regimes, and how the concepts of youth, unemployment and
disadvantage are interpreted. Post-socialistic/transitional type was not originally included
because it was not previously subject to systematic comparative research (Walther 2006). This
type was added in Pohl and Walther (2007), but the Czech Republic was not included there.
They argued that countries in Central/Eastern Europe followed different trajectories.
In our comparative research (Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2016a, Hora, Horáková, and
Sirovátka 2019a, 2019b), we included assessment of education, ALMP, employment
protection and unemployment protection. We concluded that countries within the
transitional regime can be characterised by:
• Education: preference of general education, accessible but with some differences in
access and quality of schools.
• Active labour market policy: Weak, some dualism, young people less in focus but
incentivised.
• Employment protection: Weak or medium protection, some dualism, young people
less protected.
• Unemployment protection: Weak, some dualism, young people are disadvantaged.
We expect Czech Republic to have a rather comprehensive education system, but week
institutions securing transitions to a more stable work status including all three remaining
types of policy. See both texts for more details.
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Typology of transition regimes
Universalistic Employment-
Cantered
Liberal-
Minimal
Sub-protective Post-socialist/
transitional
Example
countries
Sweden,
Denmark
Germany,
France,
Netherlands
UK, Ireland Spain, Italy,
Portugal
Poland, Czechia
School and
training
Not selective /
flexible
standards
Selective /
standardized
Not selective /
flexible, low
standards
Not selective /
low standards
and coverage
Not selective /
standardised,
low standards
and coverage
Employment
regime
Open, low risks,
female
employment
high
Closed, risks at
margins, female
employment
medium
Open, high
risks, female
employment
high
Closed, high
risks, informal
work, female
employment
low
Closed, high
risks, informal
work, female
employment
low/medium
Responsibility
for social
security
State State/family State/Family Family Family/State
Concept of
youth
Personal
development,
citizenship
Allocation
(adaptation) to
social positions
Early economic
independence
No clearly
defined distinct
status
Mixed
Concept of
youth
unemployment
Not foreseen
(education)
Qualifications,
Individual
deficits
(disadvantage)
Culture of
dependency /
exclusion
Segmented
labour market,
no formal
trajectories,
lack of training
Mixed
Concept of
disadvantage
Mixed
(individualized
and structure
related)
Individualized Individualized Structure
related
Mixed
Aims of
transition
policy
Education and
youth policy,
activation
(Pre-)vocational
training,
qualification
Employability Comprehensive
reforms for
recognized
status
(employment,
training or
education)
Mixed
Source: McNeish and Lancle (2003), Walther (2006), Pohl and Walther (2007), own
adjustments.
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Important institutions and their expected role in the
life of young people
The question arises, which institutions are important for the transition of young people to the
labour market and for the latter stabilization of their career paths. We could focus on
transition measures, i.e., measures that operate within the great transition from school to
work (Cachón Rodriguez 2003). However, Goglio and Riza (2017) argued that we should also
consider the situation of young adults. We believe that to understand the longer influence of
the policy we have to include a longer period. This also means that young people often refer
to the past. We note that reflections of young people about various social policy instruments
and approaches are from various time points. Some of them are historical in the sense that
these policies were abolished or significantly modified later. We believe that this approach
allows to focus on a particular problem, discourses used, goals of the policy, set rules, and link
policies around the problem. We also noted that specific measures are more relevant in
specific life periods of young people. This view was shared also by some respondents as
‘discourse of aiming to the young people’.
Discourse of aiming to young people
Some respondents mentioned that it is necessary to work with young people. At the individual
level, people mentioned that they work with their own children and advice (enforce) and
support them not to repeat their own mistakes concerning education (Violet, Herbert,
Melinda). Parents did not believe that their personal situation can be changed, but they
wanted a better future for their children. Other respondents had a more general stance which
included the belief that the situation of children can be more influenced than the situation of
adults. Karin said:
“I think that it is best to start from the basics, work with the smallest children because
when they are adult it is difficult to tell them to enforce them to change their view. The
root is in the smallest children, what you seed to them that you harvest.” (R2: 187)
Antonia, who works as a pedagogic worker with children, commented:
“Because it is best to work with children, because children grow with it. And they see
life as it is. They learn from now. And you can see here that work with the children that
they learn something for life. You can hardly anything change with adults. I do not think
that it is as bad with adults, but you cannot change it. However, you can change it with
the children.” (R63: 162)
“Adults will not listen to me, but you can say children to think about themselves. That
they cannot behave like that…because they will not be included in the majority. They
have to behave to be successful in life, you have to motivate them. This is why I wanted
to start this project to become their friend. To be able to listen to their problems and to
motivate them and advise them.” (R63: 192).
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There are important time points and events in the life of young people which should not be
missed because otherwise remedial of their consequences seems to be difficult.
Key policies included in this book and dimensions for their assessment
In the research work that we participated in recent years, and on the base of a wide base of
literature (e.g., Auer 2002, Walther and McNeish 2003, Walther 2006, European Commission
2007, Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009, Chung and van Oorschot 2011, Zimmermann et al. 2013) –
we distinguished four policy fields. These policies, which are according to our view most
relevant for shaping young people’s chances on the labour market, are:
• Education and lifelong learning, and orientation and career counselling,
• Employment protection,
• Unemployment protection,
• Active labour market policy and
• Work-life balance policies
In the traditional social policy perspective, systems are constituted by specific measures
realised in education, social protection, or active labour market policy. Sirovátka and Spies
(2018) pointed out that the general level of effort towards young people is crucial for the
chance to address problems in the whole scope. According to our view, this can have many
dimensions.
First, the general effort in the quantitative perspective is shown as the number of measures,
number of participants, or expenditure on activities. It may be low, selective, or fragmentary
(coverage, spatial fragmentation). Second, it relates to the concrete types of activities, which
are provided (light support/heavy support) – this is also connected to the intensity and
expensiveness of activities in concrete cases (Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora 2018a). Third, it is
connected to the ability to reach people who are outside of contacts with established
institutions (outreach activities). Many studies also argue that low targeting to the most
disadvantaged young people and/or lack of comprehensive targeting is an important
precondition to lacking the solution of the problem with transitions of young people. Fourth,
the measures and offered options may change in time. The policy for young is often
inconsistent in time, unsustainable, and with low relevance of content (see Behrens and
Brown 1994a). The retrenchment process may reduce some options that have been previously
available (change of effort in time) (e.g., Hussain et al. 2018).
In addition to these criteria, three other dimensions of the policy seem to be relevant.
• The first of them relates to the focus on long-term effects of the policies (Walther and
McNeish 2003).
• The second is focused on the voice that young people have in the process of their
transitions.
• The third is connected with the pooling of services and one-stop shops (Gehrke,
Günther, and Seukwa 2018). The following aspects are important for these services: a)
whether they provide more specialised services for particular groups, b) whether they
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reduce time-demanding character of the approach to services and bureaucratic
obstacles, and c) whether they are lowering or raising barriers to services, d) the quality
of the services. Realisations of these ideas are not without problems (see, e.g., Gehrke,
Günther, and Seukwa 2018, Tan and Spies 2018).
Some of these aspects are discussed below at the end section of this chapter.
Besides realising concrete measures, an important part of the policy is in the setting of rules,
regulation conditions of labour market, education system, etc. Regulations can be set
(negotiated) at five various levels: supranational, national, sectoral, enterprise, and individual
(Anxo and O’Reilly 2002). According to Wilthagen and Rogowski (2002), there are three key
aspects of legal systems.
• Detection threshold: what is regulated and what is not regulated.
• Discrimination threshold: justify qualitative differences in regulation on the base of
explicit criteria.
• Evaluation threshold: what is legal and what is illegal.
We have found in our previous research two distinct approaches concerning young people.
First approach is in situations when the rules are more relevant for young people, even in the
absence of de jure distinction. The second situation is explicit risk categorization based on age
or family status criteria, e.g., waiting periods, lower benefits, or requirements to live with
parents (see Cinalli and Giugni 2013, Hora et al. 2019b). Du Bois-Reymond and López Blasco
(2003) argued that states regulate access to support according to bureaucratic criteria such as
age, duration of unemployment, nationality, or gender rather than regarding individual needs.
Consequently, there are two important aspects. First, it is the question how much regulation
is respected and what disparities there are from the pre-set standard. Trilfajová et al. (2015)
described situations of low legal protection of people in three concrete situations: when the
promised wage is not paid, when there is an illegal approach in the exacting of debts, and
cases of discrimination. Second, it is the question how the regulations are congruent with
linked social infrastructures. Snel and Starling (2001) argued that the fact whether the rules
were broken does not depend only on the activity but also on the situation (specific position
and legal status) of the person involved and the legal context that the activities are being
conducted in. These aspects are highly relevant for all five main types of policies discussed in
this book.
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Initial education and lifelong learning
Initial education is one of the critical factors for labour market integration. Young people with
low qualifications face particularly high risks of scar effects, exclusion, and lack of access to
employment (Zimmermann et al. 2013). This is particularly evident in the case of the Czech
Republic, where the unemployment rate of a young individual with low level of education, is
about 6 times higher than the rate of individuals with medium and high level of education
(Karamessini et al. 2019a) and young people aged 15-19 have the highest probability of
unemployment (Karamessini et al. 2019b). We estimate that young people who prematurely
end their education at a low level are the most vulnerable group in the Czech Republic. As a
reaction to this, in many countries, one typical feature is the prolongation of the initial
education process including compulsory education to avoid early finish of education and early
drop out (Cachón Rodriguez 2003, Zimmermann et al. 2013, Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka
2019b).
Structure of the education system and education attained by respondents
Zimmermann et al. (2013) distinguished the four following types of education:
• School based general education,
• School based vocational training,
• Mixture of school-based and vocational training (dual system),
• Pure learning on the job.
The Czech Republic is among the countries where the first three types exist (see Zimmermann
et al. 2013: 24). Education systems are usually assessed due to the specific or general
character of the provided knowledge (Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019a). There is usually
a divide between academic and vocational track (Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018).
Vocational systems often not only provide vocational education, but the teaching process of
occupation-specific skills also includes practical training at workplaces – dual apprenticeship
system (Gallie 2007a, Buttler 2019). This may include the development of apprenticeship
schemes and the dual character of the education system (including the firm based on job
training). The relationship between the school component and job training component is
important (see Behrens and Brown 1994a). Evidence shows that dual systems are successful
in helping young people into the labour market. However, they may be also under pressure
from changing labour market conditions (see Zimmermann et al. 2013: 25, 47).
From the individual perspective, “the transitions to skilled and professional segments involve
longer participation in education and training and typically require more explicit choices
between pathways and a process of socialisation in which occupational identities are
developed” (Biggart et al. 2002: 59).
One important distinction is between systems that are highly standardised such as in Germany
or more flexible such as in the United Kingdom (see Biggart et al. 2002). Structured system
leads to highly distinctive structure of occupations. It is expected that structured system as in
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Germany may lead to better recognition of qualifications and better job placement outcomes
(see Biggart at al. 2002). Transitions within the education system and school mobility are also
important aspects of the education system because students have to adapt to new conditions
(social, academic, and organisational (see Dvořák et al. 2016). Unsuccessful transition may
lead to another school transfer or to disaffection/ separation from school and early drop out
(ibid.).
Highly structured character of the system may also lead to delays and impossible changes due
to the changed situation – they are blocked paths from early age (Hora, Horáková, and
Sirovátka 2019a). The competition effect may lead to refusal of students that would be
otherwise eligible to higher education due to their results (Behrens and Brown 1994a,
Zimmermann et al. 2013) or lead to low use of gained qualification (Down, Smyth, and
Robinson 2018). Kieselbach (2003) argued that cooperation between enterprises and
counsellors is required to close the gap between demand and supply for job training places
for young people. Relevant criterions are also which education institutions are permeable to
allow for entry to schools at higher education level (Walther 2002, Biggart et al. 2002,
Zimmermann et al. 2013, Down, Smyth, and Robinson 2018) and how many real further
education options are available (Evans and Heinz 1994c).
The role of individuals (students) is also discussed in the aspect of self-determination during
the study and its potential outcomes. Flexible systems that put students in the focus of his or
her learning process were criticised for lowering the level of student qualification and for
creating a hidden differential behind the back of individuals (Böhnisch et al. 2002, see also
EGRIS 2002).
It is expected that the education system has to be flexible to the extent that allows for
adjustment due to new labour market demands (Bynner and Evans 1994, Walther 2002, see
Down, Smyth and Robinson 2018 for an opposing view). Bynner and Evans (1994) and Down,
Smyth and Robinson (2018) showed how the outcomes of the education system can be heavily
labour market dependent (on the economic cycle) with the key role of employers who provide
opportunities for jobs and apprenticeships. Education (and its certification) also may have a
strong signalling function for employers providing information about the quality and likely
productivity of young workers (Denzin and Rubery 2002, Van Lieshout and Wilthagen 2003,
Avdagic 2015). Employers demand formal education or higher level of education for the job
when it is not necessary (Evans and Heinz 1994c, Engbersen et al. 2006, Hussain et al. 2016).
Access to the system for disadvantaged including minorities is a key characteristic of the
system. Young people in Bulgaria spoke about segregation in education and low access to
quality education (Hussain et al. 2016). For women and people from minorities, it can be
difficult to survive on the scheme dominated by the other majority (see Wallace 1994). There
are also financial reasons that may constitute a barrier to higher education for some potential
students (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Students may finance higher education
school attendance from grants, from loans, from parental support or from money earned
working while studying (see Behrens and Brown 1994a). Direct public or private financial
245
support for students in the Czech Republic is very low. When such support is provided, it is in
some indirect form such as payment of health insurance or cheaper housing and meals.
Situation in the Czech Republic can be characterised by the preference of general education
over vocational training, relatively high stratification, and poor perception of the quality of
vocational programmes due to low cooperation with employers and limited match between
acquired skills and labour market needs (Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019a, 2019b).
My reflection on the structure of the education system and attained education
In this section, we discuss education from the perspective of our respondents. We will first
reflect on the general character of attained education among our respondents. This includes
the general type of post-elementary education as well as their ability to successfully compete
their studies. The level of successfully attained education among the respondents was
different:
• People with only elementally education or absolvents of special schools for children
with specific needs (Karin, Vendelín, Otto, Peter, Derek, Janine, Simon, Herbert, Steve).
This category mostly includes people who dropped out from vocational training and
some people who did not enter secondary level of education.
• People with various kinds of vocational training for services, crafts, and technical
professions: bricklayers, machinists, metallurgy, glass workers, shop assistants, cooks,
bakers, confectioners, make-up artists, photographers etc. This type of education can
be completed by two years of additional study to have an abitur, but many young
people do not finish such studies (Betty, Ron, Lucy)
• Rare cases of abitur (Quido, Jake).
• There was no single person with university education.
Concerning structure of the education system, we can reconstruct from stories of the
respondents that most of them had no problems concerning attendance in elementary
education. When young people had some problems, they were mostly caused by their attitude
or behavioural problems. Despite a few respondents who decided not to continue to second
level education, most respondents were able to continue to some type of vocational training
although their choice was in some cases clearly limited by their previous school marks or by
the results of their entry exams. These aspects were discussed in the previous chapter about
the strategies.
When we combined interviews from CITISPYCE and NEGOTIATE projects, we came to a striking
conclusion that most of our respondents went to study vocational training, but they were not
able to finish their second level education (see details below). Even among NEGOTIATE
respondents there was a much higher share of people with unfinished secondary education
than in other countries in this international research. While we note that it is not a
representative sample, we believe that unfinished education is among the key factors causing
young people’s insecurity in the Czech Republic.
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Respondents saw the subjective value of education in combination of attained level of
education, field of education, and the utility of education on the labour market. Some of the
respondents mentioned that the level of their education was not high enough for
contemporary needs in the labour market (Jake, Derek, John, Sabina). For example, Jake noted
that despite having an abitur, his education is not very good because he studied
administration.
“Because today almost everyone has abitur, not everyone but a lot of people have it
and it is no longer the preferred part ‘you have abitur, great, you can be sure to get a
job’ (R11: 151)
Sabina argued that in the early 1990s when she studied, the abitur was not common for people
with vocational training and this is limiting for her now.
“[My education] is no miracle. I do not have an abitur, in the past, there were not
vocational trainings with abitur. It started after we finished education. I said to myself
that I do not want but now regret it – not having an abitur. I think that I would be able
to find employment better…nowadays. And because there was not English at school,
only German and Russian, this is stupid.” (R25: 15)
It is necessary to note how the various levels of education have developed in the last 40 years.
During the communist period, primary education was quite prevalent (mainly for women),
while a substantial change towards higher levels of education can be seen in each following
cohort (CZSO 2014a). The education in the communist regime was also highly oriented
towards heavy industry and specific types of light industry, and these branches of industry
were highly reduced during the transformation after 1989. Respondents from the middle
cohort had limited opportunities to learn languages at school, because before 1989 almost
only Russian language was taught and other languages were often not taught in sufficient
quality (Alice). Formánková and Křížková (2010) described in a similar way, how the work
careers of young people were affected by the change of political regime in (1989). This
argument is mostly relevant for people from the middle cohort of NEGOTIATE research.
Quality of the education system
Respondents sometimes discussed the quality of education including pre-school education.
There is a hidden assumption that education institutions with more quality are better able to
prepare students for their work careers. Young people reflect the usability of education as one
of the main factors in their decision to choose or maintain a concrete education path (see
Hussain et al. 2016). Trhlíková (2017) found that young people assessed the quality of
education including the level of provided general and vocational knowledge including specific
courses (e.g., language courses) during their process of choice of school. Sometimes this
quality is defined as the characteristics of process:
• Education opportunity for all students, it is often limited also indirectly by the real costs
of studying (see Jubany and Güell 2018)
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• Content of the study and standardisation of provisions: an extent to which there is
nationwide uniformity in school quality standards with respect to curriculum and
school leaving qualifications (Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019a). Associated risks
are that subject-specific specialisation occurs too early and the curriculum is too
narrowly focused (Zimmermann et al. 2013: 84) and that study schedule is reduced
(Jubany and Güell 2018).
• Quality of the lecturers
• Overcrowding of classes: high ratio of pupils to teachers and increased class sizes
(Brown and Roberts 1994, Jubany and Güell 2018),
• Existence of absences, behavioural problems, and sufficient discipline at school (GAC
2009, Hajdinjak 2018b),
• Cooperation with employers and other relevant stakeholders (Zimmermann et al.
2013, Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019a) including quality of compulsory praxis
(Trhlíková 2017). Some authors point out that apprenticeships, temporary contracts
for young people are of substandard quality, and employers often do not prolong them
with permanent contracts (see Plug et al. 2002, Barbieri 2009).
Sometimes this quality is defined also by outputs and outcomes:
• School results (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018) including ability to pass statedefined
standards (Hajdinjak 2018b)
• Differentiation of school process and outcomes among children/ at various school
levels (see Böhnisch et al. 2002, GAC 2009)
• Being prepared for the labour market, i.e., by the usefulness of qualifications, by the
skills of workers who enter the labour market or who work only for a short time, and
by the time young workers need to do their jobs well (see e.g. Gallie 2007a)39. The aim
is to avoid ‘educational mismatch’ when learned skills are less usable or when formal
qualifications are not translated to matching jobs (Zimmermann et al. 2013). Education
system should be able to predict future labour market needs.
My reflection on quality of education
Next, we reflect here on the quality of primary and secondary education. We want to know is
how young people in our interviews assess the quality of their previous or current education
and what attitudes towards school they declare and why. We concentrate on primary and
secondary education. Kindergartens are reflected in the previous chapter, because although
they are formally classified as schools, they are more important in this book from the
perspective of enabling work for their parents. Universities are not much reflected here
because respondents did not speak about attending them although some of them dreamed
about going to the university in the future.
39
However, this is also about the congruence between the education system and labour market structure and
opportunities in a particular country (see Böhnisch et al. 2002, EGRIS 2002, Mørch and Stadler 2003).
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Young people were naturally assessing the quality of education they passed or had passed.
Many young people reflected that some schools were generally of good quality: ‘good’,
‘suitable’, ‘they like it’, ‘are satisfied’ etc. (Maria, Vanesa, Lampert, Lars). Vanessa, e.g.,
commented: “It is a good school, I cannot complain.” This also meant that even the same
people sometimes compared quality of the schools and said this one was good but that one
was not good. Peter, for example, switched from gymnasium to a technical school in
electrotechnics. Peter reflected that in later school the quality of the school was inferior.
According to Peter, several aspects contributed to this: too many pupils in the class (about
30), teachers did not have such authority, teachers were not able to teach well so many
students, and bad quality of education in languages. Criteria of quality were not always clear.
E.g., Lars assessed quality of the school by the amount of additional activities (hobbies, music,
travelling) provided by the school to the pupils (besides teaching). For some young people, it
was also important whether the study corresponded to their initial expectations. For example,
Antonia mentioned that the content of the study was not corresponding to its name. (Maybe
it was creating false expectations).
Young people themselves reflected that more work praxis would be needed. Randolph said:
“I am learning theoretic, learning constructions. However, this is only theoretically,
because the practical part is only once in two weeks, sometimes weekly. It is not
enough.” (R45: 9)
Quido and Laura mentioned that the experience attained during school praxis was not
sufficient for employers to get a job. Ron (also mentioned above) spoke about the need of
more cooperation between schools and Employment offices and more help in looking for a
job and transition to the labour market.
“They should cooperate, social institutions and schools. School could directly help
students to find work and ease the transition from school to work. I think this is not
functioning, but I do not know the latest development.” (R33: 231).
Lars mentioned that he earned money during his work praxis as a bricklayer. This effectively
replaced for him the need to look for occasional jobs to have some money. He also appreciated
that his teacher was willing to use his personal contacts to arrange work for him. Derek found
his first job during his school praxis. Derek spoke about the need of practical experience and
about the possibility to prepare students for concrete employers:
“I liked that some schools had contracts, it is emerging back now, some schools had
contracts, that vocational trainees were on praxis and when they proved to be good
they were offered a work contract and after abitur they continued in the work
environment in which there were already used to, I like it a lot. Praxis during school
allows young people to get to know what they study, that is important…and know that
is not going to do nonsense things. And when he does his work well, the employer is
glad to offer him a job.” (R14: 258).
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Story of Ron
Ron is a young man who completed vocational training for photographer. Ron extensively
reflected on the quality of his initial education.
“There was praxis in school, one week of theory for one week of praxis. And the praxis
was about working in the black chamber, we worked with classical photography a lot.
When I spoke with [concrete employer], he said: ‘Now you can go to work in the
museum’, it is completely useless nowadays [everywhere is] digital photography.
However, we had several very good teachers there, who were really good in this field
and who achieved something, three or four teachers who really knew something and
they were able to give a lot to me in this….And then there was a bunch of incapable
teachers.” (R33: 23)
Ron also reflected on his general school preparation for the labour market including job search
and gaining employment.
“I did not have [school preparation] … how to write the motivation letter. I create
something or I think something out what I think is not such bad. However, I think that
it is not done in a way to really appeal to them [employers]….education or something
similar how to appeal to employers by motivation letter…would be fine to do this better
at schools…now it is realised at school that I used to go that they directly cooperate
with people who look for photographs or who train them and they offer or mediate
them some work. If I had this, it would be much easier.” (R33: 137).
Later (after obtaining the vocational certificate), Ron continued in his education by studying
further in distance education in the field of entrepreneurship (with abitur). However, he did
not finish it. He explained that he did not believe that it would help him to get a job because
employers look at which concrete school you have, and that he did not learn much there. He
realised that he still wanted to be a photographer entrepreneur and the school was not of
much help in this.
“From the beginning I looked in the field of photography, because I knew from the start
that in this field most people work as self-employed and that it will be difficult to find
an employment when you are not well known and top. You try to work for magazines,
most magazines do not have their own employees.” (R33: 61)
After school, he worked in several more stable and many occasional jobs (some of them
undeclared). Meanwhile, he was unemployed. He said that most of these jobs he has got due
to the help of his friends or former schoolmates. Two of these jobs were in the field that he
studied. Ron found that it is very difficult to find a job as a photographer. The typical ‘other’
job was work in the courier service (delivering things) or work in the factory. Some of these
jobs were bogus work.
Ron renewed his self-employment status two years ago. He uses it for both photography and
for hidden dependent employment. At the time of the interview, Ron was working in food
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delivery. This provided him with money for living and for starting his self-employment as
photographer. He wants to do it as his main job.
“Beginning of entrepreneurship is difficult, you do not have money, but you have to pay
money [also for compulsory social security contributions] that you do not have. Thus,
until it starts to earn, you have to have a second job or something and also my parents
supported me.” (R33: 149)
He admits that although he has occasionally some commissions, his photographer business is
not yet very successful. He founded web pages for his business, and he wants to advertise his
services more to get more attention from customers. Ron reflects that his photographer
business and dependent employment are in a conflict that has to be balanced. He also notes
that his position on the labour market is insecure and he points out to his long previous period
without stable employment and lower security in doing bogus work.
