Immigration and the
(with a Special Focus
Labor Force)’
Czech Republic
on the Foreip
DuSan Drbohlav
Charles University
This article presents an overviewof international migration in the Czech
Republic, with a special focus on labor immigration. Currently, the
Czech Republic is an immigration and transit country. The most important
immigratory segment - economic immigrants - create a colorful
mosaic of various ethnicities (80% of them from Europe), each group
with their own different economic strategy and niche. After sketching
historical patterns and data problems, the focus is on the current situation
of labor migrants in the country. A number of issues are addressed:
e.g.,the relationship between immigrant inflows and the economic situation
of the country; immigrants’ regional concentration/deconcentration
processes; the popularity of the capital city of Prague and western
regionsvis-i-vis eastern ones; and the different structural backgrounds of
immigrants coming from the East versus the West. Special attention is
placed on undocumentedlillegal immigration, mainly in relation to the
misuse and evasion of immigration legislation. Finally, the immature
Czech migration policies and practices are discussed, as are needed policy
improvements and the need for new immigration legislation. It is
clear that the major trend over time leads to more restrictive migratory
policies, in line with efforts to harmonize Czech migratory policies and
practices with those of the European Union (EU).
This article focuses on international labor migration in the Czech Republic.
Labor immigration clearly dominates over emigration in Czechia, and that is
why the former phenomenon is emphasized here much more intensivelythan
‘The author appreciates the very useful comments of three anonymous reviewers who contributed
to improving the quality of this paper. Also, the author expresses gratitude to Prof.
GeorgeJ. Demko for his valuable remarks and polishing the English language.
The topic dealt with in this contribution is part of a research project being carried out under
the umbrella of the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic No. 403/99/1006.
Some basic facts and ideas in this contribution have been presented at a meeting of experts:
“International Migration in Central and Eastern Europe at the Threshold of the )(XI Century:
New Trends and Emerging Issues,’’ organized by the UNESCO (MOST program),
Moscow (Russia), September 8-10, 1998.
0 2003 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York.All rights reserved.
0198-9183/03/3701.0141
194 ZMR Volume 37 Number 1 (Spring 2003):194-224
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 195
the latter. The main focus of this paper is to provide an overview of what is
happening in the field and to systematize data and pieces of information that
are available from currently imperfect data sources. After placing the larger
issue into a broader CentrallEastern European context and a very brief examination
of the data, a short description of patterns tied to Czechs working
abroad is briefly outlined. The article then discusses the most important patterndfeatures
of the current foreign labor force inflows in Czechia. Special
remarks are devoted to undocumented and clandestine immigrants and problems
stemming from the misuse and evasion of Czech immigration legislation.
Further, a rather condensed description and typology of individual
immigrant groups operating in the current Czech labor market is provided.
New trends in migration policy (including new legislation) and practices and
probable future developments in the field of labor migration in Central and
Eastern Europe are also discussed.
INTRODUCTION
Since the end of the 1980s, like other Central and Eastern European countries
(CEECs), the Czech Republic has been going through a process of transition/transformation
of its former discredited system. The ultimate aim is to
build a developed, democratic, pluralistic and parliamentary society based on
a free-market economy. Very simply expressed, the philosophy of Czechia
(and of many other CEECs as well) is to open its society2 and, at the same
time, to re-orientate interests from the former closed internal cooperation
among the CEEC (and particularly with the Soviet Union) towards the
West.3This process is to be cemented by inclusion of CEECs in various Western
political, economic and military structures, particularly the EU. The
transformation processes are typical of the dramatic changes that have affect*One
hundred ninety-nine million foreigners registered as crossing the Czech state border in
both directions (and staying not longer than 180days) in 1999,demonstrating the country’s
openness in terms of population movements (Information, 2000).This openness sharply contrasts
with the state of isolation under the communist regime when, for example, the number
of all persons (foreignersand citizens of the state) registered as crossing the border of Czechoslovakiawas
only slightly above 50 million in the middle of the 1980s(keditelstvi Cizineckk
a PohraniEni Policie, 1995).
3By the “West” in the context of this paper, I primarily include the most developed countries
in Western Europe (primarily the EU and the European FreeTrade Associationcountries), but
also most other developed democracies like the United States, Canada, etc. On the other
hand, the East is represented by other Central/Eastern European countries in transition
(including countries of the former Soviet Union) as well as some of the typical developing
Third World countries of Asia.
196 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATIONREVIEW
ed all spheres of society - macro as well as micro factors have been and will
be involved. Apparently, massive international migration is one of the new
phenomena related to the new political and economic organization/structure.
Though only Czechia is analyzed in this article, the results have a broader relevance.
The combination of such factors as relative political stability, a given
geographical position (bordering on the classicalWestern world which has no
history of a communist era), and the strict migration policies of the Western
developed democracies has led to the creation of a migratory buffer zone
between the West and the East (see also Wallace, Chmuliar and Sidorenko,
1996). This migratory buffer zone is composed of Czechia, Poland, Slovakia
and Hungary - countries which, despite many problems, are progressing
through the transition relatively successfully compared to many other excommunist
countries and which have been able to maintain reasonable living
standards (e.g., Garson, Lemaitre, and Redor, 1996). Apparently, the socioeconomic
climate, including the labor market situation and relatively liberal
legislation and liberal practices towards immigrants in these countries,
seemed to be a crucial “pull” factor for migrants from the Eastern world. In
general, migratory trends within the above CEECs are more similar than different.
However, among the four buffer zone countries, Slovakia differs most
by having a limited number of officiaUdocumented immigrants as well as a
significantly smaller number of clandestine immigrants in its territory. The
compact buffer zone creates conditions for intensive transitory movements,
East-West crossborder movements as well as massive circular labor (temporary)
migration within the region. Migratory trends in these buffer zone
countries might, in addition to experiencing huge inflows of circular labor
migrants, be characterized in the following way: 1) hosting of a diversity of
types of migrants; 2) experiencing an inflow of asylum seekers and refugees
and a minimal outflow of domestic citizens abroad as asylum seekers and
refugees; 3) having a stable or a declining number of permanent emigrants;
4) hosting a huge transit migrant4 population; 5) and attracting a particularly
large flow of immigrants to the capital cities (see Drbohlav, 1997b). Unlike
in buffer zone countries, local push migration factors destabilize population
in many other CEECs (namely Bulgaria, Romania and most of the ex-Soviet
4Transit migration in the Czech Republic might be briefly defined as a movement through the
country where the migrants’ main intention is not to stay and live, but only to go through and
reach other countries as soon as possible. Migrants usually transit Czechia on their way to
Western Europe, but for many reasons their movement is not as easy and rapid as anticipated
(see, e.g., International Organization for Migration, 1994); plans of many of them come to
nothing and, at least temporarily, they are forced to stay in Czechia or to return eastward.
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 197
republics) and propel migration streams to the buffer zone or further west.
The most important conditions in these countries are political instability and
often catastrophic socioeconomic parameters, resulting in very low living
standards. As far as labor immigration in CEECs is concerned, one important
fact should be emphasized. Among the buffer states, despite similarities,
Czechia represents an important exception in terms of the quantity of the foreign
labor force in its territory. Its contingent, at least regarding documented
foreign workers having work permits, has been and is much greater than in
any other buffer zone country (seeWallace and Stola, 2001; Okolski, 1997).
The differences, however, are diminishing, taking into account undocumented
workers. The estimated hundreds of thousands of foreigners were in
irregular employment not only in Czechia but also in other CEECs (Wallace
and Stola, 2001; Okolski, 1997 referenced in Salt, 1996).
The import of foreign laborers to Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic has a
long tradition. While only limited numbers of Czechs worked abroad during
the communist era, relatively significant numbers of foreigners worked in
Czechia, mainly during the 1970sand 1980s.These temporary workers came
mainly from Poland, Vietnam, Hungary, Cuba, Mongolia, Angola and Korea
and gained skill and work experience in Czechia and, at the same time, filled
gaps in the Czech labor market (e.g., in food-processing, textiles, shoe and
glass industries, machinery, mining, metallurgy, agriculture). The system of
recruiting students, apprentices and workers functioned via intergovernmental
agreements and, to a much lesser extent, also through individual contracts
(mainly with workers from Poland and Yugoslavia).After the Velvet Revolution,
the agreements were terminated relatively quickly, and the number of
foreign workers legally employed within the old schemes has sharply diminished
- as of April 1993, only 1,330 were allowed to stay in the country
(BouSkovA, 1998).Most of the former workers returned to their native countries,
whereas some started using the new economic opportunities and established
entrepreneurial ethnic enclaves.
THEINEVITABLE PROBLEM -DATA
It is generally agreed that the data concerning international migration movements
are of poor quality. If available, they are often inaccurate, incomplete,
delayed, irregular, incompatible and lacking in detail. This is valid for developed
Western democracies as well as for buffer zone countries. The latter
group suffers from a total lack of experience with regard to the handling of
international migration issues. Concerning the Czech Republic, there are
198 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATIONREVIEW
shortcomings in terms of monitoring movements. The (macro) migration statistics,
records and databases are rather poor and dispersed and not compatible
with each other. There are problems regarding data classification and ways
in which the data are collected in the field and are disseminated. Some important
pieces of information are not collected while others are not easily available
to the public and to academics. Consequently, to this point in time there
has been a very limited investigation of the problem of international migration
in scientific/research circles (see Drbohlav, 2000). As a result, there is a
lack of in-depth analyses of immigration (at macro as well as micro levels).
The characterization of immigrants themselves is insufficient. The logic of
their behavior and the consequences of inflows at state, regional and local levels
are poorly described and explained.There are very limited attempts to theorize
regarding these issues.
New, more reliable mechanisms of collecting, processing, classifying
and releasing data are being installed or are in the process of development in
Czechia. Furthermore, a lack of financial means, inadequate cooperation
among ministries and other institutions responsible for dealing with migration
issues and, at least until 1999, overall fairly illiberal attitudes further
complicated the situation.
Apparently, when analyzing labor migration flows one has to keep in
mind that, in addition to available data on documented (legal) labor
migrants, there are also huge numbers of undocumented, clandestine foreign
workers. These can only be roughly estimated.
The data for this contribution come mostly from the Ministry of the
Interior and the Ministry of Work and Social Affairs of the Czech Republic.
Except for Table 1, exclusively "stock" data are presented in tables and figures
while, of course, the "flow" data are mentioned and commented upon in the
text as well.
FOREIGN LABOR FORCE
Regarding the new economic environment, Czechia is now trying to regulate
the numbers of labor migrants in its territory. At the same time, it is also
attempting to legally control, through bilateral or multilateral agreements, the
possibility of their citizens working abroad. Such bilateral employment agreements
have already been signed, for example, with Germany5 (1991), Poland
SRegarding Germany, the most important migratory partner of Czechia amongst classical
developed Western democracies, there are fiveways to legallywork there for Czechs and other
IMMIGRATION AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC 199
(1992), Slovakia (1992), Vietnam (1994), Ukraine (1996), Russia (1998)
and Hungary (1999). Generally, EU countries are rather conservative with
respect to signing agreements regarding mutual employment with CEECs.
Hence, EU countrieshave few agreementsfor only a very limited number of
specialisdworkedtrainees,the preferred activitiesin this field.
Czechs WorkingAbroad
It is difficult to get any precise overall data on Czechs working abroad. Data
on official temporary migration to Germany, by far the most important destination
of Czechs, indicated a decreasingnumber of Czechs working in that
country between 1992 and 1998, whereas for 1999 and 2000 the numbers
rose slightly.According to the best estimates available, about 50,000 Czechs
(including illegals and commuters within the border zone) worked in Germany
in 1992 (for time periods see HorAkovA and Drbohlav, 1998; see also
HorAkovi 1993, 1996, 1998). In 1995, the number was estimated at some
30,000-35,000. Presently, their number is probably smaller. Germany
imposed an important limitation on some of these programs in 1996 and
1997.To summarize, outflow of Czechs abroad to the West in order to work
peaked between 1991 and 1993 (nevertheless,one can deduce that it mostly
concerned temporary stays with possible future returns to the mother country)
and, since then, it has been decreasing (seealsoMareBovA, Drbohlav, and
Lhotskd, 1996) and, recently, more or less stabilizing. The reason is that
Western European countries have introduced more restrictive measures
(mainly because of high unemployment rates in their countries and a growing
xenophobic atmosphere among their populations). More importantly, at
least between 1993and 1996,workingin Western Europe became less attractive
for Czechs than earlier. Those who wanted to leave for the West had
alreadyleft.Also, the fascinationwith the West which was evident in the very
beginning of the 1990s has dissipated. Further, the Czechs went relatively
successfully through transformation, and their living standard has been
increasing.There were many opportunities to start a business or make a good
living at home, particularly in light of the indirect revaluation of the Czech
crown vis-A-vis Western currencies. Labor migration of Czechs to other
regions of Eastern Europe so far has been negligible.
CEEC citizens: 1) Project-tied employment (regulated by bilateral agreements), 2) guestworker
contracts (regulated by bilateral agreements), 3) seasonal workers (regulated by law),
4) staff to care for sick and elderly (regulated by law) and 5) crossborder commuters (regulated
by law).
200 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION&VIEW
Foreign Workersin the CzechRepublic
International migration very quickly gained a foothold in the newly established
Czech democratic system and has found its place within society. It is
estimated that the current number of foreign immigrants who operate within
the Czech Republic is about 460,000 - documented and undocumented,
permanent and temporary (excluding, however, tourists, asylum seekers and
transit migrants).6 This is about 4.5 percent of the total population of
Czechia (excluding these immigrants). Nevertheless, transit migrants alone
might well represent at least 100,000 people who are on the move in the territory
of the country (International Organization for Migration, 1994).
Economic migrants dominate among the different types of international
migrants. In this article, economic migrants are considered those who stay
under the umbrella of long-term residence permits (before and including
1999) and those with long-term visas issued for a period exceeding 90 days
(in 2000) for, in the broad sense, employment or entrepreneurial activity in
Czechia. These economic reasons traditionally dominate over others (86% in
2000) for which the long-term residence permidlong-term visa can be issued,
namely study, short-term attachment, medical treatment, etc. Thus, generally
speaking and for the purpose of this study as well as for pragmatic reasons
(given that more detailed data are not available), the situation is often simplified,
and all foreigners having long-term residence permits/long-term visas
are labeled as “economic migrants.” Below, we concentrate only on these two
categories because they are the bulk of the economic immigrants. With the
exception of Slovaks,who fall into a special migration regime, these categories
include also those persons who own work permits and trade licenses. Obtaining
a job or a promise of a job as well as meeting demands put on future businessmen
is required to get a long-term permit/long-term visa. Logically,as far
as job permits and trade licenses are concerned, one can find similar regional
and structural patterns to those of economic migration represented by longterm
residence permits/long-term visas.
Following the above definition, one can state that some 115,000 foreigners
- economic migrants (86% of 134,060) - were in Czechia as of
December 31, 2OOO.7The other 66,891 migrants (seeTable 1) are those who
did not primarily enter the country for economic reasons. They have been
granted permanent residence permits mainly for family reunion purposes.