Ron presented a specific version of ‘anti-education discourse’ which is more based on his
specific situation than on the generally low utility of education. In his reasoning, it is combined
with both ‘need of education’ and ‘work experience’. In some respects, it is ambivalent. Ron,
e. g., argued that work experience is much more important than school:
“Because I do not have work experience and I have only vocational training, it is hard
to find work both in my field and generally. In the field of photography, it is rather
difficult. However, there they [employers] do not look on education but rather on what
you are able to do.” (R33: 19)
Ron also explained:
“I definitely think that education is good, and a lot of jobs cannot be done without it, it
is useful for a lot of entrepreneurships but I think that schools produce…that for
employees it is important to have a diploma and they do not teach the useful education
at the school. It widened my education by courses about photography, and I have
certificates. When I apply for a job, abitur would be more important, but I learned much
more from the courses.” (R33: 167)
Another the discourse presented by Ron is discourse of ‘creative work’. He reflected on
previous ‘boring’ manual jobs that he did.
“I have never imagined to be an employee. I rather imagined to be a photographer and
self-employed…I have always wanted to do something that I would enjoy and
simultaneously that I earn money with. I do not want to do something that I will hate
where I would not like to go, that would worsen the work for me a lot.” (R33: 157)
…
“I would be angrier or on the nerves to have work where I work from Monday to Friday
and which I hate than when I was unemployed.” (R33: 189)
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My reflection: I have chosen his story to illustrate the quality of education because it is a story
where there is existential discussion about aspects of education which are relevant to
constitute the quality of school: relevant and timely contents of the study, good teachers,
practical utility of part of the knowledge and recognition of the school by the employers. Ron
is contrasting going to school with later specific courses of photography which he thought that
gave him more, but I think these two things are not fully comparable due to his changed life
situation. Maybe he would not be able to use these courses so effectively if he had not
mastered ‘basics’ of photography at school. Another notable aspect is that although schools
prepare you well for the profession (doing work) which you want to do, it may not prepare
you well for conditions of the labour market usual in the profession that you want to do.
People need specific skills for both looking for work and starting entrepreneurship.
My reflection on the bad quality of some education
Bad quality of some schools is reflected in the tale of Alan, which constitutes an extreme
example of the assessment of low quality of concrete school. Young Roma man Alan told us a
tale about the situation when he visited his brother at a private high school because he needed
to borrow the brother’s keys to get home. He described that he found a school without
character, without teachers or with bad teachers. The students were out of the classroom in
the corridor during school class or they sat during class with their back to the teacher (the
teacher did not react to this) and some students were even out of school sitting in the park.
The teacher was not reacting to the students. The students were rude. Alan reflected that
there is no discipline at school. According to Alan, the ability to teach and learn is limited in
this school and there should be someone guarding the discipline, or the undisciplined students
should be dropped out. Alan thinks that the problem is that only Roma students attend that
school.
This tale is a small part of the problem of lower quality of a part of segregated education
(although this is an extreme example). Rachel said that there are specific ‘Roma schools’
where most Roma go. Lars spoke about himself attending three schools during his elementary
education. Of these three schools, one was a typical ‘Roma school’, where most pupils were
Roma. There were only a few Roma studying in the other two schools. Similar experience is
presented also by Maria, who attended the same school described by Alan above.
“This school was OK, but we did not learn much there, because almost all children were
Roma, and no one listened to anyone. Everyone did what he wanted.” (R52: 27)
Barbara mentioned that negative behaviour of children (including being nasty, smoking, and
skipping school) is tolerated. According to Barbara, this leads parents to get their children off
these schools to other schools because they want to improve their prospects. Some young
people disputed the value of attaining such education:
“I would not go there, no. Because there are no goals. There it is only about teaching
you something and giving you some paper. You are written there that you finished it,
but it has no future. You can have a paper, but it is useless. You will do something
different.” (R47: 65)
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Amanda argued that some of the local schools have special curricula and (slower) regimes and
the children are delayed in their learning process compared to children in other schools.
According to Amanda, it is because children attending there are unable to tackle normal
education. Children are divided into groups even within the same school: children who are
able to learn better go faster in one group and other children go slower in another group. This
is mentioned also in other interviews. Steve attended school for children with specific needs
where the pace of learning was slower. Lars and Bob mentioned that their vocational training
was provided at the school for children with specific needs where the demands are lowered.
Some young people (Amanda, Bob) noted that attending school with a special regime did not
restrict their chances to continue in further education or to do a studied profession.
Ability to use attained education on the labour market
In this section, we discuss the outcomes of using attained education on the labour market. We
reflect that the effect of education on the position on the labour market may be further
mediated by transition policies (see Cachón Rodriguez 2003). We will open this section with
two stories.
Story of Laura
Laura is a young Roma lady. After elementary education, she applied for a hairdresser and
cosmetician, but she was accepted only to a hairdresser. Laura wanted to do the hairdresser
profession since her childhood when she did haircuts with dolls and it was a ‘clear profession
choice’ for her. She successfully completed vocational training for a hairdresser. However, she
had problems and quarrels with teachers and schoolmates during her studies and she felt
excluded from collective. She thinks that it was because she is Roma.
Laura reflected that when she studied vocational training for a hairdresser, she learned only
basic things and not real good haircuts. She even said that she would be afraid to do this in
the work, but she will be willing to try it. School praxis is according to her insufficient for
employers. She thinks that the right way to learn it well is in work or in specific more advanced
courses:
“May be there are some courses, but rather they learn it when they are in the
hairdressing saloon and they see how it is done and then they learn it.” (R35: 83)
Laura is unemployed for more than one year since her graduation and she looks for a job, but
she is not successful. She can find only short occasional jobs (wash dishing, storage worker).
She is not satisfied with her life because she would need work and money. However, work
experience is always needed to be accepted for the job. Laura, e.g., noted that for one
concrete job she wanted to apply for they required three years of previous work experience
on the job. Although it is her dream and strong wish to be a hairdresser, she is now resigned
to do the hairdresser profession. Laura noted that many of her schoolmates from vocational
studies now do different professions than a hairdresser.
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“I think I learned to hairdresser, but I will probably be not a hairdresser because I will
never find such work, and so I will have normal work such in a shop, selling something
or something like that.” (R35: 605).
Laura also dreamed about having her own hairdressing saloon, but she reflects that she does
not have money to start her own business.
Main discourse in Laura’s story is ‘lack of experience’. One particularly interesting aspect is
that she herself reflects not being fully prepared for the labour market. In many aspects, she
struggles between her dreams and a more realistic stance towards her future. When asked
about possible help in her situation, she replied:
“I was not thinking about this. I look for the job myself, using the internet, etc. However,
anytime I call to the hairdressing saloon, they want praxis, they do not accept anyone
without work experience.” (R35: 317)
My reflection: This story reflects on one basic dimension of education quality – how well and
in what aspects are young people after school prepared to do their profession. Laura herself
is not sure whether she is sufficiently ready. In such cases, the quality of education may relate
to the lower willingness of employers to accept fresh graduates, because there is a perceived
gap in their skills. However, this gap was never really tested in practice in Laura’s case. In some
cases, the requirements of the employers on work experience were very high. There is an
ALMP program in the Czech Republic aimed at the provision of practical experience for young
people, but it was not offered to Laura. There is an immediate outcome that when (as Laura)
you are not able to get a job in the field for which you have the qualification, you often have
to accept an unqualified job and this means that you are forced to work in jobs which are often
temporary and with worse working conditions. This happens despite these young people did
probably nothing fatally wrong in their career choices.
Story of Vanda
Vanda is a young lady who is married but childless. Vanda studied and successfully finished
vocational training for makeup and hair artists for theatre and television. She had praxis in
theatre during her studies. She was able to find a job in the same theatre and worked there
for three years. After three years, she was released due to finance-motivated reorganisation
(when more people were released). She also had problems and conflicts with her workmates.
Although she was very active in looking for a job, she was unable to find another work in the
field of her study. She was unemployed for a long time. She was not able to find a job in any
other similar fields (e.g., perfumery). She was always rejected, and she had to accept
‘unqualified work’ in a food supermarket. Vanda reflected on her job search:
“I still ask in local theatres, I actively work on it…. However, there are only four theatres
that can employ a makeup artist and there are no other possibilities. They currently
cannot employ anyone. And in TV there is only studio…and it is under production…I
found it all, what is there, but it is bad…it is difficult because it is a field [of study] that
no one wants you. And I ended up working in the supermarket because they take
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anyone. They do not look at education…they do not mind. I would like to do it
[profession], to return to it, but it is not possible even if I strive for it.” (R21: 39).
Vanda did the retraining course at Employment office for cosmetics, but the employer where
she was supposed to work went bankrupt and retraining was not enough to get a job. Vanda
described that she had psychical problems connected to unemployment, missing of the
beloved profession, and her low ability to find work. She was dejected and depressed, had low
self-esteem, and looked for fault in herself. She was exhausted and had health problems.
„Work has great importance in my life because I have a feeling that I can do something,
or I do something that is useful.” (R21: 127).
Unemployment was tiresome for her and she decided she had to get work, even if it were not
in a similar profession. She worked in the shopping profession, but she had health problems
from working conditions there.
“We had to work in 12 hours shifts and it was very demanding. We had to stay all the
time, it was cold there and I was ill all the time. And the shift was long, it was 13 hours,
because it was with two breaks. It was really long. And my tiredness was growing, and
I was not able to handle it. I could not get rid of it by sleeping but it was growing. And
the neck spine started to pain me and everything because I was overworked.” (R21:
211).
Now she works in another shopping job that is not so demanding.
“I have a feeling that I do not do work for a qualified person. There is no need for specific
education.” (R21: 161).
Main discourse in Vanda’s story is ‘career identity’. It is one of the strongest cases of
developed career identity among our respondents.
“It was very hard for me because I still like the work and I always will. It caught me
since school, and I enjoyed it. The problem was that was unable to do it.” (R21: 67)
Key criterion for her when speaking about jobs is whether the job is interesting and not
monotone (‘creative work’). Vanda strongly declares that she would like to return to work in
the theatre. She described how her love for theatre emerged and influenced her life:
“[I did want to work] in the theatre, maybe. I did not know much about television, so I
oriented towards the theatre. Because we went to the theatre since the first grade at
school, we had a good master, and she showed us around. We went to Prague, we saw
theatres all around, and it was strongly aimed towards the theatre environment, etc.
However, when you start to work there you get to it and it catch you…I caught me and
it is something I always will be living with, even if I will not do it for 10 years. I have it
in me. And I like it, I like theatre.” (R21: 119).
She mentioned she had to finally accept she cannot do her profession.
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Another discourse in the story of Vanda is the discourse of ‘activity’. She explains that she was
active in looking for jobs all the time, she actively asked for work. However, in contrast,
workers in the Employment office were not active. They had no interest to help her (but it
changed for the better, see below part about Employment office). Activity is her (in her
perspective) main strategy.
“I would say that I tried hardly different ways. I have a feeling that I did the maximum
for it.” (R21: 109)
“I take it as it is. However, I will have this effort always. I will try to get there over and
over. However, I take it as it is…it is better to have some work than no work. (R21: 245).
Vanda also mentioned ‘education discourse’ (‘I know that education is important‘).
My reflection: Vanda was among a few of our respondents who studied a profession where it
is very difficult to get a job because there were only a few workplaces available. Again,
conditions on the labour market are more important than her ability to do the job well. In her
case we can see how her attained education is lost and she had to accept jobs which are
unqualified or rather for which she is unqualified. Usually in such cases, the gap between a
person and employer was not closed by matching and the help needed to attain a person on
qualified track was not offered or it was insufficient to close the gap.
My reflection ability of respondents to get a job in the studied field
Many of our respondents with completed vocational training or high school have problems to
get their jobs in the field. For some respondents (e.g., Jake, Sabina) having insufficient
(although completed) education functioned similarly as for other respondents who had an
unfinished qualification. The first issue is why employers were not willing to accept them.
Employers often declare lack of work experience as a main reason for refusal (see also work
experience discourse). Generally, the situation in this respect may have improved in the last
years, due to the lack of workforce and young people getting more work experience during
their studies, but this is not much reflected in our data. Natalie thought that employers
consider attained marks during education to assess quality of the candidate. We would need
to do specific research to see whether employers consider the quality of the school, as some
young people assume.
Consequently, many of the respondents have never worked in the field of their study or they
worked there for only a small part of their work careers. Sometimes they were unsatisfied
with the choice of their profession (Magda). This was connected to the fact that the chances
to find a job in the field of their study were clearly limited for some of the respondents (Vanda,
Ron, Laura), the profession became obsolete, or they found that did not want to do it. Some
people said that they may have not chosen the same profession again (Ron). Jake reflected
that studying administrative work finished with an abitur was not good enough to get him a
job. According to him, he would be better if he had chosen a different study.
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While nowadays there is a renewed strong interest in vocational education, we can see that
many young people with vocational education had problems in the labour market. Even when
these people finished education, they had to accept unqualified jobs or a job with completely
different qualifications (e.g., Vanda, Josephine, Sandra). This is a great waste of resources
including acquired human capital. When you do something different from your study,
suddenly you are not qualified. Some respondents mentioned qualification limits for jobs
(Karin, Peter, Lucy) and for self-employment (Peter, Simon). This means that you are not
allowed to do a certain profession even if they would be able to do it because you need formal
education or certification. This is mainly a problem for people who switched to a different
profession or who dropped out before getting the full required education.
Anti-education discourse
Anti-education discourse is widely shared among Roma (Rupert, Randolph, Lisa, Vendelín). It
has two aspects. First, it is a statement that having a complete school education does not help
you to get a job. People (respondents or others whom they personally know) have finished
vocational school, but they do not work, or they do something completely different (Vendelín,
Jake, Vanesa, Laura, Randolph). This is a more descriptive statement reflecting the perception
of a commonly shared situation than refusal of education per se. However, it is also an
assessment of value. Jake, for example, commented that would have rather studied vocational
training because he has an abitur, but he is not able to find a work.
The second aspect is that young people are demotivated to the study because they know
(assume) that it will not help them to get a job. Put simply, it is not worth to study or return
to school because even when you have school you get no work (Lisa). This is nicely presented
by several statements of Randolph.
“…and people do not know what to do with their free time, because they have nothing
they could go for, because they see what is going around them, and almost no one has
some vision to trust that it is useful. I know a lot of people who have vocational training,
or they finished some school, but the majority of them gave it up because they said to
themselves: ‘What is it useful for?’. However, some of them finished it, but they have
nothing. They finished school…only to say that they have school, but they do not know
what to do. They just.. [go out to do leisure activities].” (R45: 45).
…
“…they are lazy, 100 percent. However, if someone would guarantee them that after
finishing school, they would get work, I think that they would finish it. However, as I
say, because they do not have faith and they say: ‘Why I should go there when I can
already start doing what I will do. What is the school good for?’. They do not see any
added value.” (R45: 63)
Other versions of anti-education discourse are that in some concrete professions you do not
need as much school education to work as concrete skills, work experience, and specific
training (Ellyn, Betty, Ron) and that elementary education is enough for work in the field that
young people want to do (usually waste collection or unqualified work in construction).
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Drop out from education to low qualified job/unemployment
Besides the studied level of education, field of education, and quality of education, several
other factors were found potentially important for future work prospects (Clasen, Gould, and
Vincent 1998, GAC 2009, Zimmermann et al. 2013, Trhlíková 2017, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and
Draganov 2018, Tan and Spies 2018):
• a) early finish of education,
• b) fail leading to repeat of class, education transfer to another type of education, and
drop-out,
• c) interruption of education career due to competition effect,
• e) ability of young people to re-enter the education system,
• f) personal relation to school and social relations at school.
While elementary education is compulsory in the Czech Republic and most people are able to
complete it (at least in some form), their chances for secondary education are lower and many
young Roma have problems to complete secondary school (see GAC 2009, Sirovátka, Válková,
and Hora 2018b). While attained education level may serve as an education insurance,
trajectories leading directly to unskilled labour market segments carry higher levels of
structural risk (Biggart et al. 2002). Some young people are unable to get a contract, or they
are not able to stay until the end of the program (Zimmermann et al. 2013). The lack of skills
acquired during primary education, lack of family resources, unwillingness to attend school,
low family support, early pregnancy, and health problems are mentioned as reasons for
leaving school early and they may also contribute to the impossibility for continuation or
return to education (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018, Sirovátka, Válková, and Hora
2018b, Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka 2019b). We should be looking for reasons that young
people state for their early drop from the education system and whether these reasons are
driven by pull factors or push factors.
Drop out from education is reflected in the following stories.
Story of Roman
Roman is a young man who has a girlfriend and a small child. He works for the firm that
maintains public places, where he walks all day, and he collects rubbish (paper). He has got
this job due to his father’s influence. This is his first regular job, but he had several short
occasional jobs before this one and meanwhile he was unemployed for a long time. He refers
to his previous unstable housing situation.
Roman dropped out from his vocational training for a bricklayer shortly before he would finish
it. He said that he did not finish it because he had ‘problems’ there and he had to end it. Later
to a direct question for the reason of his drop out, he explained:
“Concrete reason [for leaving] was that I was the only Roma in the whole school. There
were various other children, including drug addicts and similar people and there were
a lot of thefts and I was only Roma there, and everything went after me [I was accused
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of everything], and I did not want any more problems. I went to the school director and
explained him the situation and I told him that I want to end the school and he told me
that it is a pity, and he is going to give me two years deferment.” (R9: 175).
Roman said that there is still a possibility to return to this school and finish it. It would be
sufficient to pass the final exams. However, Roman reflects that he has to earn money and it
would be demanding for him to bring money home and tackle going to school simultaneously.
Another important issue is that he does not seem to be sufficiently motivated to do the
profession of bricklayer. In his arguments, two reasons are apparent. The first reason is that
although he likes the profession of bricklayer, he wants ‘calmer and less demanding work’. (It
is also notable that no one of his latest jobs was in the field that he has studied, although he
has experience from the former period when he was much younger). The other reason is that
he wants to do another profession. He has wanted to work as a driver since his teenage years
(even when he studied a bricklayer).
“I had a vision that I will be a driver, I will do the driving licence, I will be a driver
delivering furniture within Czech Republic or even abroad. However, this did not fulfil.”
(R9: 170)
Roman tried to find a driving job, but he was not successful. He has a driving licence only for
group B (personal cars) and not for trucks or buses (group C and D). Get these other grades of
driving licence would be costly and Employment office is unwilling to pay it.
Discourse most prevalent in the story of Roman is the discourse of ‘hard work’. He mentions
it several times in various occasions including judgements of the bricklayer profession, doing
overtime (beside his regular job, he works in moonlighting to tackle this situation), and the
need to work hard to feed the family. Roman founded his own family and started to live with
his girlfriend. He, e.g. claimed:
“When I lived with my parents, it was OK. I can say there were no worries, everything
without worries, it was fine. However, as I tried to care about myself, it started to be
harder and harder, I found a girlfriend, we have a six- months-old son together, and I
have a high effort to tackle everything, rent, food for the child, everything he needs, it
is just demanding” (R9: 039).
The situation is difficult because caring for a child requires a lot of money.
“My situation changed a lot, I did not expect it to be so rough…I expected it to be easy,
and it is very hard, I did not expect to be so demanding, I did not expect it so difficult,
it is really hard work.” (R9: 169)
Another discourse in his story is the discourse of ‘welfare dependency’. Living on social
benefits is for Roman something very negative. He declares that he does not want to live
without work. He does not want to live as his mates. E.g., he said:
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“…they [my mates] are used to claiming social benefits, they do not want to work, and
so they are in a worse financial situation. I tried hard to do something different, to find
work and have a regular income and not to be dependent on social benefits.” (R9: 91).
….
“I told to myself that I do not want to live without work. I did not want to be dependent
on social benefits. I told to myself that I want to live a better life, as a normal person, I
will go and look for work.” (R9: 184).
….
“I hope I will never end up with social benefits, I try to maintain my work, to be working
all the time to earn money and that is all.” (R9: 248)
Other discourses included in this interview were ‘need of education’ (I wish my son to have
education and vocational training, so he can live without misery), ‘stealing Roma’, ‘claiming
Roma’ and ’discrimination’ (when I entered and they saw Roma they automatically answered
that they are full, Roma would like to work but they are not allowed to work), and ‘career
identity’ (‘I would like to be a driver. I love driving, I immediately did the drive licence when I
was 18. I dream about working as a driver’).
My reflection: Roman is somehow a typical case of school drop-out. There are three other
notable aspects in his story. First, he is among a group of Roma young people who declared
that their problems at school and their drop out were caused by problems with schoolmates
which are according to young Roma originated in their Roma origin. Several young people
mentioned this (Rachel, Lars, Josephine), but not in all cases it led to drop out. Second, notable
is that Roman studied something which he does not want to do. He is much more oriented
toward a completely different profession. He currently does a completely unqualified job as a
dustman. However, for him (according to his statements) it is as having such work is like hitting
the jackpot. He is not persuaded about returning to school for both economic and other
‘practical’ reasons (current stable work, need to feed the family, low interest in the profession
of his studies). For Roman there is a discrepancy between his dreams and ‘low path’ that he
accepted (to have at least something).
Story of Derek
Derek is a young man who has a girlfriend, but he still lives with his parents. Derek studied
several high schools, but he was unable to finish any of them. First, he studied three years for
an electro technician, but he realised he does not want to do this profession. He said that he
was very young when he decided about his profession.
“…I decided what I will do for the rest of my life when I was twelve…in the third year of
my study when I was seventeen, I realised that I do not want anything like that and
that I lost three years of my life. I went to study a different field.” (R14: 27).
Generally, he does not want to work in manual professions. He switched to economic school,
but he had problems to manage his studies, he had conflicts with the teachers and had stress
invoked health problems. Because there was refusing approach from school personnel, he had
to drop out. He has been registered at Employment office. He worked together for two years
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(the longest job for one year) in the last five years, including the time during his previous
studies. Once he was released from the job, and twice he left himself. He thinks that his work
opportunities are low due to having only elementary education.
Now Derek studies another high school (in distant studies for the profession of librarian) to
get an abitur. He has chosen it although he might prefer another field of study. The advantage
of his current study is that he could start in the third school class (not all from the beginning)
and that the lectures are only on Saturdays. Although he thinks that abitur is important,
education is for him more like an instrument for a better life. He believes that school (a formal
qualification) will help him to get more stable administrative work.
“It influenced me a lot [not having school], because I cannot have a stable job while I
am still studying.” (R14: 131).
The difficult moment for Derek is that he works (or looks for work, eventually he can anytime
go to ALMP program) and studies simultaneously. He thinks that generally he is able to
manage it well. However, he argued that he is not able to hold a stable work when he studies.
One difficult aspect is that his attention is distracted towards more things and there is also a
time aspect included (he, e.g., had to take unpaid leave from job) and he cannot earn as much
money. Last time he even had to leave his job due to education:
„I ended in the last job myself in May because I needed time to prepare myself for the
final exams.“ (R14: 117).
Derek admits that sometimes he has financial problems. He believes that finishing school will
open new options for him.
“Sure, because I would concentrate more on work and future and family, the important
life chapter will be closed, I would have more stable work and to end due to school.”
(R14: 175)
He thinks that he cannot advance in his personal life until he has more security.
One discourse presented in the story of Derek in ‘need of education’. He declares that having
education and especially abitur is important to him.
“…studying for a librarian is for me a mean to have an abitur, there is a state exam,
and the level of abiturs is equal [this means that abiturs from all schools have the same
value].” (R14: 43)
“I believe that it [my situation] is caused by education. I do not think that otherwise I
would have different, worse opportunities that any other people in this society.” (R14:
242)
However, for Derek, having education is merely instrumental as a mean for a better life.
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“If I have an opportunity of stable income or stable high income, that would cover my
living expenses, if I would be able to entrepreneurship, if I had some know how, some
idea, I would stop the study and become self-dependent.” (R14: 131).
Another minor discourse presented by Derek is ‘creative work’ (‘I would like to do something
that would intellectually develop me, not stereotypical, with communication with people,
working more with humans than with machines’).
My reflection: We can see that for respondents like Derek, there is a perceived great
difference of having an abitur or having only elementary education. Elementary education is
a crucial disadvantage because years of unfinished studies do not count anywhere. Derek
argued that even having ALMP policy course is much better than to have only elementary
education.
We can see how young people who are unable to finish their education and return to it later
have often been struggling to combine work with their studies. We can note in the story of
Derek the moments when school blocked his work opportunities as well as the moments when
work blocked him in school. The first aspect is that you need specific time for both work and
study. This means that in some situations you have to reduce one type of activity to be able
to do the other. The second aspect is scheduling when sometimes the timeframes of both
activities are in direct conflict. Third aspect is attention because you are not fully concentrated
on both.
My reflection on low level of education and school drop out
One small group of respondents did not enter secondary level education/ended their
education after primary school. Most of these were Roma (Karin, Vendelín, Steve, Lisa). The
main reason was that they did not want to, or sometimes they were not accepted. Lisa said
that she was demotivated by her teacher. We can classify these people as early school leavers.
Another, much bigger group of respondents changed and/or did not finish for various reasons
their school at secondary level. Typical was also a pattern when young people changed school
and then dropped out again (e.g., Simon, Derek). Another interesting aspect is that a lot of
respondents dropped from school after more than one year of study (some even briefly before
final exams). We can argue that they invested much time and effort which was lost. There is
not one clear reason for leaving school. Instead, various dropouts corresponded to different
life situations of respondents. Sometimes respondents marked one crucial reason, sometimes
they spoke about more reasons. There were even cases when respondents left more schools,
but for each they marked completely different reasons to drop out (like Derek in the story
above). Reasons for drop out included:
• problems at school including nasty behaviour (Ken, William) and conflicts with
schoolmates (Roman) and conflicts with teachers (Derek)
• bad school marks, not being able to tackle the study (Ken, Ellyn, Rachel)
• low quality of education (Peter, Nancy), low satisfaction with the studied field or
contents of the study (Quido, Derek, Simon)
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• low interest in education, not learning at home, and/or not attending school (Janine,
Bonny, Ben, Herbert, Nancy, William)
• preferring working to studying (Derek, Felix, Alan, Peter)
• conflict between studying and other activities (Quido, Lucy, Herbert)
• low ability to pay schooling fees, financial reasons (Quido)
• pregnancy (Sophie, Melinda, Gwen)
• family problems (Tobias, Rupert)
• health problems (Ellyn)
Please see also reasons to drop out in individual stories. Maybe the most interesting
argumentation was provided by Alan who said that he left school to make money. He added:
“I immediately knew that I wanted to do tiler, but it did not because my mother found
that there [at school] pupils smoke cannabis and similar things and she took me away
to avoid my partake in this. I told her that I would not do it when I do not want to….My
mother wanted me to go to another school, but I said that if I had to leave school I want
to go to earn money but I do not want to change to a different field, I want [to study]
only this one [original school].” (R72: 29)
We hypothesise that school dropout further contributes to the insecure situation for the
following reasons: unfinished education, changed family situation, need to combine school
and work. For example, Karin noted that unfinished education is the decisive factor.
“I looked for the job via the internet or sometimes through looking at jobs at
Employment office. However, considering jobs via internet, the requirements there, I
was without chance with elementary education, I was able to find only with the help of
acquaintances.” (R2: 89)
Another reason is that the attained but unfinished qualification was not so much used for the
work (with some exceptions). For people with only elementary education, it was clearly a
limiting factor in getting some jobs despite their real skills (e. g., Peter, Derek). In such
contexts, having skills necessary for doing a job was not without formal education (school
certificate) sufficient to get a job. In addition, education is sometimes necessary to get a
formal certification legally needed for doing a job or for entrepreneurship (Peter, Simon).
One clear strategy was to try to return to education by attending school or other long-time
education (courses). Only a few respondents (like Melinda) were able to return to education
later and complete it before the time of the interview. Some respondents thought about
return to education (Bonny, Karin, Quido, Barbara). Respondents said returning to school was
difficult, but they still considered it (Bonny, Bruno, Roman). Bonny felt ashamed:
“I am ashamed to return to high school due to my age…I do not know whether this is
proudness or what it is.” (R1: 76)
Several young people had and considered possibilities to return to the same school as they
had studied before (e.g. Roman), but mostly they wanted to study distant studies (doing
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school beside work) – Bonny, Karin. Work was clearly the preferred option because
respondents had financial needs and responsibilities (Quido, Barbara).
“I would like to do high school but probably only after I save money for my own rent
and I will live alone somewhere in a calm place because now I would not be able to
prepare myself for school.” (R2: 62)
Many respondents said that despite having a low level of education or not a usable field of
education, they would not return to school or that they simply cannot because:
• they felt too old for school (Ben), it is many years since their last education (Jake)
• they have no strength/power to do it (Violet)
• the no longer believe in their learning competences (Jake)
• they were discouraged by their general situation (Herbert)
• this was incompatible with their personal attitude: they are not studying types, they
would feel bad in school (Fred, Simon, Otto)
• assessment of work and housing situation – they had currently work, they would not
be able to feed themselves and keep housing (Ken, Tobias)
• financial situation (did not have money), the role of tuition fees was surprisingly strong
(Sabina, Otto).
• family situation – have to care for the family (Vendelín)
• low health (Vendelín).
We note that some people were not willing to return to school, but they were willing to
undertake a less demanding education. For example, Otto was not willing to return to school,
but he wanted to attend a specific course for three months.
Prevention and second chance measures
Critical attention aims to measures that prevent drops from the education system and that
work with people who have already dropped with insufficient qualifications. Prevention of
early leaving from the education system, unsustainable choice of profession and drop out is
realised through various counselling and career guidance positions and centres. In some
systems, return to education is an established route for young people who left the school
system early or who did not finish their education (Davelaar and Spies 2018). Career guidance
was reflected in the part about the orientation of young people in the chapter about the
strategies. We have seen that in many cases young people dropped out. In this part, we will
reflect other measures which try to keep people in education, or which are offered to people
who previously dropped out.
Second chance measures (Brown and Roberts 1994, Behrens and Brown 1994a, Walther 2006)
are measures, which are aimed at people who failed in first chance measures (e.g., standard
education) or who have substantial problems with labour market inclusion. They may serve as
alternative routes to employment or as preparing for further education (Brown and Roberts
1994). Kieselbach (2003) argued that for people in a critical social and financial situation,
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psychological stabilisation and personal development are often necessary before integration
into training and education.
Recognized problem of these measures (but also in some apprenticeship programs) is that
they are:
• unable to overcome multiple problems of the participants,
• after completing them, the employability and chances of young people are still very low
(Cachón Rodriguez 2003),
• they are used as parking schemes (Brown and Roberts 1994, Behrens and Brown 1994a,
Gazier 2002)40,
• young people are cooled out to limited ranges of training opportunities and
occupations thought to be appropriate for to their abilities (Bynner and Evans 1994,
Burgess 2003) and this may have influence on their motivation (Bendit and Stokes
2003)
• are often of inferior quality,
• do not keep promises or the results are clearly not as good as expected (Plug et al.
2002, Gehrke and Güntner 2018),
• people in these schemes have special contractual status (Cachón Rodriguez 2003),
• Institutional discrimination may be included in the education system when some
classes and programs have so bad quality and reputation that attending them may be
stigmatising (Burgess 2003, Bendit and Stokes 2003, Gehrke and Güntner 2018) or
participating in them is perceived as a strong signal of individual deficiency (Behrens
and Brown 1994a).
My reflection on prevention and second chance measures
When considering all data from our research, we can conclude that these measures are limited
in both scope and available types. Partial explanation is that the Czech system is less
developed and organised differently than those systems in western countries. The most
important tool helping young people was after school learning. Some of young people we
spoke (e.g. Rudy, Rosalie, Rebeca, Randolph, Josephine, Greta, Laura, Rachel, Bob, Vanesa,
Sandra, Josephine, Gwen, Doris, Natalie) used afternoon afterschool individual learning
organized by local NGO. Lars and Leo mentioned the same type of help organised by his school.
The widespread use of such activities is influenced by the high activity of several NGOs in the
locality where CITISPYCE interviews were realised. This support was aimed at improvement in
school performance in concrete school subjects and to prepare for final exams. It was used
during both elementary education and at high school. It included e.g., contents explanation,
40
While parking schemes are mostly perceived negatively, Behrens and Brown (1994a) identified that they can
have a sheltering effect, providing place and time to solve urgent personal matters. They can serve also as waiting
places (for education, for the economy to take off) as well as places for personal development, which
nevertheless was limited (Behrens and Brown 1994a).
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advising, testing and repeating, and motivation and psychical support. Some young people
(Bob, Randolph) reflected that it helped them to understand what they learned.
“They [NGO workers] helped me a lot because I was afraid. I knew how I should learn
and what I should learn, I even knew the contents, but I was afraid of testing. She
helped me by testing me and she ensured me that I would tackle it. She became my
friend. It was very fine.” (R41: 155)
According to their assessment (e.g., Gwen, Doris, Rebeca), this was really very helpful, and it
brought concrete results (such as better understanding of the subject, improvement in school
marks or an option to stay in the school). Sandra was much grateful because such tutoring
helped her to pass the abitur:
“I went there [to NGO] because they [the school] did not want to allow me to undertake
the abitur because I had had some fails in subjects. And due to this, I enlisted to NGO
for tutoring, and I went there for two months. I had one teacher for English and another
one for Maths. And then I passed. I rewarded them because for me it was an
unbelievable help.” (R42: 162)
We should note that in many cases dropping out from school is for other reasons than
problems to tackle studying demands and in such cases, it is unlikely that this type of
prevention will help. Another helping tool was the financial provision for paying private English
courses (Josephine) provided by NGO. Nancy mentioned that there are funds available for
children who need financial support including paying tuition fees.
Another type of second chance measure is attending evening or weekend classes at normal
public or private schools. Some of the respondents were considering returning to school or
trying to complete education by attending another school – usually by distance study (Bonny,
Roman, Peter, Derek, Sophie, Janine, Ellyn). Some respondents like Bonny, Derek, or Peter
noted that it was not so important what field they study but that they will complete an
appropriate level of education. For the respondents, it was crucial to combine work and
studying (time and money dimensions). E.g Sophie reflected that she had to wait until she got
some money to be able to pay for a private school and that her mother contributed her
financially to tuition fees. Her parent also helped her to study by caring for her son during
weekends. Janine was not able to combine the time needed for studying and for working. One
important dimension is how difficult the school is (Janine). When schools were too difficult,
young people were often not able to withhold. We did not note any systematic effort to return
young people to education. Young people usually said that they were themselves interested
and active in the effort to find a school. However, active labour market policy programs work
in a similar way, with aim to strengthen or replace the previous qualification (see below).
Further education and informal learning
We should not neglect further education and informal learning in our work. Many authors
believe that the development of competences and informal learning is a key activity needed
for successful transitions (see, e.g. Pais and Pohl 2003). Such activities can be recognised at
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both the individual and meso levels – in specific contexts of informal learning such as voluntary
organisations and groups (Pais and Pohl 2003). There is a question how informal learning is
relevant for young people.
My reflection on further education and self-learning
Some respondents did activities of further education. First type of further education was
attendance of specific courses (Bonny, Karin, John, Helen, Melinda, Violet, Ron, Josephine).
These courses usually develop specific skills needed for the job. When people did it, they were
usually very motivated (the courses are paid).
• Bonny and Karin attended courses necessary for their profession of social worker (they
were probably paid by their employer).
• Helen attended a three-month course necessary for the profession of a medical
orderly, which further allowed her to work in the field where she worked in the past
without appropriate education. Melinda attended a course for an orderly paid by
employer.
• Ron attended a course of photography.
• Josephine attended English courses after work. Violet attended Italian courses.
• John noted that in his case certificates from the courses that he attended were not
accepted by employers as sufficient proof of qualification.
There were also some self-learners (we mean learning at home using the internet or books)
who were sometimes able to learn rather difficult skills: language (Clara), programming (Fred),
and specific work procedures in joiner work (Tony). From my reflection, attending courses and
self-learning were helpful because young people used it effectively and it in some cases helped
them in their work careers. However, most of these activities were privately arranged and
paid by the respondents and employers, and there is no single quote about some public
support for these activities.
There may be a discrepancy between competency and competence. We noted several cases
when young people gained skill for something by doing it, but they lacked a formal
qualification for it (Peter, Simon). It may be hard or even impossible to obtain such a
qualification easily because it requires the equivalent of vocational training or several years of
work practice. However, some employers allowed employees to get training on the job.
“When I looked at the notice boards, all they need vocational training or engineering
high school….including where I work now…but luckily the firm takes people for these
positions also from internal employees [working on a lesser position in the firm]. They
hesitate to take external employees because they [work candidates] do not know it.”
(R12: 234)
My final reflection on education
Young people did not complain much about the education system although there are some
visible problems with quality in some parts of the system. The problems which we describe in
this book are more related to the ability and availability of young people to finish their
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education and to use it on the labour market. First, some young people are not willing to use
attained education. Second, employers sometimes did not want to accept young people
although they had completed vocational training. Third, some young people studied fields
with low prospects to get a job. When we try to assess the general education rooted problems
of more than 70 young people whose lives are described in this book, we see that in this
specific sample the most prominent reason of their insecure position in the labour market is
unfinished education and school drop-out. We suppose that this imbalance is caused by both
research selection criteria and by the growing severance of this problem, especially among
Roma. In addition, with some exceptions the system was not able in case of our respondents
to offer any systematic help to young dropouts (NEETS) which would be visible from the
interviews. Most of this help was provided by one or two local NGOs and we could not say
whether similar help was offered also by other providers in any systematic matter.
Employment protection
Employment protection legislation (EPL) is usually defined as a set of legally obligatory norms
for the behaviour of actors in the labour market. Employment protection is by many
researchers connected with actual firms’ hiring and firing practices, affecting firms’
productivity, workers’ commitment, turnover, and firm specific/general employment level
(Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009, Harcourt et al. 2009, Barbieri and Cutuli 2015, Noelke 2016). On
the individual/meso level, it is expected that EPL is advantageous for employees because:
“Legislated employment protection obviously helps provide workers with some
assurance that their jobs are reasonably secure and will not be taken away from them
in the absence of due process, compensation, and some advance warning.” (Harcourt
et al. 2009: 968).
On the other side, there are potential risks of strict EPL for employers including prolonged
employment of nonproductive of misbehaving employees – so called ‘lethargy effect’
(Harcourt et al. 2009). The changes of EPL can be attributed to changes in power structure
towards employers in society in the last quarter of the 20th century (Harcourt et al. 2009).
Institutions do not necessarily protect all workers equally (Chung 2016). Some authors
highlight the relative perspective, i.e., the disadvantaged position of some people when
comparing to other groups or to standards in the country (Edwards 1995 in De Witte and
Näswall 2003) or when compared to previous periods (Dingeldey et al. 2015). These
disadvantaged groups may include young people, labour market entrants, women,
immigrants, and low skilled workers (Barbieri 2009). This creates labour market segmentation
(dualisation) and may raise new forms of economic and social inequalities (see Barbieri 2009,
Barbieri and Cutuli 2015, Chung 2016, Noelke 2016, Gebel and Giesecke 2016). There is a
theoretically based expectation and also evidence that in some countries changes in EPL led
to the substitution of permanent jobs by temporary employment and reduced mobility from
temporal to permanent employment (see Barbieri and Cutuli 2015, Chung 2016, Noelke 2016,
Gebel and Giesecke 2016).
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The central question for many researchers (Green 2006, Paugam and Zhou 2007, Eichhorst et
al. 2011, Scarpetta and Sonnet 2012, Barbieri and Cutili 2015) seem to be whether less
protected jobs in the secondary labour market are steppingstones to employment and more
stable and secure jobs, or whether they lead to repeated spells of employment and prolonged
scarring effects – e. g. in comparison to longer job search. Barbieri and Cutili (2015) in their
analysis found both the scarring effect of unemployment and the (lower) scarring effect of
temporary employment on future chances of permanent employment, but these effects are
of different magnitude in different clusters of the countries. People living in countries in
Southern Europe have much lower labour market chances than people in Central and North
Europe (see ibid.).
Some authors discuss the relation of EPL to employment security of workers (Clark and PostelVinay
2009, Chung and van Oorschot 2011, Chung 2016). Gallie (2017) argued that there is
disagreement on the topic whether and how EPL connects with insecurity (see ibid.). This
relationship is country dependent and is in interaction with other policies such as
unemployment protection generosity, and ALMP (Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009, Chung 2016).
In addition, in different countries, there is a different relationship between job security in the
position of insiders with permanent contracts and people having temporary jobs (Chung
2016).
While in the Czech Republic the share of temporary contracts is still low but growing, we also
believe that the relationship between EPL and work in the grey economy should be
investigated. Scarpetta (2014), e.g., concludes that in many developing countries stringent
employment protection is weakly enforced, and many workers in the informal sector are
unprotected. Several studies showed that work in the grey economy is common for some
groups of young people (e.g., Plug et al. 2002). We have also strong evidence from the Czech
Republic that people ‘must’ work without a work contract and with very bad pay and work
conditions (see Trlifajová et al. 2015). Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov (2018) have shown
how young people in Bulgaria accept such a strategy on their own will. In other words, we
believe that for a part of young people the official level of EPL is not relevant and that they do
not show up in official statistics (see also the chapter about the strategies).
My reflection on employment protection
First, I will briefly reflect on any employment protection measures which were mentioned by
respondents. We note that respondents spoke about specific work regimes rather than about
concrete conditions as defined by legislation. Permanent contract, which for decades
constituted the golden standard of employment, was not available for most of the
respondents in most of their jobs (exceptions are Fred and John). Rather, various other work
regimes constituted the reality for young people.
Trial period and fixed term contract
There were several cases when young people were released in the trial period. The trial period
was functioning well. For both sides, it is a measure allowing to end the contract in its initial
phase. Young people may complain that they do not know concrete reasons for premature
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release, but both sides can terminate the contract ‘without saying a reason’. However, the
two situations are remarkable. When some employers use the trial period intentionally for
short-term employment without the intention of prolongation (for example, Ben spoke about
this) and when employers use the trial period to employ a lot of candidates and then choose
the right one and then they release most of the other candidates. While formally this all fully
legal, we can understand that young people are disappointed by such behaviour because
employers hide their real intentions (see also the previous chapter). In some contexts,
employers used an informal ‘trial period’ without providing any form of work contract and
sometimes even without the intention to employ a concrete person (this is not legal). On the
other side, young people also used the trial period to quickly leave jobs which they were not
satisfied with. It was relatively common to leave a job after a week when they found that the
working conditions are unsatisfactory or that they are different than their initial expectations.
The most common form of lowered employment protection is fixed term contract. Fixed term
contract is combined with the trial period, but usually it is longer. Simon argued that the times
changed and ‘nowadays no one will offer you a contract of indefinite duration from the start’.
For the first group of respondents, their previous fixed term contract had a screening function
and the employers offered them later a permanent contract (Fred, John, Simon). These
people, like, e.g., Fred, understood this ‘screening function’ of a fixed term contract.
“When someone said: ‘We have to try you to see whether you are the right person for
the job and lately when it functions well, we will surely employ you for indefinite
contract’. I had an understanding for this.” (R26: 133)
Specific aspect connected for some young people with fixed term contracts is that these
contracts are almost never prolonged although it was initially promised or there is not
information about it (Ben, Ken). Ben explains:
“Insecurity…it happened to me last time three quarters a year ago I had a work where
I was three months before Christmas. They released us after Christmas due to lack of
work. They wanted to do some business contract before Christmas. The lady first
promised us to employ us normally in the firm. Then when we came to sign the contract,
she told us that we do not have to worry and gave us the contract for some agency
work, that it is only for a trial and that they are going to transfer us to the staff, but it
was not so. However, how then you can trust them.” (R3: 408).
Sometimes young people left the job themselves because the conditions were not improved
as promised (Jake, Fred). Jake explained how he was working on fixed-term contracts and
work contracts for specific tasks:
“I was working in the call centre where I step up from operator to administrative
position. I would like to stay there if they offered me a full time job. When I asked them,
they replied: ‘Yes, yes, that is not a problem’ but it was postponed and postponed until
I did not withhold and I left and in other jobs they did not prolong my contract or they
cancelled it in the trial period.” (R11: 207)
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Jake reflected that some employers use the full options given to them by the law, thus
employing a concrete person on a fixed term contract for a long time. Later, Jake commented
on the possibility of social policy to help him:
“If they [politicians/employers?] do not have security ‘Look here you start a job and if
you will work well, everything will be right, it will go on, you will have work, you will
have money’… If it is not so, even if you provide training or intensive support…if the
employer is not oriented to employ person until he does some mistake or that he cannot
fire him…I think that it will probably not help. I meet with this concerning many people
that they start a job for one-year contract…and after one year they have a contract for
another one year, and yet another one and then eventually a permanent contract or
goodbye.” (R11: 241)
It is notable that conditions for fixed-term contracts are very relaxed in the Czech Republic,
allowing such employment for quite a long time. It is sometimes discussed whether such
contracts reduce or increase the security of workers. We should also note that such contracts
were common among young people (considering their work paths presented in the second
chapter), however they were not much going into detail in the interviews. Actually, among
our respondents we noted that people with fixed term contracts may be among the better off
in the whole group of our respondents compared to people who were never offered any
contracts or they were offered only work contracts for the short duration.
Paying of social contributions and severance payments
Protection of workers is assured in the Czech system by mandatory payment of health and
social security contributions during employment. This constitutes a form of protection
because contributions are required for entitlement to unemployment insurance. This is valid
also for work contracts which are with income above a certain threshold. There were several
cases when employers did not pay these contributions and employees were surprised to find
out. For example, Clara described how the employer did not pay social security contributions
for her and she found it only after some time (she believed that everything is OK). Clara
mentioned that the officials found that her employer was guilty and not her, so she did not
have to pay it herself, but she left the job. Helen told us a similar tale (see her story for details).
Severance payment was almost not mentioned. Only Vanda said that she got three months of
severance payments. For her it was a greater help than unemployment insurance.
Bogus work
Next, I will reflect on the bogus work. The logic of bogus work is that people work as selfemployed
even when they work for only one subject (employer) and they should be formally
employed. Employers try to save administration and money for social contributions by this.
Usually this is illegal, but the consideration depends on the conditions of concrete cases. Derek
explicitly mentioned the denial of bogus work. Usually there is not a free choice between selfemployment
and employment (Ron, Quido, Lucy). Employers offer the concrete job only in
the form of a bogus work contract. Lucy described such situation:
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“I worked in a cake shop. However, they told me after one year that they do not have
enough money to employ me. I should make a self-employment certificate. And so, I
did this self-employment certificate. However, I found that after paying taxes, social
and health insurance, there were only 3000 CZK left. And I told myself that I will not
accept this.” (R29: 5).
In the case of Lucy, the aim of the employer was to save labour costs and Lucy found that
either she would have unacceptably low income, or she would have to lose social protection.
However, paying contributions is partially mandatory even when you are without work.
Ron worked in two bogus work jobs, which were both delivery jobs for the concrete firm. He
ended the first job due to low income, but he was satisfied with the second job. He explained
that despite the character of the job, he accepted it due other its features:
“It is financially advantageous for me. They would not employ me and the money they
pay are good for a food delivery job. It is well paid in this firm and I would not be able
to find a better job now, If I can say that it is a job, because it is entrepreneurship, selfemployment…”
(R33: 77).
Ron reflects that it is not a secure job:
“I still do not have work security…I am self-employed, so they can fire me anytime. It
depends on their firm policy, because it often changes a bit, and so I will see.” (R33:
165).
Bogus work was not as often mentioned. However, we know that there is evidence of its wider
use in the Czech Republic (Hora et al. 2022, forthcoming). When it was, it led to the reduction
of income or security. It was also not clear whether the respondents reflected conditions in
which it was legal and in which it was not. We can doubt about its legality especially when
they are realised as a normal job and the time investment practically avoids the possibility to
work with other ‘commissions’.
Agency work
Another way of specific work arrangement is using agency work. Agency work is a job in which
a young person is an employee of an agency who hires him/her to concrete firms. According
to some respondents (Ben, Ken, John), agency work was widespread in manual professions.
John described his experience:
“When I was asking for work last time, it was some firm in manufacturing, and he told
me directly that they want people from personal agencies to avoid having to care for
personal policy, etc. They do not have their own employees…he immediately gave me
the phone number to the agency [name].” (R16: 273).
John tried one agency offer but the job offer was after subtracting provision for the agency
under minimum wage. Some respondents described that they used agency work (Clara, Ron,
Ben, Ken, Ellyn), while others explicitly mentioned not using it (Sophie) or refusing to do it
(Quido, Derek). Ellyn started to use a personal agency because employer, where she wanted
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to work, employed people only this way. Ron described that he used two personal agencies
for getting occasional work in manufacturing. He criticised one of the agencies for ‘chaos’. Ron
argued that it is easier for them when they release employees and that they also take
provisions for this. Ellyn was using the agency regularly to get an occasional job and she was
satisfied. For Clara, agency character of the job was among the reasons why she left the job.
She explained:
“… how they behave to the employees arranged through agencies. They wanted these
people to leave on their own and then one of my colleagues was released, taken back
again, and again released when she was ill. Therefore, it was a good reason to leave.”
(R17: 82)
Similarly, Ben and Ken had experience with agency work. They reflected the following
problems connected with agency work: work on a specific task instead of an employment
contract, temporal character of the contract (not prolonging the work contract), work on call,
worse conditions than core employees. Quido commented that he was afraid to work through
work agencies:
“…I found some work offers from the agencies…there was something, but I am afraid
to arrange something through the agencies because my friends had very bad
experience with them…due to low wages because they were never paid what they had
in the employment contract and what had been promised to them. I do not say that all
employment agencies are like that, but unfortunately I know about two with which my
friends had bad experiences.” (R13: 61).
The main advantage of working through working agencies was that such work was better
accessible. Most young people said that working conditions seemed to be worse. We also
noted that rarely it led to accepting a concrete person to the staff later.
Minimum wage
Minimum wage was not much mentioned in the interviews. Betty said that the minimum wage
is not high enough and that it is not sufficient to cover living expenses. Simon complained that
the minimum wage is not much raised compared to how expensive most goods are. Other
respondents mentioned the importance of wages in a more general context (Peter, Bonny,
Ellyn). They reflected that the wages are low and noncomparable to western countries.