Thus, the documented economic migrants represent some 67 percent of all
officiallyresident immigrants (with long-term visas and permanent residence
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 201
permits). In fact, the importance of economic immigrants is much higher if
undocumented migrants are added.
As stated above, the pool of documented foreign labor workers, measured
in terms of those who stayed with long-term visas for a period exceeding
90 days issued either for employment or entrepreneurial purposes (and
closely related activities),was some 115,000. However, if one applies a more
rigorous definition, a more precise figure can be quoted: 164,987 foreigners
registered an economic activity at that time (HorAkovii and Macounovi,
2001). From this number, 40,080 were holders of work permits, 61,340 of
trade licenses, and there were also 63,567 citizens of Slovakia who were
"extra" employed and registered by job centers in Czechia as of December 31,
2000. In fact, the former approach and number must be applied since the latter
has no suitable breakdowns, and specific figures do not exist and cannot
be compiled.
As far as quantity and related impacts, refugees and asylum seekers represent
a marginal community compared to economic immigrants in the
Czech Republic at present (seeTable 1).
Despite the relatively short time that has elapsed since the revolution,
four periods typical of different labor immigration patterns in Czechia might
be sketched:
1990-1992 - Political reform was implemented and economic transition/transformation
processes started; migration mechanisms were
designed (responsiblebodies/institutions, legislation,specific programs,
etc.); immigrants were "putting out feelers" in the country.
1993-1 996 - The country went through the economic transition relatively
successfully and stayed, in terms of many economic parameters,
on the top among all the CEECs in transition; there was a huge inflow
of economic migrants.
1997-1 999 -An economic disequilibrium occurred and, consequently,
belated attempts of the Czech government to combat the unfavorable
economic situation, to speed up transformation processes via new economic
measures, led to deterioration of macroeconomic characteristics
6This estimate is based on interviews with representativesof the Ministry of Work and Social
Affairs of the Czech Republic and the Institute of Work and SocialAffairs in June 2001. Furthermore,
studies done by Drbohlav, 1997a; Kroupa et aL, 1997;Drbohlav eta[., 1999 were
also taken into account.
7Those who stayed with long-term visas issued only for either employment or entrepreneurial
purposes (or closely related activities).
202 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
TABLE 1
IMPORTANTCATEGORIESOF FOREIGNERSIN THE CZECHREPUBLIC;OFFICIALLYREGISTERED
IMMIGRANTSANDESTIMATESOF UNDOCUMENTEDIMMIGRANTS
Migration type; Time Number Source
Foreigners included in a short-term stay category in 199mil. Directorate of Alien and Border- .
1999(flow)
Foreigners with long-term visas issued for a period
exceeding ninety days' (at December 3I, 2000)
(stock)
Foreignerswith permanent residence permits
(at December 31, 2000) (stock)
Foreigners with work permits (at December 31, 2000)
(stock)
Foreignerswith trade licenses (at December 31, 2000)
(stock)
Foreignerswith registered economic activity
(at December 31, 2000) (stock) - a) 40,080 holders
of work permits, b) 61,340 holders of trade licenses
and c) 63,567 citizens of Slovakia extra employed and
registered by job centersb
Asylum applications in 2000 (flow)
Asylum applications (between January 1, 1993 and
December 31, 2000)
Foreigners granted refugee status (between January 1,
1993 and December 31,2000)
Foreigners who have gained asylum-seeker status and
reside in the Czech Republic
(as of December 31, 2000) (stock)
Estimate of undocumented foreign workers in 2000
(stocky
Estimate of transit migrants, beginning of the
1990s (stock)
134,060
66,891
40,080
61,340
164,987
8,788
29,184
974
1,268
about
165,000
Police, Ministry of Interior
Directorate of Alien and Border
Police, Ministry of Interior
Directorate of Alien and Border
Police, Ministry of Interior
Ministry of Work and Social
Affairs
Ministry of Industry and Trade
Institute of Work and Social
Affairs
Department for Refugees and
Integration of Foreigners,
Ministry of Interior
Department for Refugees and
Integration of Foreigners,
Ministry of Interior
Department for Refugees and
Integration of Foreigners,
Ministry of Interior
Directorate of Alien and Border
Police, Ministry of Interior
Author's estimate
100,000- UN ECE
140,000
Source: Horakoviand Macounovi,2001; International Organizationfor Migration, 1994; keditelstvlCizineckC a
Pohranihi Policie, 2000; and http:www.mvcr.a; Author's estimates based on expert consultationsand research:see
particularly Drbohlav,l997a;Kroupa cr ul., 1997; and Drbohlavcr ul., 1999.
Notes: Some 460,000 is estimated to he the current number of foreign immigrantswho operatewithin the Czech
Republic - both documentedand undocumented,permanent and temporary (excluding,tourists,asylum
seekers and transit migrants).
a The newly passed Act on the Stay of Aliens on the Territoryof the Czech Republic (AliensAct) No.
32611999 (cameinto force on January 1, 2000) substituted the status of the long-term residence permit
(valid in Czechia between 1993- 1999) for a new one -long-termvisas issued for a period exceeding ninety
days.
Within these 165,000,foreigners active on the Czech labor market having permanent residencepermit are
not included.They represent a different, much more integrated immigratory segment, being accepted primarily
for familyreunion reasons and having more or less the same position as citizens of the Czech Repub-
lic.
The short-term stay not exceeding 180 days category permits foreigners free movement as tourists under
the compliancewith the conditionsfor granting a visa or agreed upon in so-called visa-free agreements.
' Plus perhaps 30,000dependents.
IMMIGRATION AND THE CZECH &PUBLIC 203
The long-term residencepermit - new since 2000 - is a visa issued for a period exceeding90 days. It is more or
less economically based immigration subject to proving the purpose of the stay (mainly employment and business,
and, to a much lesser extent, study, therapy, etc.).
The permanent residencepermit in the territory of the Czech Republic is granted to an alien particularly for
the purpose of familyreunification, in cases where the spouse, a person of direct kin or a sibling of an alien had
been granted permanent residencein the territory of the Czech Republic. It can further be granted on humanitarian
grounds or if it is in the interest of the foreign policy of the country.
Work permits enable immigrants to be employed.Trade licenses enable immigrants to make their own business
in the Czech Republic.
Asylum and refugee status followsfrom the Czech refugee legislation (Act No. 32511993 on Asylum entered
into force in January 2000). It is based on universal principles embodied in the 1951 Geneva Convention and
the 1967New York Protocol.
The transit migrants are those whose main goal is not to stay in the Czech Republic but to enter (illegally)
other countrylies (mainly Germany) as soon as possible.
while serious problems at a micro-economic level were apparent as well.
Accordingly, the living standard of the Czech population has been following
rather negative trends (a decreaseof real incomes), the migration
policy has become more restrictive, and the inflow of foreign labor force
(legally resident, documented) has significantlydiminished.
2000-present - The turn of the century has brought more significant
indications of improvement and economic revitalization; competent
state institutions/bodies began paying more attention to the international
migration issue; the new migratory laws and amendments came
into force, although immigration policy and practice continue to be
more restrictive. Accordingly, the inflow of foreign labor (legally resident)
has been further diminished.
In addition to the dominance of economic migrants among migratory
types in Czechia, there are also other important migration patterns worth
noting:
1) The increase of those foreigners with long-term residence permits was
enormous - mainly between 1991 and 1996 from 9,000 up to 153,000.