“If the wages were higher in many fields, because a lot of fields are financially
underpaid or generally, I think that all wages should be raised, but especially in some
fields like nurses of secretaries who work for a little money…” (R12: 188)
“I think that the problem is that a lot of people are skilled craftsmen with vocational
training, but they do not want to work for such money, which I understand because if I
were a carpenter and someone told me that this guy from Ukraine will do it for half or
money. Why should I want it? Why should I accept everything when I know that I should
earn twice as much?” (R1: 153).
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Low wages were among the factors which many young people assessed as a reason for refusal
of jobs. In some cases, the presented wages around CZK 50 per hour was at the level of hourly
minimum wage in 2013 and this level of wage was unacceptable for young people.
Specific work contract
Young people often worked on specific work contracts which are not employment contracts.
These contracts are for short-term or low scope work and are limited by some restrictions
(working hours, etc.). Social security contributions are paid only after going beyond some
threshold. Fred, Sabina, Melinda, and Derek worked on such contracts. Mostly it was ‘work
for doing a specific task’ [dohoda o provedení práce] which is limited by 300 hours a year.
Melinda noted that she worked mostly on such contracts. For Derek, these contracts were
important because it was for him the best or sometimes only possibility to get money (he did
not have the opportunity to get an undeclared job and he still studied).
Working on a specific work contract is common for young people to earn money during their
studies. We are more interested in cases when young people work on these contracts instead
of an employment contract and there are no specific reasons for doing so (they could be
normally employed). Jake, for example, reflected that he was not able to make his ends meet
and he had to be supported by his parents. For example, Sabina refused working on a work
contract because she perceived the concrete offer as short-term (lasting for two months) and
irregular (one month of work, two months without work activity, and another month of work).
She perceived the disadvantage that social insurance is not paid from such contracts leading
to reduced pension benefits. On another occasion, she worked on such a contract because ‘at
least health and social insurance was paid’ for her. She said that for some unemployed these
are the last chance to get legal work. We noted that some young people worked only on such
contracts or illegally. Working on these contracts brings problems when you are unemployed.
Karin described how she had to stop her occasional work in supermarket.
“I ended after 4 months because they needed me, e.g., one day a month and I had
problems with evidencing it at the Employment office that I had earned money…M”
(R2: 46)… My money raised for one month and then next month they subtracted it from
my benefit.” (R2: 83)
Reasons to accept low employment protection
In the context of Eastern European countries, Employment protection is in many cases not
sufficiently protecting against various forms of precarious employment. This precarity is well
described in the second chapter. Here we concentrate on the specific question why young
people accept working in insecure working conditions. There are specific reasons why people
accept lowered employment protection. For example, Fred describes three concrete reasons
(personal situation, family situation, and concrete context of the situation):
“If I were a person with existential problems and looking for security and had a family
etc., it would annoy me not to have security and have to pray for my employment
contract to be prolonged. However, because I am a person without obligations and
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lucky enough not to have existential problems, I could have an understanding for this.”
(R26: 136).
There were several people like Lucy and Clara who accepted undeclared jobs because there
were without money (desperate) at that time and were not able to find another legal job.
Clara explained it in the following way:
“It was set so if you know the laws on Employment office. Here it is set that you are
registered at Employment office without financial support. I was without entitlement
because I did not have one year of previous working, which you need to get
unemployment insurance, and which I did not have. I was without support and I
naturally needed to make ends meet and supplement family income. And so, I had some
occasional jobs. When you are registered, you are paid health and social insurance, you
can earn up to 4000 CZK a month. I have to work on the side without evidencing income
or legally to notice Employment office by bringing a certificate that I learned only 4000
CZK.” (R17: 52)
Ellyn described another stance – accepting a work contract instead of an employment
contract:
“I was able to defend it [to myself]. I accepted it. I said to myself that occasional work
and employment is almost…, no it is not the same, but it earns me money. Occasional
work as well as employment. In employment it is good that you have benefits, food
coupons, etc. However, for your survival, occasional work suffice.” (R20: 115).
In the cases of Peter and Ron, we saw that they accepted an undeclared/illegal job because
they were otherwise of good quality. This dilemma between good undeclared jobs and bad
legal jobs was mentioned also by other respondents. People avoid employment protection
when their formal employment would mean that they would have to have a deduction from
their salary due to debts (this is mentioned by Helen, Simon, etc.).
On the other hand, there were reasons why people preferred legal work. Lucy and Simon, e.g.,
said that they were afraid that they will lose benefits. Lucy accepted illegal work only because
she was in despair and in crisis after divorce with partner. She commented on the other reason
why she preferred legal work.
“For me, the feeling that I have an employment contract was more important than
physically earning money. I wanted to be employed, to have a paper in my hand that I
am employed, and not have to go to Employment office. It was really deterrent for me
to go there and see those people who went there. It was for me like no, no, I do not
want to be there.” (R29: 45).
My reflection on Employment protection legislation
We would like to discuss how some EPL is related to insecurity. First type of insecurity
connected to EPL is in avoiding employment/work contracts by employers (Betty, Helen).
Second type of insecurity is connected to not fulfilling other employment conditions like
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paying wages on time and at the level given by the contract, not paying or avoiding mandatory
security contributions, and lowering the protection of health. Betty also criticised the
minimum/guaranteed wage because she thought it was very low (let them try to live with that
wage themselves). This type of insecurity has several identifiable consequences.
• Young people are in a disadvantaged position when negotiating with employers
because they are not sufficiently protected by existing legislation (see Betty, Vendelín),
• They have no proof about their work and easily they are left without a wage or with
only partial payment (Doris, Betty, Bruno),
• Other conditions of the jobs (security, time schedule, etc.) are not fulfilled,
• Young people are not officially employed which leaves a scar in their CV and it worsens
their position when negotiating loans (Betty),
• Psychical consequences (Betty).
Some other insecurity relates to contract or work where the amount of work directly
influences wages and simultaneously the productivity is at least partially influenced by
unpredictable factors. These forms of work are less secure because people need stability of
employment and income as it was reflected, e.g., by Quido (who worked as self-employed
financial advisor). Similarly, insecurity was reflected also by self-employed carpenter Tony.
Third type of insecurity relates to the temporal character of the job. We have seen four types
of such temporal jobs: regular employment (Ben), bogus work (Ron), work on a specific task,
and undeclared work (Betty). There are of course contexts when such contracts are
advantageous for both sides. However, more often this is another type of disadvantage based
on the marginalised position of young people on the labour market.
Systems clearly restrict some types of work behaviour with the intention to reduce misuse of
employment systems (see, e.g., discussion by Derek). However, part of the labour market
constitutes a grey zone, where employers and sometimes unemployed avoid conditions of
employment protection. John nicely characterised it as ‘hold it here and I will bring the
money’. There are also specific reasons why some people do not care about employment
protection or avoid employment protection themselves. On the other hand, there were
people like John unwilling to compromise in the aspect of avoiding formal contracts set by law
(e.g., work in the grey economy, bogus work, etc.). Informal employment and Employment
office registration is sometimes in necessary conflict (Peter). This conflict may help to legalise
employment.
Unemployment protection and social assistance
The main role of unemployment protection is generally seen in the income protection of
unemployed people – to protect people against poverty and material deprivation during
transitionary states between various economic statuses (education, employment, maternity
leave, etc.) and in the periods of economic downturn. They are one of the main sources of
economic security both during transitions and when employed. Sufficient (i.e., generous and
reasonably long) unemployment protection allows people who lost their jobs to stay in
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unemployment for a longer time without a fatal reduction of their income. This on one side
can help them to find a better job, but on the other time, it may potentially prolong their
unemployment spell. Protection is often conditional on previous employment history of the
unemployed because unemployment benefits are based on unemployment and contribution
records (Chung 2016). This may lead to a dualization of protection, where the core of workers
(insiders) is protected with social insurance benefits, while others have to rely on social
assistance, or they are left without support (see Davidsson and Naczyk 2009).
Social security in the Czech Republic is based on ‘composite principle’. In the situation of
unemployment, unemployment insurance, and social assistance benefits should be typical
benefits, but they are sometimes topped by other benefits. This means that the concrete
benefits (you get) depend on your current situation and you can combine some benefits while
the combination of other benefits is restricted. For example, among our respondents:
• Betty claimed support for housing, social assistance benefits, and support for children,
• Amanda claimed support for children, parental benefits, and social assistance.
• However, Ellyn could not have an entitlement for social assistance benefits because
she already had an invalidity benefit.
Most topping benefits are benefits of Czech system of social support [státní sociální podpora],
second tier of social security system. Claiming of parental benefit (‘rodičovský příspěvek’) was
often mentioned by women (and some men – Roman). This benefit is rather generous and
easy to get because it is not means tested (Sophie, Karin, Amanda). Some of the respondents
(e.g., Sabina, Betty, Sophie, Fred, Tony) reflected that they got a housing benefit (‘příspěvek
na bydlení’). Housing benefit is typically (except parental benefit) the only benefit that is
available to people who are better off among people in need. Although there is also a means
test, it is not so strict as in other means-tested benefits and it depends on where you live (big
city or small town, village). There are other conditions related to type of housing that you live
in. Ellyn, for example, was not entitled to a housing benefit because she was formally still living
with her parents although her father expelled her from the flat. Tony and Sabina also got ‘child
supplement’ for their children when children were young. Sabina mentioned that after
reform, the benefit entitlement criteria for child supplement were made much stricter and
that they are no longer eligible. Other benefits (outside of the social support system) rarely
claimed by our respondents were benefit for children’s foster care (Magda) or disability
insurance benefit (Ellyn), and disability care benefit for the child (Simon). Other types of help
are provided by NGOs in the form of services, including, e.g., legal counselling, etc. This is
discussed in detail below.
Eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance, and social assistance
People are often not social benefit claimants because they are unable to fulfil eligibility
criteria. Usually there is some line or barrier strictly distinguishing the claiming and
nonclaiming unemployed, while the difference in the situation of people close to the line may
be negligible (Hora 2008b). For unemployment insurance, the eligibility criteria are based on
a rather strict test of previous work records. For social assistance, people are often unable to
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fulfil eligibility criteria due to cohabitation with a working person or people – this is most often
the case of working partner of working parents (Hora 2008b).
Eligibility criteria are in interaction with the strategies of the unemployed, as we defined them
in the previous chapter. People, e.g., non-take-up social benefits because they expect they are
not eligible, because of a feeling of honour and need to avoid potential feelings of
embarrassment and because they do not have internalized gloomy images of the functioning
of social assistance (Hora 2008b). Unemployment benefits may (or may not) also serve as a
motivation factor for young people to register at Employment office (Dingeldey et al. 2015,
2019). There are various other motivation factors including better chance to get social
benefits, payment of health insurance, and free health care for social assistance claimants
(Hora 2008b, Trilfajová et al. 2015).
Eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance
Only respondents who had longer jobs have been usually eligible for Unemployed insurance
(see below). For many of our respondents, unemployment insurance was not easily available.
Some people never get it despite occasional work experience (Simon, Ron, Peter, Quido, Jake,
Ron) or they got in only once during their whole working lives (Fred, Ben, Clara, Vanda, Betty).
The usual reason for nonclaiming was that young people did not fulfil entitlement
requirements. When asked whether he claimed social insurance, Fred applied:
„Rather not. It was because there are conditions, you have to work one year in the last
three years or something similar…I did not look intentionally at these criteria during my
work career…only when I wanted to enlist at Employment office or I enlisted I found
out whether I am eligible or not, but I was not eligible in most occasions because either
my work contracts were not long enough, or there were not long enough pauses
between them [claims?] or something else. And so, I did not fulfil these conditions…and
I got it, I think twice in ten years or even more of unemployment.” (R26: 95)
Fred also reflected that he would not get social assistance benefits due to his family situation
(living in the house of his parents). Jake said that he was not well oriented, and he just
accepted when he was told that he was without entitlement. This shows that some young
people are not well oriented in the system of benefits and they are rather passive during the
process of benefit claiming. Peter said that he was not able to get all employment evidence in
the given time limit and the entitlement was lost. This has shown that claiming requires effort
which was not always invested by the unemployed.
Clara and Peter described how social insurance benefit is reduced for people who leave their
previous work ‘voluntarily’ or ‘after agreement’ (this means that both sides agree on
termination of the contract).
“I went for medical treatment, and I was a few months at home…and when a person
leaves work on his/her own will, he/she has entitlement only 45% percent of his former
salary, but it they expel me it is 65 percent. I had 45 percent of my former average
salary for one and a half years.” (R17: 93).
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This is about the relationship between entitlement and level of benefit when behavioural
criteria are considered. While the entitlement criteria for unemployment insurance seem to
be strict, there are some additional conditions that lessen their strictness for some groups.
Karin mentioned that she got unemployment insurance due to the entitlement created by her
parenting period. Ben pointed out on another aspect of Czech unemployment insurance that
raises the level of protection. When the whole benefit is not claimed during the
unemployment spell, the rest of the benefit can be claimed in the next unemployment spell.
This is particularly relevant for people like Ben who worked in many short-term jobs.
Besides unemployment insurance, there is a benefit ‘Financial support in training’ provided in
the Czech Republic for people who partake training within the labour market policy. Among
our respondents, Vanda explicitly mentioned this. This benefit is much more easily accessible
because it is not mean tested, nor the previous work tested. It can be counted as
‘unemployment scheme benefit‘ – these are specific measures which connect benefit
provision for young people with their participation in orientation, training or internship or
other labour market integration activities.
Eligibility criteria for social assistance
We reflect here the entitlement for the main social assistance benefit ‘Support for living’. The
respondents sometimes lived on social assistance (Vendelín, Otto, Magda, Bruno, Roman,
Simon, Betty, Helen, Eugenie) at least for some period of their life. Knowledge of the
entitlement conditions of these benefits by respondents was influenced by who cared about
the benefit claiming in the family. Respondents were less informed when their partner cared
for benefit administration.
There was also a relatively numerous group of respondents who never claimed social
assistance (Ron, Derek, Janine, Jake) or it was only once and for a short duration. Social
assistance benefit was not available for respondents who lived with other family members,
who worked, or who had at least some savings or property (Ben, Derek, Betty, Jake, Fred).
Derek explained:
“I tried to get it [social assistance] several times. It was not possible. The clerk every
time looked at me and said that when I live with the other family member who is
working, I have no entitlement and that she will not talk about it with me any longer.”
(R14: 193).
Living with parents of other relatives like, e.g., with siblings is the most typical disqualifying
condition of social assistance in the Czech Republic. It is related to the common household
income test. The access to social assistance is somehow limited for previously employed,
previously married, and lone parents – despite the fact that they do not have this money
counted towards the means/income test – because that situation is assessed including this
‘fictional income’ (Sabina, Bruno, Melinda). Melinda and Bruno had the problem that they
were formally counted with former partners (husband, wife) who left them (and with whom
they were in the process of divorce) and they lived separately. Bruno’s income was counted
together with his girlfriend who left him. He was denied benefits for three years. Melinda said:
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“I did not go demean myself [to the social assistance office]. I already knew that they
are not going to give me anything until I divorce. And the divorce lasts long.” (R30: 15)
Another important aspect, which the respondents (Ben, Magda, Betty, and Melinda)
mentioned, is the common assessment of social assistance claimants and this is the interaction
with reduced or delayed benefits. Ben commented on this situation.
“There happened a situation when the mother got ill, he [brother] lost work and the
mother stopped to get sickness benefits and my fixed-term contract ended and we had
no benefit entitlement for three months. We were counted together, and it happened
that we did not get any money.” (R3: 206).
Similarly, Betty argued that the benefits were considered including money for alimony from
her former boyfriend, but she does not really have them. She got only part of the money back
because the income for the former months was not counted.
Having own money was another barrier for entitlement for some of the respondents. Ellyn
reflected that she did not have an entitlement for social assistance because she had an
invalidity benefit and also she had ‘saving for housing‘. Saving for housing is a special program
of saving for housing needs supported by state. However, when you have this program, it is
counted as a property and it disqualifies you from claiming social assistance. This is so even
though the abolishment of the program relates to severe financial sanctions from the side of
the bank that you have your money deposited within. Betty described the process of
rationalisation (discouragement) of social assistance clients.
“What I can get I found due to a friend of mine, not due to Employment office. I think
that these workers make a clear effort to discourage people from claiming social
benefits. How many papers they want….and their insolence. They want to seek your
things to ensure that you have nothing. I had some saves…They told me: ‘You have
saves so what you want from us?’ I told them that this money is for my future. However,
‘no, you have money, you have a car and so you need nothing’. Therefore, they draw
you to the bottom until you have nothing and afterwards they give you some money
that does not even cover your housing. This is more destruction than a support.” (R22:
260).
When your incomes (e.g., from a temporary contract) are stopped, claiming social assistance
is possible only after three months (Magda).
„It is strange that when you lose work you have no entitlement. You have an
employment contract for limited duration and then for unlimited duration, but when
you have a contract for limited duration and they release you, you have no entitlement
for three months, and three months you are without money because you are unable to
save from your salary and you have to live for something, you have to pay, and this is
what social assistance offices do not understand. They tell you that you should save,
but from what?” (R7: 349)
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It is because of the entitlements your incomes in the previous three months are assessed. This
was also the reason for the emerging of some above-mentioned situations. However, Magda
was unable to save money during her work. Eugenie mentioned that child support benefits
are counted on the base of her previous good situation and that it is not corresponding to her
current bad situation.
There was also a group of respondents (Janine, Ron, Herbert) who did not ask for social
assistance or other benefits sometimes despite that they might be eligible for it. They stated
the following reasons:
• They were not oriented in the system and familiar with the procedures. Quido said: “I
got no financial support. I have to admit that I am completely nonproficient in this. I
do not even know whom I should contact.” (R13: 97)
• After their own assessment of their financial situation, they thought they would not be
eligible (Fred)
• They refused to ask for social assistance benefits because it would be embarrassing for
them (John)
Young people also often reflect other harsh criteria for claiming social assistance or for help
in crises (e.g., Magda, Sabina, Melinda, Eugenie). Some respondents believed that they are
intentionally denied help. Magda argued that within social assistance some people are helped
more than others. Social assistance workers according to her opinion ‘make the same options
secret’ ‘telling clients that there is nothing available for them’. On the other hand, others got
help and there is an unequal approach. Besides the main two social assistance benefits, there
are two other facultative lump sum benefits provided in case of emergency or other specific
situations (release from prison, etc.). Non-providing this money was sometimes essential and
a source of complaining. For example, Helen described that she was refused when asking for
lump sum benefits in for vacuum cleaner and washing machine (these benefits are at the
discretion of the street level worker). However, she was given 1500 CZK for the baby stroller.
Bruno was given money for the medicine of the handicapped child, but he must repay them
with future benefits (it was a loan). Eugenie was not given support after her house burned
down. Ellyn and Bruno mentioned that she got 1000 CZK benefit.
My reflection on eligibility criteria
The system of social protection of the unemployed in the Czech Republic is very modest,
clearly putting Czech Republic to ‘transitional’ (Eastern European) model of social protection.
Eligibility conditions for unemployment insurance were made more strict and young people
are usually not among its claimants. Eligibility conditions in some cases also clearly
disadvantage for people in need – this is well identifiable, e. g., in the case of lower
unemployment insurance benefits for Clara. Respondents including Clara also reflected that
claiming benefits mean restrictions on their work activities. Derek decided not to take up the
unemployment benefit because he could not work when claiming. In the past, working with
‘working disregard’ during claiming unemployment benefit was allowed, but this was
cancelled due to frequent misusing.
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Social assistance is (intentionally or unintentionally) set in a way which is very ‘rule dependent’
and inflexible. The system seems to be dividing people into those ‘who have‘ and those ‘who
have not’, strengthening the impression about work disqualification (that only people in
households where no one works can claim). Material situation of people is in many cases
different from the situation which we would expect considering only the rules given by law.
Unemployed are in most cases completely unable to influence their claims within the system
and they are left without support.
Benefit generosity/level of protection
Second relevant dimension for the assessment of the social system is about the level of income
protection during unemployment. We expect that the level of income protection is going to
be low. Hora and Žižlavský (2009) have found that people claiming social assistance benefits
mostly declarer low ability to live with their current income. People often claim that social
benefits are high enough to survive and making ends meet is very difficult (Hora 2008b). Still,
some people are grateful that at least something is provided to them (Hora 2008b). They saw
these benefits as crucial for their ability to keep housing (Hora 2008b).
The more generous unemployment protection is linked to a higher level of job security
(Anderson and Pontusson 2007, Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009). This relationship is stronger for
temporary workers (Clark and Postel-Vinay 2009). We can understand this as spill-over effect.
It can be also argued that workers who feel to be in insecure employment support more
unemployment benefits than workers who feel more secure (Paskov and Koster 2014). There
is a paradox that putting benefit level and duration aside, also social benefits are not as secure
as expected. The following main factors contribute to this: threat of sanction, unregular
payment of benefits, and loss of income as a consequence of temporary work (see Trilfajová
et al. 2015).
My reflection on the level of income protection
We first reflect here on the assessment of unemployment insurance benefits. People like Ben,
Betty, Helen, Tony, Derek, Sabina, Vanda, Eugenie, or Fred got unemployment insurance
benefit at level of 2500-5000 CZK. Betty declared the lowest benefit of around 2500 CZK (paid
after a period of parental leave). Tony (his story is in the second chapter) reflects that his
unemployment insurance benefit was horribly low (around 4000 CKZ) due to his low flat rate
contributions during self-employment. On the other side, paying social security contributions
for him by Employment office was (as he says) a great help. Derek, Tony, John, and Fred
commented that the level of insurance benefit depends on your previous income. Derek
compared two situations – one was after one of his previous jobs and the second was after
the last job.
“The benefit was counted…the wage that the benefit was counted from was around
17 000 CZK, so it was 65% from 17 000, or 55%, even this are nice money. In that period
[after a previous job], it helped me a lot due to this level [of benefit]. Comparing to
3000 or 4000 now.” (R14: 195)
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Eugenie commented that the drop of income from sudden unemployment of about fifty
percent is substantial. We can identify that an inherent problem in the system for most young
people is that previous incomes from employment or self-employment were low (or that they
paid only at the minimum level in their self-employment). On the one hand, unemployed
people reflect that the amount provided is low to cover basic needs like housing. Ben reflected
on the level of benefit.
“When you are used to the income of about 13 000 CZK [wage] and you get 5000 CZK,
this is a great problem. Because I have to pay some things regularly. Where are money
for alimony or for food? It [benefit] is nothing nowadays. And because you are without
work, no one will help you. I say there is really little left.” (R3: 214)
On the other hand, some of them like Fred are glad to have it (he commented ‘it is generous‘,
and ‘great help’). John means that unemployment insurance is sufficient if you are willing to
be humble. Vanda commented:
“It was at least something. It was not ‘nothing’. It was not plenty, but it is better than
to have nothing.” (R21: 171).
We can generalise that although unemployment insurance is modest, it is still helpful, and that
people usually take it as it is. Another important issue is that the benefit is provided for a very
short time compared to some other EU countries (usually for five months). Although young
people reflected this, they were not addressing the issue of possible benefit prolongation.
When considering social assistance, the level of benefit depends on the composition of the
concrete household and whether these benefits are topped by other benefits from other parts
of social security systems (e.g., in the case of Simon, Betty). People in material need often
reflected that social assistance benefits are not high enough to feed the family, they are only
sufficient to survive, they are not enough for the whole month, etc. (Vendelín, Bruno, Roman,
Betty, Magda). Betty commented on her situation:
“Benefits are sufficient when you work. However, imagine that I have to pay for a flat.
I get 9000 CZK together and they [social security clerks] write me letters that I am over
some amount. However, I have to pay for a flat which is 6000 CZK a month,
kindergarten…I do not understand how they can count [benefit calculation] that I
should be able to feed the child from this…[the problem is] also with alimony. Father
did not pay it for half a year, but until it is half a year, no one is interested, interested
what I will live from, they do not care…I do not understand whether someone lives like
that, is able to manage it, because I think that is not possible to live only from benefits,
have housing and care for the child. It is not possible to tackle it without the help of
others.” (R22: 100).
Bruno and Antonia noted that they have to use part of social assistance for personal needs to
pay part of their housing. Rents are too high to be covered by housing benefits. Roman
explained that he gets money once a month, he pays for housing costs and other related
expenses, and he is without income for the rest of the month. He took occasional work and
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from this they (family) survived. Young people often ‘solved’ this situation by borrowing
money (Karin, Magda, Bruno, Roman, Betty), help from relatives (see below), and informal
work (Betty). It seems that borrowing money for draconic interest rates was not an exception.
In this case, social assistance benefits are not working as intended.
Now we will discuss how this is related to the relevance of benefits for potential work
motivation and we will discuss how some young people reflect their ability to leave the benefit
system for work.