During the last two years in question, the numbers increased annually
by 68 percent and 27 percent. A break occurred in 1996, and from then
until December 1998 the number has increased by only 3,069 (in
absolute terms). Nevertheless, it dropped significantly in 2000 (when
the previous status also was transformed into long-term visas and,
hence, “administrative recategorization” changes were, to some extent,
behind this decrease; the old and new statuses are not compatible). In
contrast, family-based immigration grew, albeit very slowly, between
1999 and 2000.
The capital city of Prague is very popular among immigrants. For example,
33.5 percent of the total number of those with long-term visas were
registered there on December 31, 2000. At the same time, Prague con-
4)
2)
204 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
centrated 34.7 percent of all work permits and 32.3 percent of all trade
licenses issued to immigrants in the entire country. Prague is the largest
city in the Czech Republic and, consequently, the primary gateway for
foreigners entering the country. It attracts labor migration from less
developed regions because it offers more and better jobs and income
opportunities since it benefits from the spillover of internationalization as
it becomes more Westernized than any other area in the country. Prague
is also the main destination of immigrants from developed Western
Europe, other regions of Czechia, and CEECs as well (for more on the
concentration of Western immigrants, see Drbohlav and Sfkora, 1997).
Importantly, it also offers more anonymity for undocumented (clandestine)
immigrants than rural settlements. Besides Prague, other highly
urbanized regions attract immigrants more than do rural areas.
Nevertheless, an overall trend of migrant dispersion and diffusion, and
homogenizationwithin the country, is evident over time, as other regions
become more attractive. While Prague’s share of the long-term residence
permits issuedwas 44.9 percent in 1992,it was only 33.5 percent in 2000
(Table2) (the respective figures for working permits are 37% for the end
of 1994 and 34.7% for the end of 2000).This has to do with the demand
for foreignlabor which has been, in part, saturated in Prague in the course
of time as well as with growing economic opportunities in other regions
of the country. In sum, since 1999, the tendency for concentration in
Prague has lessened to a considerable extent.
Prague and the Central Bohemia region concentrate 48.7 percent of all
foreigners with long-term visas (seeFigs.I and 11).In contrast to Prague,
which is losing importance in relative terms, the surrounding region is
gaining. Also, South and, in part, North Moravia are of growing importance
in the process. Heavily rural South Bohemia has the lowest share
of immigrants. Examining trends over time (1993versus 2000),whereas
the shares of Prague, North Bohemia and North Moravia have been
decreasing, other regions have been increasing ( 1993 versus 2000). In
relative terms (per 1,000 population), the importance of both the
Moravian region and East Bohemia and South Bohemia is lower in
comparison to other areas.
As far as immigrants’ country of origin is concerned, by December 31,
2000,80.0 percent of migrants of the entire economic immigrant group
(represented by those who had long-term visas) were from European
countries, 17.5 percent from Asia and less than 1.4 percent from North
3)
4)
5)
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 205
TABLE 2
FOREIGNERSWlTH LONG-TERMRESIDENCE PERMITS AND PERMANENT RESIDENCE PERMITS IN THE
CZECH REPUBLIC AND PRAGUE; 1990-2000(AS OF DECEMBER31)
Long-term stay Permanent Residence
% Prague/ % Prague/
Year CR Prague CR CR Prague CR
1990 7,695 27.207
1991 9,204
1992 20,428
1993 46,070
1994 71,230
1995 120,060
1996 152,767
1997 153,516
1998 155,836
9,169 44.9
17,754 38.5
28,365 39.8
46,913 39.1
52,879 34.6
49,309 32.1
46,122 29.6
281457
29,145 4,960 17.0
31,072 5,223 16.8
32,468 5,615 17.3
38,557 6,335 16.4
45,837 8,092 17.7
56,281 9,712 17.3
63,919 10,927 17.1
1999 162,108 52,797 32.6 66,754 12,364 18.5
2000b 134,060 44,873 33.5 66,891 12,710 19.0
Source: Hor&ovi and Macounov6, 2001, Directorate of Alien and Border Police, Ministry of Interior (internal materi-
als).
Notes: Stateless persons are not taken into account.
“Itwas not possible to separate data for Prague from those for Central Bohemia for 1990 and 1991.
bThe newly passed Act on the Stay of Aliens on the Territory of the Czech Republic (AliensAct) No. 326ll999
(came into force on January 1, 2000) substituted the status of the long-term residencepermit for a new one long-term
visas issued for a period exceedingninety days.
See aha note in Table 1.
America (HorAkovi and Macounovi, 2001). The most numerous current
foreign labor force (measured in terms of long-term visas) officially
registered in Czechia is represented by Ukrainians (41,438) and Slovaks
(33,136),8 followed by Vietnamese (15,318) and Poles (5,281)
(December 31, 2OOO)Y (see Tables 3 and 4). Other groups are less
numerous and include citizens of Russia, China, Germany, Belorussia,
Yugoslavia, Moldavia, Bulgaria, and the United States. Americans, Chinese,
and citizens of Great Britain are highly concentrated in Prague
(Ministry of Interior, internal materials). Economic immigrants from
Ukraine prevail in four out of six Bohemian regions (including Prague).
Slovaksmake full use of geographicalproximity and formerlydeveloped
economic ties in both Moravian regions (e.g., mining in the Ostrava
region). Vietnamese, mostly as small businessmen (buying and selling
goods), have newly established businesses in West Bohemia, taking
advantage of the main transport corridors connecting Prague with
8In fact, the number of Slovak economic immigrants is much higher since some, though registering
at job centers, did nor ask for and do not have long-term visas.
9It is important to note the existence of a deviation of trade licenses from the mainstream. In
contrast with the composition of immigrants who had long-term visas, Ukrainian (21,402)
and Vietnamese (19,307) small businessmen are by far the largest communities - data as of
December 31,2000 (Hor&ovA and Macounovri, 2001).
206 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
Western Europe. Examining changes over time, two different periods
can be identified. Between 1993 and 1997,there was an influx of Slovaks,lO
a huge increase of Ukrainians, and steady growth of Vietnamese
and Poles. Also, although at a lower level, numerous immigrant communities
of other Eastern immigrants have started increasing significantly,
while some Western groups rose slightly. However, according to
the official data, the latest development (1998 - 2000) has been marked
by stagnation and, recently, a rather significant decline in the numbers
of individual ethnic groups of economic immigrants (measured via
long-term residence permitsllong-term visas). On the other hand, representatives
of individual ethnic groups among holders of permanent
residence permits (for familyreunions) have increased,albeit slightly.As
far as the most important immigrants’ ethnicities are concerned, Poles
decline in all migration statuses/categories, whereas the Ukrainian
decline in long-term residence permits/long-term visas was offset by
gains in the category of job licenses.
One has to distinguish two very different immigrant groups in Czechia.
The first, an Eastern category, is mainly composed of young males who,
in contrast to their usually high education/skill level, are hired for manual,
underpaid and unskilled jobs (however,when dealing with officials at
job centers, they often purposely undervalue their skilfs - seerable 5 and
Drbohlav, 1997a).The second is a more heterogeneous immigration from
the West that is characterizedby more females, children and older persons
in comparison to those from the East. This second group also typically
contains people with high levels of education who are mostly engaged in
professional and managerial areas of work (managers, advisers, language
teachers, etc.). While data in Table 5 prove this situation with the example
of work permits, in Table 6 the same is done with long-term residence
permits when two different immigrant communities - Ukrainians and
Americans - are juxtaposed. It is also worth mentioning that only for
Poles is employment through group contracts more important than individual
job search. Refugees do not participate in the Czech labor market
at all.
Mainly due to the great share of “circulators” among immigrants and
because only a short time has elapsed, some migratory features, otherwise
6)
7)
’OBecause of the common history within Czechoslovakia, Slovaks are a specific migrant category
in Czechia. Their migration to the Czech Republic has a long tradition and even now,
after the split into two independent states, the Slovak migration in Czechia has been regulat-
Figure I.
Figure 11.
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 207
Foreignerswith Long-Term Residence Permits by Regionsof the
Czech Republic, 1993.
Foreignerswith Visas Issued for a Period Exceeding 90 Days by
Regions of the Czech Republic, 2000.
Source: Directorate of Alien and Border Police, Ministry of Interior of the Czech Republic.
Notes: PR: Prague, CB: Central Bohemia region, SB: South Bohemia region, NB: North Bohemia region, EB: East
Bohemia region, SM: South Moravia region, NM: North Moravia region.
ed by a special “freer regime.” For example, Slovaks, unlike any other foreigner, are not supposed
to ask for a work permit (in fact, a Slovakcan compete in the Czech labor market without
“being discriminated vis-i-vis Czechs). Generally, an alien can take a vacant job provided
no other citizen of Czechia is willing to accept it. What they are supposed to do is to register
only themselves.As of December 31,2000,63,567 Slovakswere registered at job centers,
and 6,670 Slovaks stayed in Czechia with job licenses (HorAkovi and Macounovi, 2001).
208 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
expected,have not developedyet. For example,ethnic minoritieshave not
so far created any significant areas of concentration within cities or
regions (with the exception of the Russian community in Karlovy Vary),
and no important ethnic social or political structures have evolvedwhich
would “unite, unify and organize”new immigrants in the country.
Illegal Labor Immigration and the Evasion ofMigratory Legislation
Undocumented (illegal) migration of aliens relates to situations when their
entry or stay does not or has ceased to fulfill conditions for entry or long-term
residence, stipulated by relevant intrastate law or international agreement to
which the Czech Republic is tied. No doubt, clandestine labor immigrants
change the whole picture drawn by legally residing economic migrants. The
TABLE3
FOREIGNERSWITH LONG-TERMRFSIDENCE bRMlTS (1993)AND LONG-TERMVISAS ISSUED
FOR A PERIOD EXCEEDING 90 DAYSIN THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND PRAGUE BY COUNTRYOF ORIGIN
(FOR SELECTEDCOUNTRIES)
at December 31, 1993 at December 31, 2000
Number Number
Country CR Yo Prague CR ?hPrague
Slovakia 33,136d 14.4
Poland
Vietnam
Ukraine
Former Soviet Union
Former Yugoslavia‘
China
Germany
USA
Bulgaria
Austria
Great Britain
Russia
France
Romania
Italy
8,655
6,785
4,809
3,240a
2,97ah
2,543
1,976
1,621
1,172
984
795
525
511
489
478
15.6
25.8
21.2
45.3
63.2
90.5
39.2
52.4
59.8
39.2
43.3
42.9
77.5
22.7
49.0
5,281
15,318
41,438
3,410
2,432
1,591
1,716
1,049
1,134
9,158
10.6
17.0
38.6
70.6
36.0
72.2
37.6
35.4
66.7
59.6
Total 46,070 38.5 134,060 33.5
Source: Directorate of Alien and Border Police, Ministry of Interior (internal materials).
Notes: ’Except for Ukraine, Russia and 309 other foreigners with passports of individual republics of the former Soviet
Ilnion.. . . ~ ~ ~
hExceptfor 718 other foreigners with passportsof individual republicsof the former Yugoslavia.
‘For 2000, data concerns newly establishedYugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).
d S ~ cfootnotes 8 and 10.
‘Citizens of France, Romania, Italy and Croatia did not reach a threshold of 1,000immigrants in 2000.
The newly passed Act on the Stay of Aliens on the Territory of the Czech Republic (Aliens Act) No. 326/1999
(came into forceon January 1, 2000) substituted the status of the long-term residence permit for a new onc long-term
visas issued for a period exceeding90 days.
Country of origin is defined according to citizenshipof immigrants. It concerns also other rables.
Not included are newly arisingsource migrant countries which, in 2000, had under the given status in the
Czech Republic the following numbers of immigrants: Belorussia (2,134). Yugoslavia (SFRY)(1,989),and
Moldavia (I ,909).
See alro note in Table 1.
IMMIGRATION AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC 209
TABLE 4
FOREIGNERSWTH LONGTERMb l D E N C E mRMlTS (1993)AND LONG-TERMVISAS ISSUED
FOR A M O D EXCEEDING 90 DAYS (2000) BY REGIONS OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND THE
MOSTIMPORTANTCOUNTRIESOF ORIGIN
Region Numberat
December 31, 1993 at December 31,2000
Prague 17,754 - 44,873 Central
Bohemia
South Bohemia
West Bohemia
North Bohemia
East Bohemia
South Moravia
North Moravia
China 2,301, Yugoslavia 1,881,
Vietnam 1,752,CIS” 1,469,
Poland 1,352, Ukraine 1,021,
USA 850
Poland 1,725,Vietnam 1,107,
Ukraine 710
4,851 -
1,726 Ukraine
317, Vietnam 317,
Germany 183,Austria 179,
CIS 117
Ukraine 1,035,Vietnam 795,
Poland 626, Germany 373
3,792 -
5,136 Poland
1,551,Vietnam 1,130,
CIS 760,Ukraine 389,
Yugoslavia 252, Germany 223
2,398 Poland
755,Vietnam 502,
Ukraine 362
4,624 Ukraine
844, Vietnam 424,
Slovakia 342, Poland 288,
Austria 288, Yugoslavia 254,
CIS 232
Poland 2,324, Slovakia 1,059,
5,789 Ukraine
15,990,Russia 5,458,
Slov&ab 4,782, Vietnam 2,600,
China 2,406, Yugoslavia 1,426,
USA 1,148
Ukraine 6,434, Slovakia 4,586,
Poland 2,183, Vietnam 2,155,
Russia 1,462
Ukraine 2,657, Slovakia 1,222,
Vietnam 561, Russia 304,
Austria 247, Germany 240
Vietnam 4,241, Ukraine 3,058,
Slovakia 2,238, Russia 566,
Germany 453, Belorussia 210
Ukraine 3,642,Vietnam 2,711,
Slovakia 2,351, Russia 620,
Bulgaria 266, Moldavia 244,
Poland 235
Slovakia 3,172, Ukraine 3,106,
Poland 872, Vietnam 678,
Russia 237, Belorussia 235
Slovakia 7,107, Ukraine 5,228,
Vietnam 1,242,Mongolia 474,
Belorussia 364, Moldavia 320,
Russia 315, Austria 295
Slovakia 7.678. Ukraine 1.323.
20,362 -
6,177 -
11,804 -
11,383 -
9,437 -
17,277 -
12,747 .~
~,
Vietnam 758 Vietnam 1,129, Poland 1,089
Source: Directorate of Alien and Border Police. Ministrv of Interior (internal materials).
Notes: “TheCommonwealth of Independent States.
bRegardingSlovaks, reefootnotes 8 and 10.
See aha note in Table 1.
estimate of undocumented/illegal immigrants is for many reasons a very complicated
matter (e.g., there are many different migratory types, there exist
rather poor statistics, “shifts” occur over time - both within illegal and legal
statuses and from legal to illegal status, and vice versa; there are not many case
studies or objective data on illegals from which totals might be derived, etc.).
As already mentioned, one might estimate the current number of illegal
210 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATIONREVIEW
immigrants in Czechia (as of the end of 2000) at somewhere between
295,000 and 335,000 (from this figure, 165,000 might be illegals active in
the Czech labor market, 30,000 their dependants and 100,000-140,000
transit migrants).