Unemployment trap and poverty trap discourse
In society, there is a widespread view that many people are better at social benefits than
working and that they are unmotivated to leave for work. Unemployment generosity is in an
international comparison leading to a more prolonged unemployment spell (Clark and PostelVinay
2009), but the authors point out that it does not have to be valid on the individual level
(see ibid.). The first supposed type of effect is that prolonged unemployment benefit duration
discourages looking for a job and thus leads to prolonged unemployment (Lalive 2007). Many
studies conclude that unemployment benefit has only a minor role in long-term
unemployment and that the length of unemployment benefit is more important than
replacement rates (Schmid 2002c). Literature usually empirically supports this argument, but
the prolongation of unemployment benefits has to be great to have a substantial impact
(Lalive 2007). The second related question is whether prolonged benefit duration leads to
more quality and more durable employment.
My reflection on unemployment trap and poverty trap
Unemployment trap and poverty trap discourses are presented in the reasoning of some
young Roma. The ‘calculating discourse’ (comparing various options on financial grounds) is
implicitly present in this kind of reasoning. Peter (R12: 189) argues with the kind of reasoning
typical for the discourse of ‘trap of unemployment’. Because wages are low and the available
kind of work is not very attractive, it is more suitable for the unemployed to get social
insurance or social assistance support (because they will get the same money as when they
work). We can see similar reasoning in the story of Simon who argued that offered wages
would not cover their basic expenses.
“We solve our situation with Employment office, that we claim social assistance.
Moreover, I look for work, where I will earn at least 12-13 thousand CZK, because this
is the amount that we would lose If I went to work…I know it does not sound good, but
a person has to protect his family first.” (R15: 83)
Randolph explained why according to him, many Roma depend on social benefits.
“They work on occasional work. Because no one wants to work permanently, because
when they live somewhere….they are dependent on benefits…the state gives
them…about 12 000 CZK all together and they would earn 13 000, 14 000, and that
12 000 would be withdrawn from them. And he would be worn out...and he would have
almost nothing from it practically because he would be only 2000 in addition. Or in
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many cases it is the opposite that he works hard and earns less than 12 000, and it is
withdrawn, and he is the same as before. Therefore, people work on occasional jobs to
earn some money for a short time.” (R45: 53).
Some of our respondents admitted that they did not declare their low or occasional incomes
because they knew that the earned amount would be distracted from their benefits. There is
a paradox that these people earn more money this way than by accepting formal employment.
In addition, the common assessment of the family in the social assistance test works as an
effective barrier to work for some young people. This was explained by Bob:
“I have completed vocational training as a car mechanic. I do not have work because
everywhere they want a permanent income and that means they would withdraw
money from my mother. It is not possible to work on the side or have an occasional
job…I go to do only occasional jobs (R46: 3).
Derek argued in the completely opposite direction. He preferred the possibility of occasional
income to claiming unemployment insurance.
“I have an entitlement for unemployment insurance, but I said to myself that I will
rather do something for short-term contract, anywhere, anything, and not to sit at
home. Because the unemployment insurance, if I got it, it would be even lower than
4 500 CZK which I can earn when unemployed. And so, for me it is advantageous to do
something.” (R14: 183)
This argumentation is based on a rule that forbids claiming unemployment insurance and
working on working disregard. In addition, when you live with someone who has an income,
you are out of social assistance benefits (see above).
Although the level of social benefits is low, some respondents reflect on various
unemployment trap situations reflecting both unemployment insurance and social assistance.
This is the reason minimum wage was substantially raised in the last years. Situation of
unemployment trap happens due to low wages and because it is much easier to get an
occasional job than to get something stable with a proper employment contract. In such
contexts, some strict rules work to further direct legal behaviour. The unemployment trap is
real in cases when there is only irregular additional income, and it is subtracted from the latter
benefits (this was the case of Karin). The role of working disregard is often discussed. On the
one hand, it may be seen as a way to increase the income of the unemployed, to motivate
them to take an irregular or occasional job and preserve their work habits (Derek). On the
other hand, it is considered a measure that is misused to cover undeclared work (Betty) and
that demotivates people to look for an independent job on the labour market. In other words,
when you try to work on occasional works legally, it brings you a lot of trouble. We must
wonder why these people do not accept something more paid and more stable. Sometimes
they do not want, but sometimes nothing like that is available.
Specific aspect of this situation sometimes is that when a child earns money, his/her parents
lose it. And some parents are against the employment of their children. While the common
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assessment of the income situation of the household is realised with an aim to save public
money, in such cases, it blocks the change of the situation because people think that social
benefits are more secure than employment. Furthermore, in other contexts we noted that
common assessment is blocking some individual chances (see above).
Discourse of claiming Roma
This is another specific discourse relatively widely shared among both Roma and non-Roma
people (it is often mentioned in the stories). Key parts of this discourse are the following
characteristics: ‘Roma are not interested in work and they do not look for it’, ‘bit families have
privileges and claim a lot of money’, ‘Roma are masters of claiming’, ‘Roma people claim
benefits and work on the side’, ‘Roma have property not corresponding to their proposed
poor material situation’, ‘Roma get everything, white get nothing’. Some respondents (e.g.
John) also argued that the provision of social benefits should be more conditional on giving
something back or that those benefits should be abolished.
The most radical version of this discourse was presented by Bob. Bob who is Roma himself is
deeply unsatisfied with the situation in Roma community and he is very critical to his peers
proposedly causing it. We present here a lengthy excerpt from his opinion.
“First of all, to be honest with you, I do not feel good here. I am Roma myself, but I do
not understand these people, what they are doing here, this is a total mess. They do
not value [these Roma] what they have got…I would put them somewhere…where they
would start to regret not valuing this…I know a lot of normal Roma people who work
and they are good people….If I were like these people [first group] living on social
benefits, not going to work, I would appreciate this. However, they steal in the streets
instead.” (R46: 27)
To sum up, the discourse is about the widely shared view that some Roma are masters of
claiming social benefits and that the state tolerates their claiming while it does not tolerate
the claiming of other social groups (e.g. lone mothers, young people with functioning families).
It is important to know about this discourse because it shapes the reasoning of many people
including some young people in need.
My reflection on income insecurity
We should note that when social benefits or free social insurance payments (during
unemployment) are provided, they are functioning in the way to provide income security. The
system may be modest, but some people accept it as they are glad to get at least something.
For example, Ellyn reflected that without social benefits their situation would be very bad.
“I have 1st grade of disability [pension] and I have 4800 CZK and I think that it is great.
It covers my rent and telephone bill. I am very glad for it… I would be no miracle for
other people, but for me these are great money…If I had not this money, I would end
up somewhere, I do not know, somewhere on the street. I would never return home.
Never, no chance. I would end up in some squat somewhere. I rather would not think
about it, because maybe I would not handle it.” (R20: 135)
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This is how many people like Ellyn were protected against even more detrimental
consequences of insecurity. We noted that many young people were left without support.
System expects that the family will care for them, but it is not always the case. Lower income
security is apparent also in cases when the social benefits are low (even in the Czech context)
even when you have an entitlement for unemployment insurance. This means that this system
seems to protect more people who are better among the unemployed.
In this context, we understand that the only way to solve the unemployment trap vs. income
security dilemma is:
• To raise wages to the level where they are not at the same level as social benefits (this
is happening in the last years),
• To maintain social benefits are the level which is acceptable from the perspective of
poverty protection (because we want to avoid detrimental consequences),
• Provide specific ‘in activity benefits‘, and abolish the common assessment of people in
the same household in cases when it blocks the employment of one of its members,
• And provide real education and employment opportunities which have legal status and
offer a real escape route from above-mentioned dilemma.
We will discuss such options in the next part of this chapter.
Active labour market policies
Active labour market policy is in the Czech Republic the main skill development tool past initial
formal education. In this part, we discuss programs which provide classroom training or
training on the job and subsidised workplaces with the supposed existence of a training
element. Policy aimed at job search assistance and matching is discussed below in the section
about the interactions. We focus here on the experience of young people with the measures,
while the interaction leading to a general stance towards these measures is discussed also
below in part about the interactions.
The policies can be proactive in the sense that they work as prevention of long-term
unemployment or reactive which try to solve existing unemployment (De Koning and Mosley
2002). For young people, ALMP policies often serve as compensatory measures aimed to
tackle previous deficits in quality of the education system or various unemployment/inactivity
pathways of young people (Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018). Active labour market
programs are in the Czech Republic principally open to all unemployed. However, in practice,
for obvious reasons (money, scope, and effectiveness), the ALMP policy is limited to a
relatively small and selected category of unemployed. ALMP in the Czech Republic is not so
much targeted to young people (Bussi et al. 2019a), mainly because their problem is perceived
as less pressing than the problems of other groups and because the solution is assessed to be
sufficient (see Bussi et al. 2019a).
A vast number of studies have shown that the effectiveness of ALMP policy depends on
appropriate targeting to people who are ‘ready enough’ to participate and able to benefit
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from the measure and who would not be able to get a job without it. According to Burgess
(2003), the associated risk is that the criteria for eligibility for participation may have been too
narrow or too wide. This is relevant also for young people who are often seen as more
prosperous unemployed (compared to other groups) and thus they may be omitted from the
measures. However, the key problem that is revealed within some studies is that there may
exist the most disadvantaged ‘the remainder group’ of people, who are not involved in the
measures or for whom the measures are not very effective (see McNeish and Lancle 2003).
The other aspect is that the most disadvantaged are least expected to find the services. In
other words, within one target group, there are subgroups with different work prospects.
Training courses
Training courses are the traditional cornerstone of active labour market policy. In the Czech
Republic, the offered courses are short and more theoretically oriented or aimed to some
specific skills (e.g., driving licence, electrotechnics, welding) – see Hora et al. (2020). Some
authors (Behrens and Brown 1994a) argue that the effects of training programs are highly
dependent on general situation on the labour market. Gained skills and work experience tend
to perish quickly when not used in consequent employment (Behrens and Brown 1994a).
When considering the training courses, we reflect here mainly on the respondents who really
attended the training course – Otto, Vendelín, Bruno, Clara, Peter, Vanda, Karin, Simon,
Magda, Sabina, Melinda, and Steve. All respondents attended standard courses organised by
Employment office except for Steve who attended a retraining course during his sentence in
prison. Clara generally appreciated idea of training courses.
“…that is fine at the Employment office that they pay for the training course, which
helps you to have more chances to find work. I consider this positive for people who are
without work that they have training paid for, they have something to do, they can
learn new things, I think this is very productive and fine from the side of Employment
office.” (R17: 136)
On a positive note, Vanda mentioned that her retraining was supposed to continue her
previous education and work experience. She was glad that she was also offered another
course to widen her skills, that she learned new things and it was interesting. On the other
hand, some other respondents referred to some courses being not relevant for job search.
Karin was sent to a course of ‘financial grammar’ (how to manage money in her life) which she
could not use to get a job. Magda attained courses of ‘financial grammar’, psychology, and
basics of computer which according to her were not helpful in finding work. Magda reflected
on contents of the courses:
“Completely useless. Some financial grammar [sic]. It is completely useless to me
because I do not do this. Then some psychology, no I have seminars that give me more
than some psychology. Or computers, well, computers, but only basics and this is all. It
will not employ you.” (R7: 157).
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Vendelín mentioned that he was sent to the course of economy, which he could not use
anyway, and which did not correspond to the manual character of his previous jobs. Otto
mentioned training courses for the development of general skills (basics of computers) which
are necessary but not enough to get jobs. However, Otto reflected that after the course of
basic computer skills he was able to look for a job himself.
Young people characterised the attained courses in the following way. Some of the
respondents mentioned that the training was not long and good enough (Peter, Clara, Vanda).
Clara completed one-week training for a bar woman which was according to her not sufficient.
Peter said that training courses are of low extent and quality: you learn little, it is not enough
for practical use, it is too theoretical. Peter put great importance on the practical element of
training during retraining. He connects insufficient quality also with Employment office paying
only the lowest extend of the course. He paid himself the difference to have a full extend of
the course.
Unemployed also have to finish the course successfully. This was reflected by Bruno, who did
a training course for an industrial firm making plastic parts. He complained that at the end of
the course there was a test which he did not pass (because he was slower than the allowed
limit of two minutes). Melinda also did not finish training for cosmetics, but she did not
mention why.
Another critical aspect of the training course is to be able to get a job in the field that the
unemployed are trained in. Bruno attended five courses, but he was never employed
afterwards. Vanda mentioned that there is a formal problem because the course is not
assessed to be equal to having education in the same field (it is not recognised by employers).
“It is a good thing [training]. However, it depends on whether it helps person at the
labour market. I have a feeling that these courses are not sufficiently appreciated. That
it is assessed that you have nothing. And when you realise that you put your money
into it, time, and you want to learn it, you can be disappointed that it is useless.” (R21:
195)
Some employers state that retraining without work experience is not enough (Clara, Lucy).
Lucy said:
“I started to do retraining for accountant. [I wanted] to do something different then
before where I had not been able to get a job. Thus, I tried this. However, unfortunately,
without work experience, no one is willing to accept anyone. You have a course and a
certificate which you can only stick at home on the wall and that is all.” (R29: 5).
…
“When I finished the accounting course, I wanted to do at least occasional work…or
even to do it for free to get work experience. They all thought that I am crazy. I told to
them, I only need work experience, I am on maternal leave, I do not need money, I only
need work practice. ‘Could I work for you to see how it is functioning?’ ...They gave me
the training course, but no one told you: ‘Go over there, they will give you work
experience’. That training course would be useless without work experience…They
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fulfilled what they were to do. I did retrain, I paid for it and that was all for them. And
for me it was an end as well.” (R29: 27)
Lucy further commented that retraining should be accompanied/continues with work praxis.
Training is incomparable with vocational education, but these two aspects together should
ensure that you are able to do a job (to know everything needed and be able to prove that
you can do it). Therefore, people would have more security that their training is not going to
end in vain.
Even in the situation when people are retrained for concrete employers, there is no warrant
of acceptance. Vanda and Sabina were trained for a concrete employer who guaranteed their
training and who meanwhile bankrupted. Otto described that he successfully finished two
training courses for two different professions (plastic making industry and social services), but
in both cases, he was not among the chosen candidates for the job. We may note that these
retraining were both for concrete employers. He was deeply disappointed and refused to have
any other future training. Other respondents (e.g., Ben, Helen, Sabina) described similar
experiences (not getting a job after training) but is not always possible to clearly say why they
did not aspire for these jobs. Sabina mentioned that you have to apply the attained knowledge
soon, otherwise it is lost. For Ben other work opportunity emerged. However, he thinks that
he would not be able to find work in the field. In some cases, respondents only during their
training have found that they do not want to do this work (Helen).
Another aspect connected with training is the possibility to do what people are trained for as
self-employed. Simon talked about this aspect in the following way:
“It was good until I have found that the training is completely useless for me. Because
I needed to have a trade licence for the making of plasterboards. However, the paper
get from this retraining is useless. I cannot start self-employment on the base of this
paper. I would have to have someone else who would be willing to cover me. This was
the reason that I did these plasterboards on the side or bigger firms covered me.
Otherwise, I would have to be dependent on their willingness to pay me and I would
have to obey their orders to get money.” (R15: 223).
It seems that Simon was not well informed in advance that training is usable only in dependent
employment and not for self-employment. He would need to work there for three years to be
able to certificate as self-employed. He was very disappointed.
People who completed the training, but it did not help them may be discouraged from further
retraining or education (this was explicitly mentioned by Vanda and Otto).
Subsidised jobs and apprenticeships
‘Subsidised workplaces’ is a program of temporary placement of a concrete unemployed
person realised in the private sector. These measures combine on-job-training (work
preparation, gaining work experience), reduce the uncertainty of employers (before or within
personal contact, screening), and allow for the reduction of salary costs to a level when the
productivity of workers is higher than wages. Subsidies provide employers with financial
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incentives to hire unemployed with perceived lower productivity. In theory, such are
perceived as opportunities to get a permanent job (transition effect) or we expect them to
have an enhancing effect (gaining experience, increasing skills of young people) and providing
‘springboards’ to other workplaces (Burgess 2003, Brown and Koettl 2012). They may serve
also as signalling devices for employers (Denzin and Rubery 2002). There are several discussion
themes connected with the targeting and quality of subsidised programs.
• Subsidised workplaces may lead to deadweight and substitution effects (Clasen, Gould,
and Vincent 1998).
• Employers are mostly interested in workers with better prospects while the worst of
them (people with problematic attributes) are left behind (see Clasen, Gould, and
Vincent 1998). General argument is that the ‘most disadvantaged’ are not for various
reasons (including, e.g., disability, low work morale) able to sustain subsidised jobs.
• Subsidised workplaces do not lead to stable positions in the labour market – ‘revolving
door effect’ or ‘merry-go-round effect’ (Clasen, Gould and Vincent 1998, Stauber,
Kovacheva, and van Lieshout 2003, Trlifajová et al. 2015). This is explained by the low
financial sustainability of these workplaces without public financial support (Trlifajová
et al. 2015). On the other hand, some researchers pointed out on the transition and
enhancing effects of these jobs (see Hora et al. 2018).
• They may also stigmatise unsuccessful participants (Denzin and Rubery 2002).
• Negative side of job subsidies is the potential of the creation of a subsidised secondary
labour market for temporary and low-paid jobs (‘second labour market’) – this may be
even reinforced by the sorting approach leading to the placement of less prosperous
candidates (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Gazier 2002).
Some of the respondents participated in a supported workplace which was by design for fixed
duration (Peter, Clara, Alice). Clara was included in the subsidised workplace program, but she
did not finish it (see her story). Clara reflected on subsidised training:
“I enlisted at Employment office to project for young people without work
experience…they have a program where they help young people without work
experience to get a job according to their previous education, the most suitable work
for them. However, because I have only a vocational school, they told me they had few
offers for me at the moment, but they offered me that room maid. In this project, it is
so that when they find a work for someone… he/she has security of work for a year and
the employer gets X thousands financial contributions for the employee, and so he has
the employee almost for free.” (R17: 60)
Clara left the subsidised workplace because she was dissatisfied with the employer and lacking
organisation of work. The disadvantage of subsidised workplaces is when the workplace is not
prolonged after the subsidised period (Peter) and it is not sufficient to get another job. Peter
said that his former employer was not able to pay him after the subsidy ended. Alice
commented that she was released immediately after end of work subsidy and she was offered
an undeclared job by the same employer. We noted that subsidised workplaces were not
much mentioned in the interviews.
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Measures of temporary work placement in the public sector
These programs [veřejně prospěšné práce] (not to be confused with other type of ‘public
works’ which are not a job) are often realised as workplaces organised by municipalities or
non-governmental organisations in the Czech Republic. Such programs are realised with the
aim to keep long-term unemployed in touch with the labour market and to prevent further
marginalisation, loss of motivation, and deterioration of their skills (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998). For some unemployed, such measures mean welcome improvement of their financial
income when compared to claiming of social insurance benefits (Trilfajová et al. 2015). The
following traits of these programs are often discussed:
• Jobs in the public sector are mostly temporary and relate to a greater share of returns
to Employment office registers than other programs (Hora et al. 2018).
• There is a concern that these jobs may constitute a closed system with minimum
transition to an open or unsubsidised labour market.
• There is a concern that workplaces in the public sector are provided to people who
would otherwise find a job in the private sector (Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998).
• There is a concern whether workplaces are of sufficient quality (Clasen, Gould, and
Vincent 1998).
We had four cases of young people explicitly mentioning attaining a public works program.
Nancy found a public works job place for nine months sorting clothes in a local NGO, but she
was released again after the program ended and she was not able to find work thereafter.
Peter worked at the municipality for twice half a year, but then he was released. For Karin, her
publicly subsidised workplace as a social assistant in social services was her first real job on an
employment contract. She did partial work of a pedagogical assistant and half the job of
cleaning lady. Very similar case was Bonny who got a publicly subsidised workplace in NGO for
one year and later this time-limited position was transferred to a permanent contract because
he has proven himself capable for the job.
“I started from the scratch…this is the only type of project I met. These publicly
subsidised workplaces, it was the moment really suited for my needs and it was a
solution for me, it was ingenious. If there were more of such workplaces and if there
were not so great obstacles, I think that it would be a very good solution. Because even
people in whatever situation can get one year of work experience. It may be motivating
and beneficial for the person…to get one year of work experience and get work
habits…in this it is excellent...” (R1: 145).
According to Bonny, the development aspect of such jobs is important. It is not only good for
work experience and stable income, but there is a possibility to (self) learn/educate and get
new social contacts. We noted that some NGOs started to use these workplaces to support
young people without education and work experience with the provision of their first starting
job.
It seems that for subsidised workplaces the most important aspect is whether young people
can use attained qualifications in later jobs.
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Characterisation (picture) of the system and the
relationship among the four types of measures
We have defined four policy types that are most relevant for the assessment of support or
barriers for young people towards building a secure position on the labour market. We have
also found that the effort as well as the quality of implementation and the specific position
that young people may have within the system are relevant criteria for assessment. For the
assessment of a country, it seems to be important that the policy fields are within the country
functioning together in the specific set. We will briefly reflect on the overall picture provided
in the interviews. Education system was working fine but the level of drop out among our
respondents shows that it creates a very disadvantageous position for people who for various
reasons are not able to finish it. In addition, attained education does not provide a strong
signal to the employers about quality of the candidate. While in theory the education system
and active labour market policy should be coordinated, this is much less apparent in the
interviews. We noted more cases of trying for a new start than of gradual development of a
previously attained qualification. Active labour market policy is not used so often to have
potential for greater impact. Active labour market policy was able to help young people when
there was an interest of the employer about trained candidates. One key example of good
practice was the cooperation between Roma NGO which provided subsidised jobs to young
people and Employment office which paid these subsidised workplaces. From the interviews
we can conclude that this was a helpful approach.
Unemployment protection and active labour market policy are in the Czech Republic cleverly
linked by the provision of training subsidies and by subsidising programs in the private and
public sector. ALMP participants are almost always protected from the perspective of income
security without decreasing their future social security, and this may mean additional
motivation to participate. Some authors believe that the Active labour market policies can
offset the negative impact of unemployment protection by training programs and job search
assistance (see Chung 2016, Gebel and Giesecke 2016). We see that in the Czech Republic
there may be more problems concerning the low level of effort in both systems than problems
emerging from low cooperation between the two systems.
Countries in central and eastern Europe, including the Czech Republic provide low protection
on both EPL and unemployment protection (see, e.g., Boeri, Conde-Ruiz, and Galasso 2003,
Cinalli and Giugni 2013). The low protection on both dimensions is also more typical for young
people because their conditions are different from older cohorts (see Hora, Horáková, and
Sirovátka 2016a, 2016b, Hora, Horáková, and Sirovátka, 2019b). The relation between
employment protection and unemployment protection is highlighted also in the case, when
working conditions defined by ELP influence the entitlements of young people, e.g., because
they are based on pro-rata principle (Barbieri 2009, Hora et al. 2019a, 2019b). Both
employment and unemployment protection jointly create a labour market setting, which is
very flexible, with minimum security and where some tools which are otherwise fine are not
used as intended. In this setting of general insecurity, young people have to accept what less
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is offered. Often, they struggle joggling between disabling rather than enabling rules and
hostile interests.
3.4 Interaction between young people and policies
addressing their problems
All policies are not dependent only on policy design but also on their successful
implementation. This is crucially dependent on the ability of street level workers to interact
with young people in a way which helps them in their tackling of insecurity. In the Czech
context, interactions with Employment office are crucial. It is important to help with job search
activity, counselling, and matching of unemployed to employers. Interactions with social
workers in NGO may be also highly relevant.
We did literature review to define concrete dimensions and their aspects (Behrens and Brown
1994a, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Stauber and Walther 2002, Miles 2003, Walther
2006, Hora 2008b, Trlifajová et al. 2015, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018, Gehrke,
Günther and Seukwa 2018, Gehrke et al. 2018, Lewis and Tolgensbakk 2019). The following
dimensions and aspects of the situation were found.
• Ability and/or willingness of street level workers to help.
• Quality of work offers.
• Quality of active labour market policy offers.
• Restrictive of enabling behaviour of street level workers.
We especially build on the work of Patton (1997: 210) who distinguished the dimensions of
participative/authoritarian and supportive/non-supportive. Walther (2002: 39) distinguished
between forced and chosen transitions and between supported and neglected transitions.
Concrete aspects are reflected in the tables below. These tables are based on abovementioned
literature.
Ability and willingness of street level workers to help
This dimension is about the concrete help (effort) provided to young people. Measures have
to be somehow attainable to all members of the society (Stauber and Walther 2002). The
other linked question is whether and how it is possible to target any policy only on an
individual basis. Bussi et al. (2019b) have shown how the policy was successful in the concrete
case because it was able to react to specific conditions of the case. Behrens and Brown (1994a)
pointed to an important dimension of support for young people. Although young people were
able to progress in work integration schemes (gain job), integration to continuous
employment without any form of continuing support proved difficult. In other cases, young
people are left because they are not considered as being scheme ready (see Ayllón et al. 2019).
On some occasions, young people feel they are neglected/left to help themselves and that the
situation in their neighbourhoods has worsened (Hussain et al. 2016).
Dingeldey et al. (2019) points to three aspects relevant for efficient implementation of
policies: the administrative capacity of PES (e.g. workers’ capacity and overload, financial
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problems, administrative barriers, implementation deficits), incentives provided for young
people to register and the governance structure of PES (unification or fragmentation within
the system). Interaction between young people and policies addressing their problems is
influenced by several above-mentioned trends, namely, by measures of retrenchment and
stricter character of services.
Ability and/or willingness of street level workers to help
Positively assessed Negatively assessed
(+) individual approach,
(+) personal approach (feel like humans, not
units or numbers)
(+) nice behaviour,
(+) keep their promise,
(-) formalised behaviour
(+) really helped in concrete cases,
(+) be willing to help, be forthcoming,
(+) trying to solve concrete problems,
(-) neglect,
(-) low willingness to help due to the perception
of the concrete person as unemployable
(+) transparent information,
(+) providing all information, pro-active stance,
(-) bad advice,
(-) providing outdated and inaccurate
information,
(-) providing minimum or only requested
information, rationalisation,
(+) able to find and develop concrete
competences (see Miles 2003, Mørch and
Stadler 2003)
(-) low capacity, infrequent contact,
(-) limited time of meeting, must wait for the
meeting,
(-) too bureaucratic, consequent delays to help,
Enabling / restrictive behaviour
(+) treat young people like adults,
(+) asked questions to really get to know me,
(+) be tolerant,
(+) be listening,
(-) insensitive approach,
(-) perceived arbitrariness of decisions, unequal
approach,
(-) superior behaviour, high-handled behaviour
(+) giving authorship, autonomy, and freedom, (-) restrictive behaviour,
(-) blocking some opportunities,
(-) discouragement,
(-) brainwashing and manipulation,
(+) giving time to think or to action, (-) focused only on control,
(-) disturbance of personal space,
(-) threat of sanction for noncompliance
(-) daunting, ready to sanction early,
Restrictive of enabling behaviour
Many researchers focus on the individualization of the approach towards young people (Miles
2003, Walther 2003). The result of individualization is that people should deal with the
problems of transition on the individual basis (Miles 2003). However, the interpretation of it
should be a subject for further thorough discussion. On one side, some people see
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individualization as a way to respect individual traits and features of life of young people.
Mørch and Stadler (2003), e.g., argue that individuals are seen as actors in modern society,
and as such, they are taken as individuals before they engage in education and social life. On
the other side, some reflect the risks connected with using individualization for identifying
deficiencies and consequent blaming of young people (Miles 2003) and for unintended or
purposeful omitting of structural deficits.
Important dimension is whether young people perceive the offered help as an opportunity
and whether they are enthusiastic or sceptical/critical about it (see Clasen, Gould, and Vincent
1998)41. Policies may be based on the idea of allocation – i.e., a strong effort of pressure on
the wanted outcome. The conflict may be between young people who are under pressure to
take responsibility for protecting themselves against the risk and older workers expecting to
be protected by solidarity standards (Schmid 2002a).
Important dimension of policies is whether the assumptions and symbolic images included in
the measures used towards young people correspond to the assumptions and images that
young people have about themselves (Spies 2018). Stauber and Walther (2002) wrote that
policies often fail in respecting youth subjective perspectives – their specific needs and
cultural orientations, or the responsibility of their families. There may be gaps between actual
living conditions and institutionalised standards of normality (Spies 2018). This argument is in
accordance with the relativity of rationality as provided by Thompson et al. (1990).
From this perspective, there may be questionable barriers to access measures, targeting and
mismatch between actual needs and measures (Sirovátka and Spies 2018: 13). It seems to be
sensible to distinguish here between non-existent (poor, fragmented) and comprehensive but
selective policies42. Some research (Hussain et al. 2016, Gehrke and Güntner 2018) showed
that young people have feelings that no one listens to them, that social workers did not
consider their wishes, or that young people had a poor image about the offered activities and
that the promises by authorities are not kept. ‘Cooling out’ is understood as a process during
which gatekeepers (in the situation of scarce pathways) force young people to accept
unwanted pathways and to low their (supposedly unrealistic) aspirations without much choice
for change (Walther 2003, 2006). Bonoli (2010) writes about the process when people ‘are
occupied’ until something better is going to come along. Denial of choice can be interpreted
as denial of citizenship (Walther 2006).
41
There is a substantial methodological problem because most of the qualitative research about subjective
assessment of ALMP programs by unemployed or participants is based on nonrepresentative groups. It is
probably biased towards people who were not helped by the programs.
42
Sirovátka et al. (2018) defined misfitting (to the needs of young people), deficient (failing), discriminatory, and
fragmented (poorly coordinated and unstandardized) policies. Authors see possible innovations in closing these
gaps (see ibid.).
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Perceptions of available offers
When considering the general quality of job offers, young people referred to criteria which
were introduced in the chapters about the strategies and factors influencing the insecurity of
young people. We argue that young people use similar criteria when reflecting offers provided
by Employment office.
Work offers
Positively assessed Negatively assessed
(-) very few job offers
(-) low quality job offers,
(-) only temporary jobs,
(-) only low-wage jobs,
(-) unsuitable job offers (e.g., due to health
problems or family obligations, with higher or
different demands of qualification and skills,
too far, not matching with interests of young
people and their perceptions about work
careers…)
(-) old, occupied or non-existent jobs,
(+) enjoying work in the public workplace,
(+) remuneration is high enough despite
inclusion in a public program
(-) only work in a public workplace, with low
remuneration.
Active labour market policy offers
(-) limited access, unfair or nontransparent
targeting of ALMP programs
(-) required training is not available or the
unemployed is not eligible,
(-) have to wait too long for the program
(+) gained experience, welcomed support in
transition,
(-) not ‘real work’ position, not integrated into
the firm
(-) not tailored to the needs of participants,
(-) the work position is not designed to
correspond to the skills, knowledge, and
experience of young people,
(-) not improving job chances,
(-) not providing long-term prospects to work,
(+) useful information in training programs,
(+) were more motivated to learn,
(+) meet new people,
(+) good quality of lecturers,
(-) absence of relevant training (useless
information), not sufficient level of training
(-) too short programs,
(-) low quality of lecturers.
Hora (2008b) have found that people were quite motivated to train because they perceived it
as an opportunity or because they could choose the field of training and because they hoped
it would help them to find a job. There are also other instrumental motives for training
including need to be occupied, the belief that it is better to be in training than to be
unemployed, the need to be in vacancy regime and money that are provided during training
(Hora 2008b). Some unemployed are also ‘motivated’ by threat of sanction (Hora 2008b). On
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the other side, the main reservations to training were due to the want to stay in the previous
field of occupation, the money required to pay for the course, and low belief in the usefulness
of the course (Hora 2008b). Perception of subsidised workplaces and internships is dependent
upon concrete conditions and perceptions of other better options (Hora 2008b). Young people
may be afraid that they have to stay in the internship despite other work offers (Hora 2008b).
Substantial side effect of Unemployment protection and active labour market programs may
be the stigma of participants (Biggart et al. 2002).
Young people may have quite high and concrete expectations concerning concrete outputs
and outcomes of the project as soon as possible (see Hussain et al. 2016, Hajdinjak 2018a).
EGRIS (2002: 123) argued that: “Young people today experience their lives as their own
construction and they feel the need to decide upon their own transitions – often in opposition
to existing societal trajectories.” On the other hand, people with low expectations tended to
be satisfied (Hora 2008b). For acceptance of measures, young people have to see that the
offered options are sensible (Gehrke and Güntner 2018). Some initiatives were successful in
building trust – not only to the offered measures and in building relationships with people
who managed the activity (social workers) but also with the wider society (Alwall and HellbergLannerheim
2018, Sirovátka et al. 2018). Otherwise, the issue is that young people can lose
trust in the system, do not register at Employment office, can be demotivated and frustrated,
behave ritualistically, fulfil their own goals and eventually dropout, find their own solution or
leave the labour market altogether (Clark and Kupka 1994b, Stauber and Walther 2002,
Walther 2006, Hora 2008b, Trlifajová et al. 2015, Krasteva, Jeliazkova, and Draganov 2018,
Tan and Spies 2018, Hajdinjak 2018b).
Stauber and Walther (2002) argued that policies were unable “as a result of institutional
ignorance” to catch the changing character of transitions. They may neglect the diversity of
individual transitions and specific transition problems due to their normalizing perspective
(Stauber and Walther 2002).
Ability and willingness of street level workers at Employment office to help
First, we will reflect on the general ability of people at Employment office to help. When we
consider what help is expected, it is, for example, ‘to help me to find good work’ (Jake). Only
a minority of respondents thought that support from Employment office was good,
Employment office workers tried to help the unemployed, were engaged, and had effort to
help (Ben, Roman, Clara, Ellyn, Simon, Helen, Eugenie, Tony).
“To tell the truth, the only place I was is Employment office. I cannot say… the lady I
went to for most of the time tried to find me something. She looked for something I
looked for something.” (R3: 188).
“It was fine, I was there once in two months, six or seven visits all together. We always
somehow negotiated it, she gave me some offers and there was no problem.” (R27:
103)
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Some respondents mentioned finding concrete jobs with the help of Employment office
(Janine). Other respondents mentioned that Employment office workers helped them in the
concrete situation (Derek) or that they organise meetings with employers (Simon). Sabina
mentioned that job search portal and notice boards are functioning well.
For some unemployed (e.g., for Derek, Janine, Ellyn, Vanda, Bruno) the experience was mixed,
with both good and bad experiences. In many cases, the unemployed linked this directly to
experiences with different street level workers, where some street level workers were helpful
but the others were completely unhelpful (Janine). Bruno, e.g., said that there was generally
no help from Employment office, although some concrete workers tried to help him. Ellyn
commented on her relationship with street-level workers:
“I went to one lady and she was very fine. And then when I got an invalidity pension, I
went to another lady who was very strict. The first lady was willing to forgive me
something and she was helping me. And the second lady…she did her work, but we did
not understand each other.” (R20: 85)
Most of the respondents (e.g., Jake, Betty, Ron, Fred, Otto, Lucy, Herbert, Laura) assessed
Employment office help as non-existent, unsatisfactory or useless because of a formal
approach based mainly on administration, little information, no or very rare work offers, and
low effort to help in job search (for ALMP offers see below). Street level workers only asked
the unemployed whether they found work himself/herself and about his past effort to find it
(Laura, Ron, Fred, Magda, Lucy, Otto, Herbert). Magda, for example, replied:
“Employment office? [laughing] Do you know? I will tell you. This Employment office is
completely useless…useless clerks…you come there, sign, she writes you when your
next appointment is…she asks you whether you have work and when you tell no: ‘then
come the next monthְ’…when you do not ask, they do not tell you: ‘I will look at the jobs
with you’. They send you to courses which are good for nothing.” (R7: 149)
Lucy presented a similar opinion:
“When I was at Employment office, I could not say that they helped me, that they
recommended me some work. Nothing despite that retraining course which was
useless for me…and even the second time I was registered, they did not help me.” (R29:
33)
Quido said that there was a low effort of Employment office workers to cover his needs (see
below).
Unemployed also reflected on the schedule of meetings at Employment office. Meeting at the
Employment office was infrequent – (John, Lucy, Ron, Simon, Herbert), some people were
only invited once in three months or even less often (Herbert once in five months, John once
in a half a year). Fred, Vendelín, Ben, and Ken mentioned monthly or even more often the
frequency of contacts. Frequency of the contacts is more connected to control than to help to
find work (Vendelín). Inadequately long waiting for a meeting was also perceived as a problem
(Eugenie). Herbert said that the meeting lasted only for five minutes. Vanda mentioned that
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there are a lot of unemployed for one street level worker and their time to work with them is
limited. John argued that the women in Employment office are fully occupied by the
administration agenda and the number of clients, and he doubts that they have time to
actively look for work for concrete people.
“You have an appointment set at eight a clock and you go in at half past nine…and the
poor women working there. Doors were revolving. They have a bingo system, there
numbers [signs] flashing, and during half an hour, eight people were in. [They have to]
to speak with them about everything, have papers signed, explain all things to them. I
would not like to work there, and I admire them.” (R16: 107)
Meetings at Employment office were only about providing information about the past efforts
of the unemployed and arranging future contacts. Jake said that only once he was given a
printed list of job offers and he said that support was low. Betty has never got any such list,
she had to rely on notice boards. Unemployed often reflect that there is no help or even
interest to help from Employment office (Magda, Fred).
“From my point of view, it was not about help with looking for jobs from the side of
Employment office. I did not even expect it and it was not so, so I was looking for the
job myself…I was in the register, I went to the Employment office and I declared that I
actively looked for the job… I always found the job myself…otherwise it [registration]
was for me a bureaucratic formality. From my perspective, it was only about having
health insurance paid, but otherwise from my point of view there was no coincidence
of Employment office registration and some procedure of looking for job.” (R26: 87)
Some young people reflected the switch of responsibility for job search from Employment
office to jobseekers. This is reflected in the following statements:
“They do not care about it [job search], because there is no longer that obligation as it
used to be to send you somewhere. Nowadays you have to seek alone and prove it by
the paper where you called, went, or send something.” (R25: 171).
“You have to look yourself. I will not look for it for you.” (R6: 364)
“I looked myself, Employment office did not much. Because at that time when I was not
employed, they were not active, it was much more on me. Therefore, I engaged and
looked myself.” (R21: 51)
Some people mentioned the control function:
“We have to prove [contact with employers] at Employment office. We get A4 paper to
write where we called, where we wrote or where we were, who we met, and what was
the result…they gave it to me every four months.” (R25: 71)
Vendelín mentioned that it was difficult for him to get proofs of the work search activity,
because employers were not much cooperating in this. Some respondents (Sabina) mentioned
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that they are not sure whether this list of activities is verified somehow or whether it is only a
formal activity.
Respondents also sometimes complained about not being properly informed. No one will tell
you what your entitlements are and what your entitlements are not (Karin, Sabina).
“[At Employment office] No one will tell you what entitlements you have, and what
entitlements you have not, considering social benefits.” (R25: 45)
“I never knew that when I am registered at Employment office, I can ask myself for
training or for the course, which I want to suit me. I have never known that. No one
told me, or they do not tell us such things, what we can or what we can try. They do
not give us advice, these offices and such institutions.” (R2: 97)
The widely shared view is that the main and (often only) benefit of being registered at
Employment office is in the payment of health insurance during registration (Jake, Peter,
Derek, Betty, Fred, Tony, Ron)43. This was mostly highly appreciated. This also means that their
security is threatened when health insurance is not paid as in the specific case of Betty who
had to pay back health insurance for the period when she was not registered. Some of the
respondents also reflected that unemployment insurance benefit is paid by Employment
offices and they understood it as help (see unemployed benefits section above).
We can also see how some unemployed use calculating discourse and perceived low help
including no additional income gained from Employment office registration as a factor in their
decision making towards nonregistering. Lucy who has a very negative general perception of
Employment office argued:
“I was influenced by Employment office a lot. It taught me count. You have to calculate
if you have enough to meet ends or not. If I go to Employment office, I will be without
income. Because my husband works, and I would not work. You get almost nothing
[from Employment office] and so If I do not must, no one will force me to go there. I
would rather do cleaning in the evening, but I will not go to Employment office.” (R29:
65).
We can see that the concrete experience of the unemployed depends on both period when
the unemployed was registered and on the concrete person that the unemployed met with.
This was reflected by several respondents (Ron, Violet, Vanda). Interesting is that some young
people referred to the improvement of the services while others spoke about worsening of
these services. Violet commented:
43
This aspect was generally essential for respondents. This can be illustrated by a description of the situation of
Sabina: “I started to work in the [name of the store]. First, it was ‘work on a specific task’, and so I cancelled the
registration at Employment office and I was there [at work] for 80 hours a month, what can you do, but they pay
health and social insurance which is substantial…”.
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“Once I was there for ten months, which was my longest period…during my first
registration I remember that street level workers offered, really offered, you had got a
list of workplaces with places, positions, even money, contacts to a concrete person.
And when I became unemployed five, six years ago, nothing…‘you have to look for
yourself’, nothing. No offers. ‘We have Employment office webpages. You can look
there’. In the former period, you had a service and you only went there. However, at
that time there were not servers and computers.” (R32: 33)
Vanda commented how the willingness of street level workers changed since her previous
registration.
“The lady that I was dedicated to was completely awful. Her behaviour. It was clear
that she was completely uninterested, and she goes there only because she needs to
work somewhere. She was completely without any concern. Contrary, her approach
was awful…it looks like that when you come that you bother them. That you bother
them by coming and wanting something, what is your right, but it is disturbing for
them. It is beyond their contents of the work or something similar. Even when it is not
out of their work frame and it is not something crucial.” (R21: 189)
Vanda also said that the approach of Employment office changed because now they provide
more job offers and send them by e-mail.
“When I was registered before, they were not active at all. I only came there once a
time, they wrote me somewhere, but there was no help from them at all. It was all
inactive. When I was registered recently for a while, I saw it really changed. There was
now interest, they offer you something actively. In addition, there are various meetings
and talking about things, where are you and what you can expect, etc. Therefore, it is
somehow better now. Still there is a problem, it is for me somehow unpleasant and silly
to go there.” (R21: 59)
We offer the following hypotheses concerning the changing character of the services. It is
possible that the character of help was U shaped. It is also possible that the level of help was
fluctuating with the changes in the general level of unemployment. Changes in the level of
help could be individual: e.g., there were workers who provided more help despite difficult
conditions. However, the final explanation is beyond the scope of this research.
Ability and willingness of street level workers at Social Assistance to help
Although social assistance is formally part of Employment office, it is not provided by the same
workers as job search activities. People generally perceive that it is very difficult to get social
assistance. When you ask for social benefits, the procedure is complicated and difficult, but
no one will help you with it (Otto). Magda (already mentioned in previous chapters) argued
that workers at social assistance help people differently (‘more to someone and less to
someone else’). Magda defined it as having a different approach according to the number of
children and skin colour (‘when you are white, they would even not talk to you about this’).
As a result, some people claim more benefits than other people do. They [street level workers]
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‘hide information about your entitlements’ and ‘tell you that you have no entitlements’. They
are more interested in assessing entitlement than in helping you with real problems. They are
completely unwilling to help you in crisis – they say that ‘you have to help yourself’. Magda
also complained that in crisis help is delayed by bureaucratic procedures.
“Nothing, they look at you and say: ‘you have no right to this’ and that is end. They do
nothing with you…” (R7: 347)
“These are things when you get into difficult situations, which you have to solve and it
is about a little money, but no one cares, because you caused it yourself…and you get
not one crown [koruna] more…this is my experience. Because you have some net
income, but what you have to send to someone, somewhere part of it, no one cares.”
(R25: 149)
Melinda had the oppressing experience in the question of helping Roma:
“The women at social assistance told me what we Roma want all the time and that it
is not possible. She wondered why we Roma did not ask and were not so insolent during
communist times.” (R30: 15).
Melinda argued that people at employment offices are unable or unwilling to distinguish
people who really try to improve their situation. They all think that Roma do not want to work,
and their help is very unengaged all the time. Melinda also said that asking for social assistance
was humiliating. Otto and Vendelín said that these workers are moody.
“The women from the social assistance office helped me, they talked to me normally,
they helped me psychically to get somewhere else, some of these ladies are…you can
sit with them and talk with them, all nice…but different place, different day, you hit a
bad woman or man, and it is all gone, they heal their nerves on you.“ (R5: 135)
In contrast, Barbara referred to this situation positively:
“[They are useful] because they want to help these people. They have willingness.
Everyone goes there, it does not matter who and how he/she looks like. If he stinks.
They just want to help them.” (R58: 445)
When we consider general ability and willingness to help, Ben argued that it is low.
“I think that offices should care more about people, generally. Because ‘good day and
goodbye’ is not enough. They do not care about the person, when something happens
to him, where will he go, and what is going to be with him. People should have more
support from the state…because there are a lot of such people who just survive…They
do not offer any options, retraining, nothing.” (R3: 509)
Concrete interactions with social assistance workers are visible in the story of Eugenie.
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Story of Eugenie
Eugenie studied vocational training for a photographer during communist times. She worked
in that field in two jobs, but afterwards she could not find any other work as photographer.
She reflects that she studied a profession which partially became obsolete due to changes in
technology and widespread use of computers and digital photography. Later she found two
more stable jobs (for several years), one in administrative work and one in local management
of advertisements and newspaper distribution. She had also other jobs, but they were shorter.
Eugenie lived at the time of the interview with her mother and children in an old house. Her
work situation was influenced by her family situation because in the period between the two
stable jobs (mentioned above) she was living as was a single mother on parental leave (she
did occasional jobs, because she needed to have money for the child). Later she had a second
child. Once she had to leave a job in a shop (where she was for a year) because her child was
ill and caring for it was incompatible with working in that job.
The main topic in the story of Eugenie was the claiming of social assistance benefits. She
claimed social benefits as a single mother even in times when she was employed. She was very
nervous and stressed by the need to claim it and that she must wait for a long time at the
social assistance office. Later she decided rather not take them up [benefits]. Eugenie had
problems with a social assistance worker due to his rude behaviour when one street level
worker told her that ‘she should not have children when she is not able to care for them’.
Her situation became most difficult for her at another moment when their house burned
down, and they did not have money for repairs. She asked social assistance for lump sum help
(to repair burned electricity) but she was refused (she said that a street level worker did not
care). The street level worker at social assistance had ‘horrible approach’ to her. She appealed
to the street level workers decision, but it took two months before the final decision at the
higher level and it only returned the case for another first level decision. She collapsed, had
psychical problems (ended up in psychiatric care) and was released from work because she
had those psychical problems.
On the other hand, she had good experience from Employment office where the street level
worker had understanding for her low ability to look for work due to the illness (borreliosis).
Discourse of Eugenie is ‘claiming Roma’. She believes that street level workers should have an
individual approach and distinguish between people in need and permanent claimants.
According to her view, Roma people with big families and foreigners have better chances to
get social benefits than ‘normal’ Czech people. It is very difficult to have time for social
assistance administration when you work. In addition, Eugenie was most upset when she
found that refusal of help in a crisis was reasoned in a written letter ‘by her (having) work’.
Eugenie thought that the street level workers did not have the required competences for their
jobs.
Another discourse in her story was ‘need for security’ (comparing opportunities with security
in the labour market). She said that with age she became afraid of radical change. There are a
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lot of job offers, but they are insecure. Eugenie spoke about her last job in this situation when
she noticed emerging problems there.
“…I had an offer for better work but I was afraid to leave [my current job], because I
told to myself, here I have a contract of indefinite duration, unlimited contract, and
what if it would not be so in this other firm, what if they fire me in the trial period and
I will be where I was…and so it influenced me a lot, because I said that how I would be
to have to go to social assistance again and the result will be as it will be.” (R24: 83).
“…older I am, the more, I am afraid of radical changes…there is plenty of work,
thousands of offers…but there is no longer that the security, the security of holding that
job for longer time, whether the job will be of indefinite duration, will the firm pay social
and health insurance for me [gives lengthy example how she was cheated]. This is what
you have to think about…yes that work looks promising, they pay a good salary, but
beware, check your social insurance…I try to be cautious. When I had a good job offer,
I thought a long time about it, but I said no because I was for a long time in that firm.
If I made that change…but there are many if in human life” (R24: 135)
My reflection: The position of Eugenie on the labour market was heavily influenced by her
lone motherhood. She tried to combine working with social assistance claiming, but it proved
to be increasingly psychically demanding to the extent that she decided to non-take up. Her
complicated situation with the burned house showed that the real help in social assistance is
in concrete cases non-existent and we do not know what criteria are used in the decision who
is helped and who not. The fact that Eugenie was a breadwinner of the family was influencing
her decisions because she reflected her responsibility. In other words, Eugenie was not sure
that after a change of job it would be better (it is too risky for her).
My reflection on ability and willingness to help
Help from the side of Employment office was generally (with some exceptions) assessed as
low or non-existent. Despite the publicly common image of benefits for everyone, I noted in
the interviews that social benefits were rather hard to get. In reflection of Magda, we can see
typical aspects of deserving/undeserving, individualisation and rationalisation (effort to
discourage people from claiming). Magda also noted that the approach of street level workers
is more driven by discourse on ‘assessing entitlement’ than by real interest in the specific
situation of the client and finding ways to help.
Job offers provided by Employment Office
Second dimension of the relationship between unemployed and street level workers at
Employment office was about providing job offers as a key expected activity of job search
assistance. We have found several criteria which the unemployed used to assess job offers
provided by Employment office. These included the general number of job offers, adequacy
of job offers to the skills and situation of the unemployed, general quality of offered jobs,
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strange work offers, and virtual job offers. We will follow their argumentation in the following
paragraphs.
Number of jobs offers
One dimension is whether the unemployed even get some job offers as it was reflected in the
previous part of this chapter. Some unemployed declared that they were given (enough) job
offers (Tony, Melinda). On the other hand, people such as Herbert, Betty, John, Lucy, Otto,
Fred, Ron, Sabina, and Simon got (almost) no concrete job offers or they said they would
welcome more job offers (Sophie). This is accompanied by statements of street level workers
‘I have nothing for you’ (Herbert) or ‘I have nowhere to send you’ (Sabina). Ben reflected that
the number of suitable job offers was fluctuating and there were periods when nothing was
available. Individual respondents assessed the different number of jobs offers as low.