The capital city of Prague and its surroundings provide a good example
of the impact of illegals (seeTable 7). While there should be some 58,000
international migrants staying or registering themselves officially in Prague at
the end of 2000 (the stock by the given year), the estimate tells us that as
many as 80,000 more might be added to this figure in order to have a more
realistic illustration of what is going on in the migration field. In the middle
of the 1990s, the number of foreigners in Prague (excludingtourists) was estiTABLE
5
FOREtGNERSWITH WORK hRhttTS IN THE CZECH RE.I’UBLtC (STOCK) BY THE MOSTIMPORTANT
COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN - STRUCTURE BY SELECTED CHARACTERISTIW,AS OF DECMBER31,2000
Country Number Females Individual” Workers SSb Univ.‘
Ukraine 15.753 33.3 92.9 97.7 1.4 2.1
Poland 7,679 14.2 53.4 90.4 3.0 6.7
Germany 1,452 20.1 69.8 5.4 24.0 70.5
Moldavia 1,446 26.3 97.7 98.4 1.1 0.5
United States 1,356 35.1 66.5 0.7 35.3 64.1
Belorussia 1,139 51.5 98.4 88.1 3.1 8.8
Great Britain 1,112 20.1 66.2 0.3 32.1 67.6
Russia 1,016 49.3 88.8 46.9 10.6 42.5
Romania 908 16.2 94.6 85.0 6.8 8.1
Total 40,080 28.3 80.2 73.8 7.6 18.6
Bulgaria 1,523 31.9 96.1 84.8 5.7 9.5
Source: Ministry of Work and SocialAffairs (internal materials).
Nores: a‘‘lndividual”form of employment (in comparison wirh “contracts”which reprearnt the rest up to 100% ).
bGraduatesat sccondaryschool.
‘Graduates at universiry.
Slovaks do not need work permirs when working as employees in the Czrch Republic (reefootnotes 8 and
10). See a h note in Table 1.
mated to have been more than 10 percent of the total population (seealso
Cermik eta,!, 1995).Table 7 provides a rough quantitative assessment regarding
important communities of foreign undocumented immigrants by their
country or region in Prague. Based on existing statistics and the author‘s own
experience, it can be deduced that while North Americans, Chinese and
Western Europeans are concentrated in Prague or in its near surroundings,
Ukrainians and transit migrants operate throughout the entire republic. It is
not difficult to believe that in the case of Ukrainian workers the overall number
of undocumented migrants in Czechia reaches the number of legally registered
immigrants (Drbohlav, 1997a).
As has been clearly shown in the example of the Ukrainians (e.g., Luptik
and Drbohlav, 1999), there recently has been an important shifi from “work
IMMIGRATION AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC 211
TABLE6
CITIZENSOF UKRAINEAND THE UNITEDSTATESWHOWEREGRANTEDLONG-TERM RESIDENCE PERMITS
IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC IN 1996 BY SELECTED SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHICCHARACTERISTICS (IN %)
Characteristic Ukraine United States
Sex: Males 77.4 60.3
Females 22.6 39.7
Age: 0- 14 0.5 5.9
15 - 44 91.3 80.5
45 - 59 7.8 11.7
60 and over 0.4 1.8
Employment 95.8 66.2
Study 0.3 9.6
Entrepreneurial activity 3.1 11.1
Other 0.9 13.2
Worker 65.5 2.8
Technical college 30.9 24.2
Intelligentsia 3.0 65.6
Other 0.7 7.5
Reason for stay:
Social structure:a
Source: Directorate of Alien and Border Police, Ministry of Interior (internal materials).
Notes: aTheauthor is well aware of problems within the social structure categories when a mixture of them (rype of
employment, education and status) is applied (see ~ b ~ T a b l e5).
More recent breakdownof the given data was not available.The Ministry of the Interior of [he Cxch
Republichas not registered the social structure data since they have been found to be unauthentic records.
See aha note in Table 1.
permits” to “tradelicenses” or to the black market. The strict and bureaucratically
functioning Czech-Ukrainian agreement on the mutual employment of
citizensreducesthe opportunity for Ukrainians to operate in the country. Also,
economic problems and, indeed, generally more restrictive measures applied
towards migrants lead Ukrainians in Czechia to either switch from work permits
to trade licenses,which are much easier for foreignersto obtain, or to simply
enter the black market and operate illegally in the country. Ukrainian independent
quasi-businessmen are those workers who were provided trade licenses
but whose working regimes in fact resemble what is typically considered that
of classical employees (these are really “hidden employees”).They are active in
the samekinds of occupations (“unqualifiedemployees” in various sectorsof the
economy) as “normal employees.”The system of issuing trade licenses to foreigners
is a very liberal model which is frequently misused by many foreigners
(e.g., establishing public trading and limited liability companies within which
foreign business persons now legally operate and function only as employees).
It has been proven that this is the most advantageous way to legally penetrate
the country and then legally or quasi-legallywork or operate.
A new and pragmatic situation has developed in which Ukrainians are
now entering an asylum regime within which working activitiesin Czechia are
allowed by a new law for asylum seekerswhose applicationsare being investi-
212 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
gated (currently, however, asylum seekers’ possible working activities have been
somewhat limited by new legislation -Act No. 2/2002).
Apparently, the restrictive measures applied in the Czech-Ukrainian
agreement did not contribute to a factual decrease in the number of Ukrainians
and other immigrants in the Czech Republic. It is more likely the opposite:
in contrast to official statistical data, the number of illegal/undocumented
immigrantshas probably increased. Indeed, this situation is also reflected by the
perception of the Czech public, which confirms a quantitative growth in the
foreign labor force in the country over time - 1997versus 1999 and 1999 versus
2001.
TABLE7
BTIMATEOF SELECTEDMOSTIMPORTANTCOMMUNITIESOF FOWIGNUNDOCUMENTEDMIGRANTSIN
PRAGUEAND NEARBYSURROUNDINGSAT THE TURNOF THE CENTURY
Country/Regionof Origin Number
North America 10,000- 20.000
Ukraine
China
Western Eurooe
some 20,000
10,000- 20,000
5,000 - 10.000
Transit migrants some 10,000
Source: authori a.ssessment - based on own experienceand research (e.g Drbohlav, 1997a; Drbohlav et al, 1999; Lupt6k
and Drbohlav, 1999), many secondary sources of information and various data from the Ministry of the Interior of
the Czech Republic.Also, estimatesare derived from the characterof rhe spatial and functional settinglorganizarionof
ethnic groups- SPP a h fixmiore6 and Tables 3, 4 and 8 (including a philosophy regarding the crearion of immigrant
estimates).
Individual Segments of the ImmigrantLabor Force
It is worthwhile to briefly sketch main behavioral patterns typical of the important
labor immigrant groups in the current legal and illegal Czech labor market.
Although simplifjing reality to some degree, Table 8 summarizes some
immigration trends (see also, e.g., Drbohlav, 1997a, b; Kroupa et al, 1997;
Chan, 1998; Wang, 1998; Drbohlav and ?erm&, 1998). The emphasis here
is on demonstrating which forms of residence/work, types of work, social and
sociodemographic parameters, and regional patterns are linked with some
important foreign labor force communities. Three rather different migratory
inflows are found in Czechia now. The first group represents flows from the
East (CEECs in transition - Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine), the second flow
comes from the West (developed countries of North America and Western
Europe), and the third is a migration stream of Vietnamese and Chinese from
the Far East. Apparently, no homogeneous, compact pattern is visible. There
exists rather a colorful mosaic of groups, activities,strategies and mechanisms.