“…I go there [Employment office] asking for work. I tell them myself to give me job
offers. She [PES worker] looks at the computer and tells me: ‘For you I have nothing’.
She arranges me another appointment in five months. I am here [at an appointment]
for less than five minutes and I go out. What they are for? I could do it, doing click, click
‘I have nothing for you, sign it here and goodbye’…I ask them for sweeping streets or
something similar. That I do not care. Even for the work at heights that I am afraid
of…but nothing is for me.“ (R31: 131)
„[it would help me] If I got some list of works. It is nice to enlist and sign papers and
know nothing and go there. However, I thought that I will come here and they will print
me some papers, with job offers in my field with phone number, where I can call, what
is the salary, work time etc…. There are some boards, but I think it is out of necessity
rather than the willingness of Employment Office to help people to find work. Only [it
is good] for social and health insurance to be calm.” (R22: 88)
Sometimes even when there is a suitable work offer, Employment office workers do not
inform you about it (Eugenie).
Skill/health/situation mismatch in provided job offers:
Some unemployed were satisfied with job offers (John) or they said there were some
interesting job offers (Peter). Clara argued that she got appropriate job offers. The criteria she
used were that Employment office workers reflected the field she studied (waiter) and that
she was without work experience and they did not recommend her to any job that would be
inferior or which she could not do. This was also positively reflected by Janine, who was sent
to jobs corresponding to her previous work experience. Nancy commended that she was given
job offers in preferred professions.
Some other unemployed reflected that they got no job offers in the preferred fields (often the
field they studied) and they get job offers in ‘unknown fields’ – where they have never worked
and they knew nothing about the job (Quido, Ron, Sophie). This argument is not about getting
no job offers but getting wrong job offers.
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• Employment Office workers send them job offers which they clearly do not fulfil basic
qualification conditions or required experience (Quido, Ken, Vanda, John).
• Vendelín reflected that job offers are not corresponding to his health condition.
• John and Janine said there are job offers for jobs that they are not suitable candidates
for, or they are not willing to do them. This is typical for the profession of agent on the
telephone and some other goods selling professions but also for some cleaning jobs.
• Ron and Quido argued that they [street level workers] did not used their skills and
preferences to provide them with corresponding job offers.
• Janine stated that she had to accept a job which collided with her possibility to attend
school.
• Long distance and other conditions, which are not compatible with family
responsibilities (Alice)
Quido and Vanda reflected that this mismatch may happen because the list of job offers is
universal and not suited to their needs.
“I, e.g., get an offer for an electrician which is completely out of my field [trade and
entrepreneurship]. No one would be talking to me [about a job], naturally they
[employers] invite you for an appointment, but at the end they tell you that they are
not interested because you do not meet the criterium.” (R13: 59)
Vanda said:
“They [Employment office workers] do not look who they send those emails. It
happened to me many times that they sent me some work offer of some firm, e.g.,
working with iron where there was a demand for men. And you can see that they send
it to all people on some list and they will respond or not. It is good for nothing…three
quarters of work offers were useless and only a few were suitable” (R21: 181).
There was a similar argument raised also by John.
“Job offers provided at the private portal are better. You can set the filters there. They
directly ask you about your preferred wage, conditions, mileage that you are willing to
commute. Employment office does not ask you. They could make a questionnaire for
the unemployed asking: Thirty kilometres is OK. Fifty kilometres is OK. Do you have your
own car? This is a mistake that Employment office does not do this.” (R16: 261).
Formal criteria should not be, according to some young people, the only decisive factor. Peter
argued that he does not want to be sent to jobs for which he meets the basic formal criteria
but which he does not want to do, because he thinks that they are not perspective. Janine said
that people themselves should have the opportunity to influence what they want to do.
Job quality – bad working conditions and strange work offers:
Some respondents generally mentioned that jobs offered at Employment office are of worse
quality than jobs from other sources (John, Lucy). Lucy commented ‘they have never offered
me anything that I could do’. Other respondents said that jobs offered by Employment office
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were in preferred professions and suitable but working conditions were unacceptable. Ellyn,
Ken, Betty, and Lucy got job offers that were very low paid (around CZK 50-70 per hour) and
they were herself able to find better (better paid) offers. Ron argued that Employment office
offered him only one manual job which he had previous experience with and which he did not
want to do due to long shifts, monotonous (extremely boring) character of the job and low
wage for the work done.
Another category is strange job offers. Simon commented that jobs provided by Employment
office are ‘strange’. For Simon, this relates to offering occasional work on trial first (sometimes
without a work contract) and promising job later, which is never realised. Ben and Ken
describe a similar experience. From previous research, we know that strange job offers are
offers which often later prove to be fraudulent or they are different from their original
presentation in the advertisement (Hora 2008a, Hora 2008b).
Low interest of employers to employ young people and the real ability of street level workers
to influence the chances of unemployed
Another dimension is linked to the low ability of the unemployed to get the job proposed by
Employment office workers. Vendelín, Ken, Simon, Antonia, Roman, Magda, and John
reflected that they were sent to workplaces where no one was willing to talk to them, where
employers refused them or where they got no response and that Employment office sent
many people to the same workplace.
“Employment office sends you with a recommendation and they [employers] ask you:
‘Do you want to work or not?’ Someone may say no but when I want to work, I beg
them ‘please call me’ but they do not call you or they say we are already full.” (R7: 409)
Vendelín perceived that sending many unemployed to the same workplace decreases his
individual chances of a job. Alice said that good workplaces were often already occupied when
she went there, and she proposed that these job offers are ‘fictive’.
“You find a job via Employment office and they [employers] say that it is already
occupied. And I ask: ‘Why do you have this workplace enlisted, to have at least
something enlisted there?’ I do not know. I see a link to the bad image of people who
are registered at Employment office, they are perceived horribly.” (R28: 161).
Janine argued:
“..if there were something that would [she did not finish the sentence]…because when
they send someone somewhere from the Employment office, he/she is often not
accepted. When I came to [concrete workplace], they looked strangely funny to me.
When there were ten people asking for the same workplace the same day, it is clear
that they will accept no one of them….[Continues the first sentence] To do something
for people who want to work, to find them a job, where they would accept them…They
will not accept you if you are from Employment office…because there are many
candidates or because they are from Employment office”. (R19: 282)
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This aspect was also reflected in the interview with Melinda. She commented:
“[after describing frequent job refusal] I left the employers crying…and I told them at
Employment office: ‘Why do you give me such work offers, why do not call there, why
do you not arrange work for me’. However, they told me that they cannot. They only
give me recommendations, but the rest is to employers.” (R30: 39)
Roman described his meeting with a street level worker and from his description it is apparent
that provision of work tips is present, but it is rather formal without any additional support.
Alice argued that Employment office workers should motivate employers to take people who
are registered at Employment office and they should try to improve the image of these
unemployed in the eyes of employers to assure that these unemployed are not seen as
inferior.
Job enforcement and work recommendations
Employment office sometimes provides the unemployed with the paper of ‘work
recommendation’. Unemployed must attend in this case the concrete employers and to
accept the job or have a stamp from the employer that they were not accepted. When they
do not attend these employers, they risk expulsion from Employment office. Not all
unemployed are given recommendations. Some unemployed saw these recommendations as
good because they perceive them as help in job search and they would like to get them
(Vendelín, Simon, Roman, Fred). This means that these recommendations are perceived as a
helping tool. Other respondents want to avoid them (Peter).
“I looked for work, but I did not want them to give me some work chosen by someone
who does not know me because I know how this is functioning and a friend of mine was
several times sent somewhere…. He [street-level worker] to find you work says: ‘they
want employees, elementary education is sufficient, age is fine, I will send him there’.
However, I do not want to do this. Why should I do guardsman or some other work
without perspective, operator this is without perspective for me and doing it all day, I
am going to be 25….” (R12: 232)
Peter reflected that some unemployed got a lot of recommendations, but some were not
given any. He thinks that the reason is that the number of recommendations depends on the
own activity of the unemployed (if you are active and you are able to prove it, you are left with
your own job search).
Others perceive recommendations or some of their aspects negatively. We can summarise
some main problems connected with work recommendations mentioned by unemployed in
the following way:
• Discussion whether these places are suitable for concrete person. When they are not,
young people perceive them as work enforcement.
• Fact that despite recommendations they are never chosen (Ken, Antonia, Roman)
• Refusal on sight from the employers and only providing a stamp (John, Roman)
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• Going to already occupied workplaces (John, Antonia)
• Sending the unemployed to workplaces which are far away from their homes (Otto,
Bruno)
In cases like Roman, the work recommendations were clearly ineffective because despite
several attempts (Roman estimated about six) they never led to jobs. Roman reflected that he
always found a job himself. Bruno commented on having to accept job:
“I was after the car accident, but they did not care that I am after leg surgery and I
hardly walk. They just send you [name of a distant town], anywhere. They do not care
how you are going to get there. They just expel you of Employment office.“ (R8: 189)
Expelling out of Employment office has consequences because your social assistance is limited
to specific, even more meagre support (Bruno).
Story of Alice
Alice is a woman in her middle age. She studied and finished high school for engineering. She
was not offered any engineering job due to low certainty at the time of the Velvet Revolution.
She also believes that she was discriminated because she was a girl. When she was not able
to find work, she did not know what to do:
“I did not know what I wanted. I wanted to study for vet, but I did not pass the entry
exams and so I went to study agriculture university with the vision that I will see. I really
did not know what I wanted, but I did not want to work in an engineering factory,
despite studying for it.” (R28: 23)
She did not stay at the university because the university was temporarily closed during
revolution time. Alice said that her situation at that time was insecure and she wanted to get
any work, even abroad. During her studies at high school, she worked as a hostess and she
learned several languages. After school, shortly after Velvet Revolution, she had got a good
job offer and she went abroad where she worked in administration and where she met her
later husband. She married a foreigner and they together moved to the Czech Republic. They
wanted to give children to the Czech schools. They founded together a firm, which operated
for several years. Her former husband suddenly disappeared (he moved back to his country of
origin) and she lived as a single mother with three children which were very small. It was a
horrible period of her life. Later she divorced.
She worked in several jobs, including one longer in the travelling service, which ended at the
peak of Economic crisis. Later she was unemployed, and it was very difficult for her to get a
job. She spoke about specific disqualifying conditions (see the previous chapter).
Alice has presented a specific discourse concerning job offers in which she prefers ‘creative
work’ to ‘legal work’. On one side, she does not want to work in the factory because she thinks
that she has developed substantial work competencies (speaks three languages, has a driving
licence, accounting skills, has work experience in administration etc.). Employment office
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workers forced her to work in the factory. She is willing to accept any ‘good job’ but nothing
like that is offered to her legally (nor any from the Employment office).
“For me it is discrimination. They [Employment office] should offer me adequate work.
I would go anywhere, and I responsively went to any workplace I perceived to be good.
However, there are firms which offer me illegal work, but there is an offer. However,
what [is offered] from Employment office?” (R28: 157).
On the other hand, she thinks that some jobs are degrading (especially routine manual work)
and she refuse to do them. ALMP polices are according to her misused. She worked in a
subsidised workplace but was released immediately after the end of the subsidy. The same
employer offered her undeclared work shortly after that.
She has work offers for interesting works but all of them are undeclared work. She said that
she was financially well due to undeclared work and that employers will not give her an
employment contract upon any circumstances.
“It is not true that you should take any degrading work or sweeping streets. They
[unemployed] go rather ill etc…I do not want to be unemployed in any case. However,
I understand people who are at Employment office and they have a lot of undeclared
work. And they have no chance for legal contact. That were my experiences and these
jobs were not any degrading work, but they were not giving me work contracts.” (R28:
157)
…
“I have three children and what will I tell them? ‘Children, you are not going to go to a
school trip because I want a work contract or employment contact and he [the
employer] tells me: No, take it or leave it’. (R28: 159).
She knows about a lot of offers for undeclared work. She worked in many undeclared jobs.
“Everyone…will rather go to do undeclared work to make files in the advocacy office
than to go legally and compulsory from Employment office to pack [in concrete
unqualified manual work in the factory]. What will become of a university graduate
who will go to do packing [in concrete unqualified manual work in the factory]?” (R28:
157).
My reflection: Alice noticed an interlink between her disqualification from the labour market,
negative stances of other people, and the psychical consequences of unemployment. She
resigned to have a legal job, because such a job is not suitable. Still, it is very surprising how
many nonlegal job offers she is able to get while not being able to get a decent legal job. Her
tale is one of the clear cases when undeclared work is a viable option while offers of
Employment office are not.
My reflection on offered jobs
When we reflect on the job offers provided by Employment office to our respondents, we with
some exceptions noted only manual work in the factories (very demanding and unstable), a
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category of job which is described as ‘so low paid than no one wants to get them’. This does
not mean that there are not better jobs in the database, but they are not reachable for our
respondents. Paradoxically, it seems that this is the lowest legal (and illegal) segment of the
labour market. Some young people take undeclared jobs because they are more accessible
and with better conditions. The other aspect is whether these job offers are real and why
people are sent to occupied workplaces. It is possible that the concurrence for good jobs is so
great that these are quickly occupied. Or it is possible that job offers at Employment office are
not actual and the unemployed know about them late. Another explanation is that the
occupied character of the job is a decoy used by employers to discourage unsuitable
candidates.
Active labour market policy offers
In this section, we reflect on two main aspects of active labour market policy. The first aspect
is the availability of active labour market programmes to unemployed people including
specific eligibility criteria. The second aspect is the subjective assessment of programmes and
the general stance that young people have towards program offers (potentially influencing
their further motivation to participate). We discuss these aspects here because they can be
most influenced by interactions between young people and street-level workers. This seems
essential because in some cases the training was very intensive, and respondents attended
several courses.
Access to ALMP programmes and eligibility criteria
The first and most important aspect constituting an opportunity is the mere presence or
absence of active labour market policy offers. Derek mentioned that he attended an
information meeting about the possibilities of ALMP programs. Some young people got ALMP
offer with the help of some NGO which mediated the process (Gwen, Bonny, Karin). Some of
the other respondents reflected that active labour market policies were not offered to them,
they were not sufficiently informed about existing ALMP offers, or that they were not among
the chosen ALMP candidates (Ken, Roman, Jake, Quido, Derek, Karin, Tony, Laura, Ron,
Nancy). John argued that people from Roma minority are preferred to long-term unemployed
white people with ALMP offers. However, we have not found any such evidence in our data.
During the interviews, we noted several times that respondents were rather passive in looking
for active labour market policy offers. Derek mentioned that participation in ALMP program
was in collision with his studies and that he preferred the job he found. Jake thought that his
nonparticipation was because ALMP was not actively offered to him.
“[Retraining programs] are offered, but [I cannot say] that I would find the offer
somewhere…but I cannot say that I would look for it actively. However, I did not see
retraining courses among the listed job offers which were hanged at Employment
Office.” (R11: 95)
Nancy commented on the unavailability of the offers:
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“I were registered at Employment office for five months but in the meanwhile, there
was not any program starting and so she [a street level worker] offered me nothing. I
am invited again only in the next month.” (R72: 29)
Karin missed more active participation in the choice:
“You know what? I have never known when I was at the Employment office that I could
myself ask about training or some course, which I would want, to suit me. I have never
known it, no one told me, or they do not tell us these things, what we can or what we
could try, they do not like to tell us.” (R2: 97).
Basic criterion for participation here is logically the need for retraining, which is difficult to
access from the interviews, as many young people have unfinished or unusable initial
education. Only a few people (e.g. Tony) could argue that retraining or further training is
contra-productive in their case.
Another key aspect of interest in training is the perception whether the program leads to a
preferred job. Gwen, e.g., believed that completing ALMP training would help her to be able
to do the hairdresser profession (she previously dropped from hairdresser vocational
training). Others said that ALMP was offered but in the field that was not interesting for them
because they did not want to do it (John, Peter). In Peters’ case, the training of a specific type
was not available at the moment because the training offer is fluctuating.
“..and you find that training is not available since the last month and it is going to be
realised again after the next half year.” (R12: 116)
Peter said that you have to accept what is available or wait. He also interpreted this in the way
that they [PES workers] were not willing to allow him to train for what he would like to do.
In another case, Roman was denied training for a concrete profession (and generally any
training) because he was not in evidence for long enough time – one and a half year (also
Bonny had to be registered for three months to get access to publicly subsidised workplace).
Sensible participation depends on the feeling of the unemployed that the offered course is
useful and that they can actively partake in its selection. There are some remarks in the tale
of Karin.
„Once I came to the Employment office and the lady told me that it was a long time [I
was registered] and that I have to attend some course or something. She sent me for
training for four days here [name of the town] about ‘financial literacy’ may be to have
it fulfilled.” (R2: 101).
This is a typical example of ALMP course which has probably no direct impact on the labour
market chances of participants.
Payment for retraining is another topic in the interviews. Some of the respondents were glad
that there was financial support for the training, and they felt no corresponding restrictions
(Clara, Vanda). However, other unemployed had quite different experiences. Unemployed
were asked to ensure their future jobs (to have job promises from employers), otherwise PES
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was not willing to pay for their training (this was mentioned by Ellyn, Sabina, Magda, Ron and
Otto). Ron e.g. said:
“They did not offer me any training. I asked for training. I wanted to do training for IT,
but they strictly discouraged me from it. They said it is difficult to get there and if I do
not have ensured employment in this field, they do not [provide/recommend?] it to
me.” (R33: 115)
Some unemployed (Quido, Ellyn) were discouraged from training because the training courses
they wanted were paid and the value of the course was too high for them to pay. It may also
limit future self-employed because in this case they must pay training themselves (Sabina).
Some people created a negative stance towards some ALPM programs. Peter argued that
training programs should be longer and of better quality. Herbert reflected on his experience
with active labour market offers. Employment office workers offered him retraining many
times. Herbert said that no one ever asked him what he would like to retrain for. At first
attained retraining, he was enthusiastic, but when it did not go to get work, he lost the belief
that it would help him. He refused another retraining offer:
“They offered me training but I did not go there, I was already disgusted. She [streetlevel
worker] asked me, If I want to go there: ‘If you want to go there, go there, but I
do not know.’ Would you have a taste to go there? If she tells it to you like that? I said:
‘I do not go there, it is useless, is not it?ׄ’ Why should I go there? It does not make sense.
When she tells it to you like that.” (R31: 147)
Similar experience was described also by Otto. Not only personal but also shared experience
and reputation may be relevant in decision making. When we asked John why he would not
be interested in working in a subsidised workplace, he said:
“I have heard about this, but what I have heard from people, it is that the firm will take
you, it gets money for you, and so you work for them for free and then they fire you.
…People talk about this in the following way: Some employer creates three workplaces,
pulls people there, and he does not have to pay social and health insurance. He does
not even pay the wage, which is paid by state. Thus, employers save money.” (R16:
447).
John was because of his perception of the measure not interested in it. Alice discussed that
public workplaces are not provided for long enough time to help people to set firm footholds
in the hosting organisation. Participants often end with the end of the subsidised contract.
She also criticised that such contracts are accompanied with high administrative burdens.
My reflection on labour market policy programs.
It seems that Employment office should inform more actively young people about ALMP offers
and that some people have to be positively motivated for training or subsidised workplace.
We noted young people who complained but they were themselves rather passive in looking
for these options. To be attractive, these options should be in preferred professions, they
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should be of sufficient quality and enhance usefulness after program participation. Targeting
of these measures should be further discussed.
Enabling and restrictive behaviour of street level workers
In this section, we discuss whether interactions with street level workers are enabling or
restricting or even enforcing concrete options. Still, we note that both willingness and ability
to help and concrete type of behaviour are also based on a more general relationship between
concrete unemployed and concrete street level worker. Ellyn, e.g., described a concrete
relationship with a street level worker: ‘She did her work, but otherwise we did not
understand each other’. As in other parts of the assessment, this is related to the behaviour
of concrete street workers, resulting in the assessment of both positive and negative aspects
of behaviour by the same unemployed (e.g., when comparing the behaviour of concrete
workers). Respondents appreciated the following traits of street level workers, which they
assessed as positive aspects of behaviour. These are taken from the assessment of both
workers at Employment office who are concerned with job search and workers who are
concerned with the payment of social assistance benefits.
• Appropriate frequency of contacts with street level workers (Tony, Sabina, Eugenie).
• To be able to negotiate conditions (Tony)
• Have a nice, decent, polite and human approach (Sabina, Ellyn, Eugenie, Helen), talk
with me normally (Vendelín, Helen)
• Asking about job preferences of young people, young people were themselves
engaging in the choice of the job (Janine)
• Being able to understand their specific situation and willing to take it into account
(Helen, Sabina, Rachel, Helen, Vendelín, Eugenie), be empathetic (Rachel).
• You can speak with them about your problems (Maria, Otto)
• Avoiding problems and conflicting situations (Tony, Sabina)
• That the street level worker was able to forgive her something (Ellyn).
Respondents criticised the following traits of street level workers, which they assessed as
negative aspects of behaviour:
• Being moody (Otto)
• Unwilling to accept views of the unemployed and enforcing their own views (Peter,
Janine, Ron, Vendelín). This include enforcing applying for jobs that young people do
not want or are unable to do.
• Having no voice – low engagement and interest in the needs of the unemployed (Ben,
Ron, Rachel, Karin, Quido, Vendelín, Janine) and in their personal situation (Bruno)
• Not informing the unemployed about the nature and relevance of activities (Betty)
• Disagreeable behaviour (Ron), arrogant and nasty behaviour (Eugenie), they should
behave better (Ken).
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• Neglect, not interested, they do not care (Eugenie, Jake, Bruno, Vendelín, Herbert,
Melinda). This includes refusing and playing down problematic aspects of the life
situation of the unemployed, saying the unemployed, that it is their own fault etc.
We understand that the first basic criterion here is interest in the case of unemployed and the
second one is how young people are treated from the perspective of their personal goals and
needs. Melinda commented that street level workers should be more concerned about the
unemployed. Commonly shared view was that street level workers ‘go to work only to drink
coffee’.
There was a group of young people who wanted more freedom and personal space to look for
the job themselves (Janine, Peter). Janine reflected:
“…they should provide space for normal people to look for a job themselves and not to
offer them something like a cleaning lady or similar all the time….I told them that I
study but they do not care at all. They could give me a chance when I try to finish school
and not tell me that this is not a reason [not to accept the concrete job]” (R19: 114).
In the case of Janine, we saw that she was more forced to accept jobs because she was
unemployed for a very long time while she wanted ‘to be left alone’. Such respondents are
often more individualistic, and they have their both positive and negative reasons why they
do not want to be helped. On the other hand, others expect a personal approach. When we,
e.g., consider the reflection of Jake, he was not enforced to anything, but on the other side he
did not thought that his needs would be considered. Peter described his feelings in the
following statement.
“They listened to me, but there was not even minimal interest to oblige, absolutely no
one… they went according to some given plan of them or some schedule…I was not
willing to do training for something that I do not need, or I do not have a plan to work
or entrepreneurship in. It would be a loss of money and time.“ (R12: 120)
Fred described that when he was active himself, the Employment office workers were passive,
and they let him to go his own way, but he was not satisfied with it because he wanted more
help. Derek argued that Employment office workers leave the unemployed their freedom to
look for work themselves for some time and then give them work recommendations.
There were some examples of situations where the behaviour of street level workers was
clearly restrictive. Ken was offered a job in the building industry, which he could not refuse,
despite very bad working conditions (see tale of Ben and Ken). Ken said that he was forced to
accept a job with (for him) an unacceptably low wage. There is thread of sanction in the form
of expulsion from the unemployment register for half a year. This had harsh practical
consequences because during this period the unemployed cannot claim any social benefits
and many of them are left without any income.
Employment office workers frequently used strategies leading to sanctioning people by
expelling them from the Employment office register (Ken, Vendelín, Otto, Bruno, Betty, Derek,
Janine). The reasons for expulsion were various and included missing of appointment (Derek,
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Betty), refusal of ‘suitable job’ (Ken, Janine, Bruno), and noncompliance during ALMP
programs (Clara). Some unemployed mentioned expulsion for refusing jobs far away (Otto,
Bruno). Vendelín spoke about the disagreement concerning a concrete job and that a street
level worker mistook him for someone else.
In some cases, expulsion seems to be ‘righteous’, e.g., when young people were expelled from
Employment office for missing and appointment due to illegal work or due to not declaring
the relevant reason of missing and appointment. Sometimes more mutual cooperation could
help. Derek described how he was expelled from Employment office due to missing an
appointment:
“My bad experience is when I was expelled from register. I did not go to a prearranged
meeting because I was in the hospital, I had to go to emergency. I called the clerk, but
no one answered the call, it was just ringing and they did not tell me anything even
when I called the information service…and finally I found the clerk was on holiday and
so no one could answer my call. Later I sent an appeal with enclosed paper from the
emergency, but they did not care and they denied it. It was a really bad experience for
me, the right was on my side, but the decision was, I cannot do anything with it.” (R14:
220).