IMMIGRATION AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC 213
MIGRATION POLICYAND PRACTICE
Some measures have been taken to control immigration to Czechia. First, at
the beginning of the 1990s, laws regulating the entry and presence of foreigners
were passed (the philosophy “being quick rather than thoroughgoing
and thus slow” was applied). Further, a number of readmission agreements
(concerning asylum seekers), as well as some multilateral and bilateral agreements
for the employment of foreigners, were signed. Cooperation with
international institutions dealing with migration were established (over time,
at least in some specific migratory sectors, this cooperation has successfully
intensified). Also, the introduction of a state integration program for
refugees, re-emigrants and some other specific migratory categories was relatively
effectively and successfully implemented in the Czech Republic.
Nevertheless, Czech migration policy and practice suffers from some
weaknesses. First, the national immigration policy has no clear objectives,
except: 1) to join Western democratic structures (especially the EU) and
thereby harmonize international migration policies and practices with those
in the West; and 2) to combat illegal immigration (which, however, also lacks
a general conception and particularly the willingness, ability and means to do
so). International migration in the Czech Republic has been seen mainly in
the light of defensive reasoning, while trying to join Western democratic
structures also predetermines geopolitical interests. At least until 1999, the
policy was mainly concerned with ad hoc measures within a more or less static
model. Unambiguously, passive attitudes prevailed over active ones. No
general goals were defined, let alone specific preferences made regarding economic,
demographic, cultural or social diversity. For example, many economic
and, in fact, all demographic, cultural and geographic aspects were
ignored. In so doing, a rather negative perception of the international migration
issue is obvious; its positive effects are more or less ignored or not recognized.
Discussing and publicizing the migration issue in general, and that
of a foreign labor force in particular, was rare, reflecting an absence of any systematic
activity in this field. The government and the Parliament - in many
respects the key bodies to create and implement policy - had other priorities
on the agenda. As a corollary, the existing migration legislation was not pliant.
The whole process of change in this field (new laws, amendments) stagnated.
Further, there was insufficient cooperation between the institutiondministries
mainly responsible for dealing with international migrants.
No coherent and mutually complementary policies with regard to immigration
were practiced.
214 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
TABLE 8
INDMDUALIMPORTANTSEGMENTSOF IMMIGRANTLABOR FORCEIN CZECHIA(DOCUMENTEDAND
UNDOCUMENTED), AT THE ENDOF THE 1990s (SIMPLIFIED)
Ethnic group/ Social and
Region demographic structure,
of origin Form of stay, type of work social relations RangelRegional pattern
Slovaks" Permanent jobs, to a lesser Workers, a wide mosaic Ostrava, Karvina and the
Ukrainians
Vietnamese
Poles
Chinese
North
Americans
extent seasonal ones,
commuting within the border
zone; heavy industry (mining
and metallurgy), agriculture
and forestry,construction,
light industry and services
within the interior -within the
border mne, mainly construction;
manual auxiliaryworkers and
qualified workers as well
of patterns and strategies
Work permits- individual,
trade licenses, illegally;
manual work, auxiliarywork;
mainly construction but also
industry (e.g,food-processing,
textile), agriculture
Trade licenses, illegally;smallscalemarket
entrepreneurs/
sellers; buying and selling
clothesand electronics
Work permits - contracts;
manual work, auxiliary work;
construction, heavy industry
(metallurgy, mining), textile
industry,agriculture,forestry
Illegally,via trade or
entrepreneurialcompanies;
representativesof firms in
China and small-businessmen;
import, distribution (wholesale)
and retail of apparel,shoes and
light industrialgoods
1) Work permits, short-term
stays; top managers, advisers,
employees of multinational
and international companies;
2) Illegallg, trade licenses;
lecturers, teachers of Endish,
Poor; workers (relatively
high educational
level purposely
undervalued),young,
males; frequent trips to
mother country
Quasi-middle class
Workers
Strong kinship ties and
regional social networks,
relatively frequent trips to
mother country
1)Relatively affluent;
universityeducated, highly
skilled, intellectual
background;
2) a mixture of structures
whole zone bordering on
Slovakia,Prague and
Central Bohemia but
also some other districts
Throughout the whole
country, especially
Prague, Central Bohemia,
large cities
Throughout the whole
country, especiallywestern
border zone - near
Germany and Austria;
large cities
Central Bohemia,the
whole zone of Bohemia
and Moravia borderingon
Poland
Prague
Prague
"
small-scalebusinessmen
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 215
TABLE8 (CONIINUED)
INDMDUALIMPORTANTSEGMENTSOF IMMIGRANTLABOR FORCEIN CZECHU(DOCUMENTEDAND
UNDOCUMENTED), AT THE ENDOF THE 1990s (SIMPLIFIED)
Ethnic group/ Social and
Region demographic structure,
of origin Form of stay, type of work social relations Range/Regional pattern
Western 1)Work permits, short-term 1)Relatively affluent; Prague, a zone bordering
Europeans stays; top managers, advisers, university-educated, on Germany and Austria
employees of multinational
and international companies; background;
2) Illegally, trade licenses;
lecturers, teachers of Western
languages, small-scale
businessmen'
highly skilled, intellectual
2) a mixture of structures
Notes: "In fact, Slovaksare an integralpart of the Czech labor market even after the split of Czechoslovakia- with no
social, cultural and very limited geographical barriers. Seefootnotes 8 and 10.
bEspeciallyin the case ofWestern immigrants, frequent undocumented stays seem to be caused, to some extent,
by rejection of the immigrants to cooperate with the Czech administration. A huge bureaucracy, a demanding
and time-consuming process of registrationwhen communicating with the Czech administrativebodies (mainly
within the Ministry of the Interior) and reluctanceof Czech employers to register their foreign employees as
soon as possible are the causes.
'By far, not as many undocumented immigrants (in absolute terms) in this category in the Czech Republic as
compared to the North Americans.
See ah0 footnote 6 and note in Table 1.
This characterizationis not based on any representativesurvey research. It follows from the author's personal
experience, through consulting on the issue with selected experts and through some original, primordial views
on migratory and residence patterns of some immigrant communities in PraguelCzechRepublic (ree, e. g.,
Wang, 1998; Chan, 1998; Drbohlav, 1997a).The indicated facts stress only the most significanttrends; omitting
information does not necessarilymean that, in fact, there are no clearer trends in relation to selected
aspects and given ethnic immigration groups. Rather, so far they have not been tackled or simplydetected and
widely publicized.
Nevertheless, since 1999, some positive developments regarding international
migration and immigrants' integration have occurred. First, new migratory
legislationhas been adopted. This, to some extent, enabled migratorytheory
and practice to be harmonized within a domestic institutional, administrative
bureaucratic network and towards the EU. In short, the main goal was to
strengthen migration control according to the EU standardsand requirements.
The two new laws, Act No. 32611999 on the Stay of Aliens on the Territory of
the Czech Republic (Aliens Act) and Act No. 32511999 on Asylum (Asylum
Act), entered into force in January 2000. Each has detailed sets of rules aimed
at regulating all aspectsof asylum and migration procedures and the stayof foreigners,
asylum seekersand recognized refugees in the territory of the state,leaving
only a limited space for implementation by secondarylegislation.It is noteworthy
that the Aliens Act gives precedence over its own provisions to international
treaties regulating the stay of third country nationals in the Czech territory.