A very interesting example of expulsion is the tale of Janine. She was expelled from
Employment office because she attended school one workday a week, and she refused to do
work which required working every day. The argument of Employment office was that
attending school is not an excuse for not accepting work. Clara described expulsion due to
prematurely ending ALMP program:
“…sanction for breaking the contract with Employment office and I was not allowed to
register again for half a year because I refused the work offer within the project, which
I did by leaving the [subsidised] workplace.” (R17: 70)
Otto described his current situation. Recently, he was sent with ‘recommendation’ from
Employment office to the concrete workplace. He attended the factory where the recruitment
lady asked him what she should write on the recommendation. He replied that she should
write that there was no workplace open. However, she refused to do that because they had
vacant workplaces. Finally, she wrote to the recommendation that he looks for another
workplace closer to his home.
“I brought this recommendation to the Employment office and the lady whose client I
am and who tells me whether work was found or not or she invites me to another term
told me that she is going to expel me from the register, because they found me work
and I refused that work (due to my stupidity)” (R6: 79).
The main reason why Otto did not want to work in this workplace was that it was distant from
his home. Later he added that when he is expelled, he has to find work because otherwise he
would not be able to pay for the rooming house. He called to the factory again and they said
they would accept him. Otto said:
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“Human is not without a mistake. Every human does mistakes and says unintentionally
what he should not say.” (R6: 121)
Vendelín presented a similar story of being sent to an employer who was not willing to meet
with him and worked far away. Street level worker wanted to expel him from Employment
office, but they found out that she mistook him for someone else. However, she said she saw
him working on the construction site. Employment office workers ensure the compliance of
concrete unemployed by requesting proofs of job search activities.
Interpretation of such tales is always difficult. It might have been some misunderstanding or
Otto just did not want to work because the current situation suits him. However, one aspect
is particularly interesting for me. One moment of noncompliance leads to expulsion. This
means that you have to behave always right. One mistake leads directly to a fall (similarly as
when walking the rope).
Some unemployed reflected on the consequences of expulsion. When you are expelled from
Employment office, you are not allowed to register for some period (usually half a year) again.
Respondents mentioned that you lose entitlements (e.g., unemployment insurance, free
payment of health insurance, basic social assistance benefits). Bruno was expelled from social
assistance and he was given only 1000-2000 CZK special benefit for homeless people. Bruno
connected this with deep psychical consequences (‘I could not bear it’). This has also other
consequences. E.g. Ken decided not to try to register with the Employment office again after
he voluntarily left the recommended job. He explained:
“When you register, you sign a paper. The lady tells you that when you are accepted
for a job and you have a recommendation, you cannot leave. And I stayed at home.”
(R4: 333)
Another respondent mentioned that he/she accepted an undeclared job to survive. We also
note that the perceived disagreeable behaviour of street level workers contributes to the
unpleasant feeling of the unemployed and to their low willingness to attend Employment
office (Ron). This is more reflected in the part about the psychical consequences of
unemployment.
Respondents also spoke about social assistance workers. One group of respondents has never
had any problems with social assistance workers – they described their positive attitude
(Simon). Other respondents even said that social assistance workers helped them in a
concrete situation (Vendelín). Other respondents described that social assistance workers
tend to use a rationalization strategy, are without interest about the situation of people, are
rude to clients, they are trying to conceal information or discourage some people from
claiming and refusing to help in a crisis (Otto, Magda, Bruno, Helen, Eugenie, Sabina, Melinda).
Several respondents (Magda) mentioned that the approach of street level workers of social
assistance is different to different people and they provide different level of help. Otto said
that social assistance workers strictly obey to their administrative routines, but they are not
willing to help potential benefit claimants (by explaining them meaning of the forms, by
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helping them to fill the forms) in their administrative task of assessment of benefit
entitlement. Betty said:
“I would more tell how [street-level] workers see it, because in the current situation I
never know. They give me some papers to sign it, but they do not tell me what it means,
etc.” (R22: 266)
One clear way of restrictive behaviour is refused help that blocks other possible options and
solutions (Sabina). Sabina reflects that people in crisis may not be helped even a bit and even
if it would be relatively easy to help them. She said that she perceived the stance that ‘it is her
own fault’, and she is not eligible. Strict refusal of help in the critical situation was perceived
especially negatively (see the story of Eugenie, who asked for help when she became a lone
mother and later after the fire in her house).
Unemployed were in some periods in the past motivated or enforced to participate in ‘public
service works’. This was about working some hours a week for a small increase in social
benefits or for the possibility to get social benefits (without any increase). Otto mentioned
that he participated in ‘public services works’ for 20 hours a week and that his income was
raised by 500 CZK. On the opposite, when you refused to do public service, your benefit was
reduced.
“You have some hours that you have to work to get a social benefit. When you do not
fulfil this quota, you do not go to work in the morning with the broom and the shovel,
you will loaf around, the social assistance office reduces half, it is their right to reduce
your money.” (R6: 109)
My reflection on restricting and enabling behaviour
Enabling behaviour can be characterised as a behaviour which enables, by providing
appropriate information, allowing discussion between the street level worker and a young
person, the opinions of young people are considered and the offered options are worthy and
corresponding to the needs of young people. Enabling behaviour is based on a relationship
which is as balanced as possible, avoiding enforcement of prescribed paths. While there may
be formal decision power of street level workers over clients, it should not lead to unequal
and embarrassing conditions, embarrassment of clients, limited possibility to use some
options, and a feeling of fatality (as described by Engbersen et al. 2006).
Reflecting the work of NGOs
Young people noted help which was provided by NGOs. We reflect that some young people
perceived help from NGO as helpful (they are able to advise, they provide concrete helping
activities). Non-governmental organisations played a substantial role in Roma community, but
other respondents mentioned it occasionally. There were specific NGO working with children,
NGO working with Roma, office for the social-law protection of children. One of the
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respondents lived in an asylum house with her two children. Young people described using
the following activities:
• Some NGO were providing housing for children (Magda),
• They provided clothes for reduced symbolic prices or for free (Otto),
• Legal and administrative advising and couching44 (Ken, Gwen, Maria, Barbara, Greta),
• Debt’s counselling (Bonny, Amanda),
• Advocacy (Laura),
• Help to choose of school and linked administration (Gwen, Natalie, Rachel), help to
find housing (Maria, Magda, Rachel),
• Help in the job search or arrangement of ALMP policy program (Gwen, Bonny, Harrold).
• Some respondents (Lisa, Ken, Gwen, Antonia, Barbara) mentioned that NGO workers
taught them how to look for work or helped them to write CV, etc.
• NGOs also work with children in the field of recreational activities (hobbies, music,
sports) and in school support (these are very widespread, see above).
• NGO also actively cooperated with Employment office to get subsidised workplaces for
their clients.
• They share or lend facilities and equipment which is otherwise unachievable for young
people (football pinch, sport equipment, equipment for dancing).
• They also provide equipment for job search like access to the internet and phone for
job search calls (Amanda, Barbara, Greta).
Bonny described how intensively NGO helped him to solve his debts and helped him to get
work. Rachel argued that it is about finding an appropriate balance between not helping at all
and helping too much. Usefulness was widely quoted for after-school tutoring (see above).
“They [NGO] helped me a lot to prepare for written tests. They helped me and I did not
have to pay for it…and they had such good approach, good people, you can talk to them
and so on.” (R37: 224)
When asked about the usefulness of NGO activities, Vanessa replied:
“I think that they [activities] are all useful. After school learning is most important, that
the children can learn themselves, that it is not paid and anyone can join, and there are
various games, boys can play football rather than doing silly things.” (R34: 222)
Robin said that attending a concrete NGO when he was a child helped him to prevent the
negative behaviour common among his mates.
“Only them helped me. I came there for a small talk. They listened to me. Sometimes
they helped me with school when I was smaller. Really, only them helped me…. due to
them I am not a thug doing silly things like some other [people] in these streets. Drugs
44
We noted that this included finding appropriate information, giving interpretation, giving advice, guiding,
and/or motivation support.
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etc. This helped me most. That I realised that I will not do this. This helped me most.”
(R49: 149)
Robin also said that people in NGO taught him to behave more politely. Most visible activities
of NGO are in recreational activities. However, some young people (e.g. Rachel) reflect that
such activities are used mainly by smaller children, while teenagers usually lose interest in
them. This is the period which is crucial for going or not going the wrong way.
Young people also sometimes discuss the principles of work and approach of NGO workers.
Leo liked that he ‘could speak with NGO workers normally’, they ‘cared about his problems’,
and helped him to settle the conflict with his friends. Laura said that ‘young people can go
there and say what they would like to‘. Rachel presented a similar idea:
“When a young person comes [to NGO], [they] do not behave with him in a way that
he is only work. Try to understand him, be empathetic when he/she has problems or
troubles. This is what makes it better.” (R70: 271)
Some young people noted that NGO is open to almost anyone. Rebeca spoke about ‘open
doors’ and ‘providing young people some place to go’. Bob liked that NGO were open and
people of all origins can come there. Barbara spoke about the openness of help:
“They [NGO workers] want to help people. They are engaged. Everyone can come there.
It does not matter how he/she looks like. Whether he stinks or not, but they want to
help them. However, a lot of people misuse this, and they do not even want to be
helped. However, it depends on individual people.” (R58: 223)
Robin appreciated that NGO workers listened to him. Antonia said:
“When you visit these organisations, they ask you first, what you would like to do. And
this young person says it. For example, I would like to…he/she thinks out some activity
and they try to organise a group for it.” (R63: 168)
Young people prefer options that are not too restrictive.
“…approach of NGO to me during the solution was so nice and empathetically led that
I did not have a feeling that suddenly someone enforces me to do something…. Quite
the opposite, someone started to appraise me for silly things [small tasks]. I remember
that I brought a paper from the office and they said: ‘Oh, thanks, you are good’. Why
have they said it? Most people took these things as natural, but then someone says:
‘That is good, that is the first step’ even when it is natural as a minor thing, but suddenly
there was someone who did not take it like that and I think that it was super motivation
at that time.” (R1: 142)”
Leo explained why he prefers to go to one NGO providing recreational activities for children
and adolescents and not to the other. According to him, although in both NGO they could do
preferred activities, they preferred NGO where were not rules limiting their use.
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“They [first NGO] had differentiated days when you can do it and days when we can
play ping-pong. And there [in the other NGO] we can do it every day including music
room. There are no such rules.” (R56: 593).
Similar experience was also presented by Lisa. On the other hand, Rachel thought that
preferring certain activities and teaching some discipline is beneficial for young people. Robin
said that he was allowed to say his opinion, but he had to commit to certain rules.
“You can say your opinion, but there are always some rules, which you have to respect
and when you do not respect them, then you cannot be there…or you get a sanction”
(R49: 185)
My reflection of the work of NGO
Work of NGO was generally appraised. There were almost not almost any negative comments.
It seems that young people generally used very similar criteria for assessment of service as in
the case of Employment office workers. The position of NGO is different in the aspect that
participation in their activities is usually much more voluntary and young people can leave
when they are not satisfied with their services. Nevertheless, we also witnessed that NGOs
struggled to set a proper balance between providing freedom and setting rules which
guaranteed avoidance of anarchy in their facilities.
Conclusion of the chapter
In this chapter, we reflect on the interaction between young people and institutions shaping
their lives and future chances. We noted that these interactions led to specific outcomes. In
other words – yes, institutions matter. Besides the basic structure and quality of these
institutions, which constitute the basic frame for these interactions, we witnessed that there
are concrete opportunity structures provided by these institutions. When the opportunity
(offer) is not interesting or when the other aspect of the situation is blocking the use of the
opportunity, the result is not using this opportunity. First and cheapest solutions may not be
viable from long-term perspective. This may constitute a substantial problem. Third essential
aspect is the quality of the personal relationship between the teacher or street level worker
and the young person. We need to understand young people more and we need to develop a
more supporting stances when addressing their problems. The intervention must be timely.
In many cases, years passed and nothing ‘positive’ happened. Finally, we need more
cooperation among institutions, because when it happens, it brings promising results.
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Conclusion
We will concentrate on social policy related questions in the conclusion of this book. The
primary intended contribution of this book was to show the interactions between young
people and institutions in a ‘from the bellow’ perspective. It can be added to the family of
research which in the past followed a similar perspective and it was inspirative for our own
approach (Jordan et al. 1992, Clasen, Gould, and Vincent 1998, Walther 2006, Down, Smyth,
and Robinson 2018, Sirovátka and Spies 2018 and others). We believe that this approach was
fruitful to show that the policies cannot be designed only from above. Rather, the practical
experience from the functioning of the policies should be systematically used for their design
and implementation. Insight into concrete cases and situations may help.
Concerning the addition of this book to the aspects relevant for the development of social
policy theory, we see the main additions in the reflections of intuitive judgements and choice,
orientation and counselling, and the interactions between street level workers and young
people concerning work opportunities and quality of work offers. While these topics are not
completely new in the theory of social policy, this book brings valuable insights into the more
concrete aspects of these problems, allowing for further development of corresponding
research and policies. To give an example, only due to NEGOTIATE research, we have found
the great importance of the orientation of young people during their education process. The
focus on this helps to close a specific gap because this aspect was not well covered in the
previous comparative ‘transition regimes’ research. These are many aspects in which this book
adds empirical evidence and contributes to the explanation of specific aspects (namely,
thinking of young people about saving money for the future, understanding the relevance of
housing, presentation of discourse as a specific source of ideas for decision-making process),
and better understanding the reactions of young people to insecurity.
During our research, we tried to map the complicated relationships present in the life stories
of young people. Voice of young people was the most important source of this reflection. We
have shown that the transition from school to the labour market is a crucial step – it
significantly constitutes the future lives of young people including, e.g., family formation, selfesteem,
health, and economic situation. We have also shown that the concrete conditions of
work have a high impact. Presented stories are only rarely stories of success. Rather, we noted
many situations of new starts or going in circles (that situation is the same all the time, for
example, Lisa, Herbert, and others). We have found the worst situation of some people who
are poorest among the poor. These people are usually left completely without help, although
these are people who really need the help so much. We can speak about ‘reversive targeting’
in this context. For us, one of the greatest paradoxes is that for quite a long time the
perspective that some people are not employable, their situation is hopeless, they do not
deserve the effort, they can be left aside or neglected, or they are the reserve army of labour
is shared both by people in need and official authorities.
Agency of most young people is clearly limited by both their own abilities and by structural
conditions. Success is often highly dependent on own abilities and personal interactions, while
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not much structural help is offered. In such a context, the general strategy of young people
often remarks ‘fighting in the corner’ rather than the career and development process (see,
e.g., story of Violet). This also helps to explain some behaviour which is not preferred from
the perspective of the state. What is good and bad is always normative. Very interesting for
us was to see how one type of moral motivation led to a different type of immoral activity or
how one person seemed to be moral in one aspect and immoral in another aspect. I saw such
cases when respondents preferred taking care of their relatives (poor mother living without a
partner, disabled child, elderly parents) over other moral behaviour or when they worked
aside but they were not willing to claim any social benefits.
To overcome the insecurity in the lives of young people means that there should be a
developed transitional system. We normatively suppose that with the development of the
system of transitional regime we can expect the emergence of win-win situation because
‘negative’ behaviour rooted in the necessity would be reduced. This is a twofold learning
process. We need to understand what young people need and support them (in most cases)
in going their own way and young people should be guided and offered real life opportunities.
This also means being able to recognise when young people need help and when they are able
to help themselves. Some young people learned not to rely on other people in their job search.
Josephine commented on her activity.
“It is so that you come meet someone and you tell him: ‘find me a work’. However,
when one thousand other people do it, it is a long waiting, and this is useless. And so, I
rather go myself and ask myself.” (R41: 90)
This is at least partially happening. When comparing the stories of different respondents, we
concluded that the strategy of workers of the Employment office towards the unemployed
was differentiated with varying offers as well as different pressure to look for work. We should
also not forget that leaving too much space can be interpreted as neglect when assessed from
a different perspective.
Concerning the ability of the system to help, we noted that the system is clearly bound to the
rules and not very flexible in reacting to sudden and immediate problems of people in need.
Latent conflict is present in situations when the image of the wanted result and the strategy
of solution is completely different between a young person and a street level worker. Such
situations are often difficult to be assessed meaningfully because there is almost always threeside
communication included (employer, unemployed, Employment office).
From my perspective, too much restriction is not working well, because it makes people less
trustful and angrier (they concern it to be unjust) and it did not bring promising results in the
stories we have witnessed in this book. I suppose to limit most enforcing activities used in the
past, such as street cleaning in exchange for benefits, the need to accept any work despite its
unacceptable conditions, need to attend institutions without relevant reason, and expulsion
from the system after one fault, when a young person is actively trying to correct the situation.
It does not mean to avoid sanctions completely in cases when they are necessary.
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Education system is (with some exceptions) functioning well, but we have some doubts about
the system of career counselling, prevention of dropout, remedial activities, and about the
ability of young people to use attained qualifications on the labour market. There should be
more concern to question why some fresh graduates are refused when there are workplaces
offered and how to enhance their transition. This means cooperation with employers. While
the share of dropouts is generally not very high compared to other countries, in our sample it
constitutes the most visible and substantial problem. This is the place where most young
people miss their life chances. Less formal learning should be supported as a viable alternative
for further competence development.
While many applause the flexibility of employment protection legislation, we noted in this
book that this is providing substantial problems. Generally, flexible contracts are not
functioning well when they are not used as intended (here we still suppose that these
contracts were not created with such expectations of creating permanent insecurity). We
mean the cases where fixed-term contracts are rotated for a long time and they provide unjust
insecurity to workers. While we appraise the screening function of these contracts, the idea
that they provide permanent insecurity should not be accepted. Some employers try to avoid
social security contributions by using inappropriate forms of employment contract. Again,
creating insecurity in this way is best avoided when these contracts (namely self-employment
contracts, agency work, and work contracts) are used as originally intended – for specific
situations. This means that they are generally worthy and valuable instruments enabling
people in appropriate situations, but their misuse should be controlled and remedied, building
a commonly shared view in public space that such misusing in unacceptable and will not be
tolerated. In some cases, providing a viable alternative is the best way to achieve misuse of
these contracts.
To conclude, we have found that insecurity matters, but it is only a small part of the greater
picture of being able to live a worthy life in contemporary society. It is not something to be
neglected or avoided. This is not a question of blaming someone concrete for perils notable
in the presented lives (however this would be easy). Instead, we should focus more research
and social policy on the concrete aspects of the described problems with the intention to
improve the transition system gradually incrementally to the state which will marginalise
above-mentioned problems and which while staying original is closer to such systems in
developed western countries.
Policy implications
We reflect that the transition system is a system in which the change of one parameter can
change the balance of the whole system and the changes have to be done in a way which
respect key institutions/ways of living in the Czech society. Our general policy implications
follow four main strands of thinking. First is developing a more guided and controlled
transition process, allowing young people to choose well and have a second chance. Second
is the development of the labour market (including both legislation and cooperation with
employers), as we believe that without changes in the labour market, changes in other parts
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of the transition system are doomed to fail. Third is the strengthening of the security of young
people in transitions. Fourth is the intentional support of the most vulnerable and avoiding
‘those are too disadvantaged to be helped’ approach. More concrete implications of our book
for policy making are as follows:
• Further develop outreach policies for direct addressing of dropouts and helping them
to return to education, if possible.
• Do a systematic evaluation of the orientation, counselling, and guidance system and
change the system to assure the standardised quality of counselling.
• Develop a link between active labour market policy and education to allow young
people to get a qualification which is recognised and accepted in the labour market.
• Do not allow systematic replacement of employment contracts with partially
undeclared work contracts and illegal work. Offer positive alternatives, allowing young
people to escape from the necessity to accept such contracts.
• Increase unemployment protection of young people. Set the basic standard of
unemployment protection level finding a working (win-win) compromise among
various criteria and stances of key societal (inc. political) actors.
• Pilot experimental use of additional unemployment protection based on inclusion of a
young person with ‘contract of activity’.
• Continue to develop cooperation among key subjects on the labour market including
schools, employers, Employment office, and NGOs.
• Give specific attention to the suppression of drug market in deprived communities.
• Further strengthen education, development and public discourse promoting more
mutual trust, giving opportunities, assessing people due to their real skills and
situation, and reducing assessment based on stereotypical thinking about gender,
race, health handicaps and other aspects. It does not mean concealing ‘real problems’
which some young people may have.
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Annex:
NEGOTIATE INTERVIEWS (done 2016)
N Sex Born Fam. status Children Work status Main story
R1 Bonny M 1991 single none pedagogic
worker with
children
leaving home,
ruthless life and
change
R2 Karin W 1993 single one social services family/child
R3 Ben M 1991 single one unemployed employers/work
R4 Ken M 1996 single none employed employers/work
R5
Vendelín
M 1974 cohabiting eight/five unemployed,
occasional
jobs
employers/work
R6 Otto M 1972 single one unemployed raising in Institutional
care
R7 Magda F 1975 divorced two foster care/
cleaning
resilience
R8 Bruno M 1974 cohabiting three unemployed permanent
unemployment,
poverty
R9 Roman M 1994 cohabiting one employed –
public
cleaning
school
dropout/occupation
R10 – F 1954 widow seven – not used in this book
R11 Jake M 1993 single none employed phlegmatic
R12 Peter M 1991 cohabiting none employed
(mechanic)
calculating
R13
Quido
M 1994 single none unemployed youth
R14 Derek M 1991 single none unemployed return to education
R15
Simon
M 1971 married two employed imprisonment
experience, debts
R16 John M 1971 single none unemployed education and
languages
R17 Clara F 1992 single none employed
(shop
assistant)
strategy
R18
Sophie
F 1991 single one unemployed single motherhood
R19
Janine
F 1992 single none unemployed orientation/education
343
R20 Ellyn F 1992 single none unemployed
(found job)
psychical problems
R21
Vanda
F 1991 married none employed transition from
education to labour
market
R22 Betty F 1992 single one
(expecting
second)
unemployed working without work
contract
R23 Helen F 1974 divorced one unemployed working conditions
R24
Eugenie
F 197? cohabiting two unemployed bad relationships
with street level
workers
R25
Sabina
F 1970 married one unemployed health problems,
employability
R26 Fred M 1975 single none employed choice of profession
R27 Tony M 1972 married two employed insecurity
R28 Alice F 1971 divorced three working single motherhood,
job offers
R29 Lucy F 1975 married three working housing, children,
lone motherhood.
R30
Melinda
F 1970 married two unemployed discrimination
R31
Herbert
M 1974 married yes unemployed blocked opportunities
R32 Violet F 197 divorced,
cohabiting(?)
two employed orientation in the
labour market
R33 Ron M 1991 single none employed
(food
delivery)
quality of education,
self-employment
CITISPYCE INTERVIEWS (done 2014)
N Sex Age Fam. status Children Work status Main story
R34
Vanessa
F 16 single none student choice of profession
R35 Laura F 20 single none unemployed quality of
education/work
experience
R36
Rebeca
F 17 single none studying career identity
R37
Lampert
M 16 single none studying choice of occupation
R38 Ray M 22 single none not working Imprisonment
R39
William
M 20 single none occasional
jobs in
construction
orientation to manual
work
R40 Lars M 17 single none studying –
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R41
Josephine
F 18 single none working
(cleaning)
relationship between
majority and minority
R42
Sandra
F 21 single none working
(call centre)
relationship between
majority and minority
R43
Tobias
M 20 single none working
(garbage
collection)
education,
enlightenment
R44
Rupert
M 20 single none studying locality
R45
Randolph
M 21 single none studying youth
R46 Bob M 19 single none unemployed,
working
occasionally
trap of poverty,
influence of relatives
R47 Leila F 16 single none studying choice of profession,
working abroad
R48 Rudy M 15 single none studying choice of profession
R49 Robin M 19 single none studying –
R50 Gwen F 21 cohabiting one unemployed Parenting, without
income, housing
situation.
R51
Mortimer
M 17 single none studying drugs
R52 Maria F 21 cohabiting two parental
leave
housing
R53 Steve M 21 cohabiting (one child
of his
girlfriend)
unemployed drugs and prison
R54
Amanda
F 19 cohabiting one parental
leave
discrimination
R55
Patricia
F 16 single none studying
R56 Leo M 16 single none working
(earthworks)
no education
R57
Harrold
M 18 cohabiting none (two
of his girl)
unemployed alternative lifestyle
(selling drugs)
R58
Barbara
F 23 single two unemployed early motherhood
R59 – – – – – – not used in this book
R60
Rosalie
F 16 single none studying danger in locality
R61 Pablo M 18 single none unemployed motivation
R62 Felix M 18 single none employed brother help
345
R63
Antonia
F 21 single none working in
NGO
housing,
helping children
R64 Max M 17 single none studying –
R65
Trevor
M 17 single none studying –
R66
Natalie
F 16 single none studying choice of school
R67 Greta F 19 cohabiting one parental
leave
motherhood/life
plans
R68 Lisa F 18 single none unemployed no education, low
motivation
R69 Philip M 23 single none unemployed school drop out
R70
Rachel
F 21 single none studying resilience
R71 Doris F 18 single none studying strategy
R72 Nancy F 23 single none unemployed strategy, drop out,
housing
R73 Alan M 24 single none employed
(wash
dishing)
school quality