Further, certain issues closely related to migration itself are governed by
specificlaws, including, most importantly, access by third country nationals to
employment and independent gainhl activities. Recently,the relevant laws (on
216 INTERNATIONALMIGRATIONREVIEW
Employment - No. 16711999and on Small Business - No. 35611939)were
amended (on October 1, 1999 and March 1, 2000, respectively)with respect
to harmonizing them with the EU regulations.
Other major changes and, to a large extent, improvements11compared
to former laws include a new complex visa regime that contains provisions for
the issuance, validity and types of visas. Those third country nationals who
intend to come to the Czech Republic for specific purposes, such as employment,
must first obtain corresponding visas in their countries of origin
through Czech embassies or consular offices. Accordingly, new formal statuses
for a stay in the country have been created, and it is mandatory for anyone
who is to operate in the country under the umbrella of a long-term visa to
simultaneously also get a work permit or a trade license. In sum, just as in the
EU countries, external controls have been strengthened.
There are other activities worth mentioning. The Ministry of the Interior,
through its Department for Asylum and Migration Policy (former
Department for Refugees and Integration of Foreigners), took the initiative
to conceptualize and systematize the entire migratory issue. For example, a
new ministerial advisory commission (composed of migration experts - representatives
of other relevant ministries, other selected state bodies, regional
or local policymakers, NGOs and independent research/scientificcircles) has
been established. In collaboration with this commission, the department
worked out a “Concept of Immigration Integration Policy.” This document
has become a basic policy pillar defining the policy and the means through
which activities in the field of international migration/immigrants’ integration
will be realized. For instance, regarding research in the migration field,
the concept assumes that significantly more financial support (coming from
the state budget) will be devoted to migration research. Furthermore, the
communicationlinformation channels between, on the one hand, the Ministry
of the Interior and other Ministries and, on the other, the public and
state administration at a local level have in part been improved. Also, the
NGOs have been invited to further cooperate in relevant fields.
An important initiative also has come from the Ministry of Work and
Social Affairs. In line with demographic parameters and the situation of the
Czech labor market and, indeed, with what is going on in Western Europe
“The new legislation also suffers from some evident shortcomings: For example, there is no
preferential treatment for those who stay a very short time and from whom the state benefits
(stays tied to trade, sport, culture, etc.); it does not take into account family reunion processes
properly, etc. (see, e.g., Drbohlav et al, 2000).
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 217
(e.g., German activities), they have brought in a “Proposal for Active Selection
of Skilled Foreign Workers.” This point system, based on a Quebecian
model, may have, if applied, an important impact upon the entire migratory
arena of the country.
Despite some progress in the field of migration policy and practice,
there are at least three basic problematic issues still to be addressed. These
issues have been problematic for some time and successfully survived the new
legislativechanges as well:
Employment of foreigners, namely issuing trade licenses that allow foreigners
to start businesses in the country, is very liberal. Yet, regulations
are easily and frequently evaded both within and outside the law (see,
e.g., Kroupa et aL, 1997; Lupt8k and Drbohlav, 1999).This situation in
many ways places Czech entrepreneurs who adhere to the iaws at a disadvantage
vis-8-vis foreigners.
As far as employment of foreigners through work permits is concerned,
two points attract attention above all: a) the current, free regime for Slovak
workers and b) the administratively rather complicated and
demanding process of organizing employment for Ukrainians (giventhe
bilateral agreement) - the latter agreement does not solve the problem
inasmuch as tens of thousands of Ukrainians work in Czechia illegally
or misuse/evade the migratory legislation, particularly small businessmen
and asylum seekers.
There is no effective control mechanism for illegal labor activities. For
example, while in theory some employer sanctions are possible according
to regulations, in practice it is very difficult to prove a foreigner’s
guilt - that his or her work activity is illegal (the overall legislative setting
is not effective).
PROBABLE FUTURE TRENDS
Though more reliable predictions of future international migration trends are
almost impossible, some basic ideas on future labor migration of foreignersto
Czechia are sketched below. The remarks are devoted to a time horizon of the
next five years, when one can expect that the Czech Republic will crown its
endeavor to become a developed Western-type democracy and will join the
EU. The ideas are based on the assumption that the European integration
process will go ahead according to plan relatively smoothly and no catastrophic
events like a socioeconomic or political collapse in some CEECs will
erode or stop it.
218 INTERNATIONALMIGRATION&VIEW
The existing trends might be extrapolated into the future. Labor immigration
will continue chiefly in relation to the political, social and economic
development in Czechia itself and other CEECs. Indeed, the character of economic
development in Western democracies might, to some limited extent,
play some role as well. CEECs polarizing into several different subgroups,
despite many problems, should approach the levels of the most developed
democracies. One can expect that Czechia might be one of those countries
that will be at the head of the pack, hence attracting significant numbers of
immigrants. Despite an attempt to regulate and limit the inflow of immigrants,
circular labor migrants will probably dominate the immigration mosaic.
The entire process may well follow an “S-shaped curve,” characterizing the
settlement of immigrants in the destination country over time (see Martin
and Taylor, 1995). In other words, intensive circular labor movements
become the first stage of a permanent (settlement) immigration. Simply stated,
some of those migrants (not a negligible share) who started as pendular
migrants after some time probably will settle permanently in the Czech
Republic. The absorption of immigrants into Czech society will be strengthened
by:
Considerable manifestation of globalization and internationalization of
the economy.
Specific demands of the Czech market to meet labor deficits. This will
be differentiated by individual regions and professions, with a greater
demand for highly skilled professionals as well as those who will be willing
to do the most demanding and, at the same time, unattractive, dirty
work.
Employers’ never-ending, strong desire for a cheap labor force.
Relatively low mobility of the Czech labor force (the collapse of housing
construction, the nonexistence of a real estate market with
flatslhouses, etc.) which, at least for some time, might support immigrants’
complementary rather than competitive function.
Against these inflows of immigrants coming mainly from the East, the
voice of the Czech public will function with little success. Any resistance to
immigrants will directly grow with a possible increase in economic and social
problems within the society. Intensifying contacts with the Western developed
world and harmonizing economic, juridical, social and other conditions
will bring about a permanent, not large but important contingent of Western
immigrants. In the course of time, more compatible rules for doing business
might function as a migratory pull factor mainly for Western Europeans. On
IMMIGRATIONAND THE CZECHREPUBLIC 219
the other hand, by accepting Western models with their protection of access
to their own markets (placing tariffs and quota restrictions), the Czech
Republic could lose some of the current and potentially important immigrants-investors
from the East (see, e.g., the example of the Chinese in Wang,
1998).
In the meantime, further harmonization of migration policies and practices
with those in the EU will continue - e.g,visa policy, arranging or rearranging
bilateral agreements, further creation of conditions for application of
the Schengen Agreement (including the protection of the state borders and
the harmonization of information systems). These changes will have important
implications in relation to foreign labor migration patterns as well.
It may be expected that joining the EU might provoke a short but
strong immigration wave from the East (probably mainly from former Soviet
republics) to Czechia in anticipation of even more systematic and restrictive
migration policies. A huge social-economic polarization between Westernized,
rich and fortified countries like Czechia, Poland, Hungary and other
CEECs will permanently stimulate illegal migration flows.
CONCLUSIONS
The Czech Republic has very quickly become an immigration and transit
country and the capital, Prague, an important immigration and transit city.
The current number of foreign immigrants who operate within the Czech
Republic is about 460,000 - both documented and undocumented, permanent
and temporary (excluding tourists, asylum seekers and transit
migrants). In addition, the number of transit migrants might well reach levels
between 100,000 and 140,000.
There is a huge pool of documented foreign labor workers in Czechia,
by far the most important migratory type in the country. The entire immigrant
group is composed ofvarious ethnic communities (coming mostly from
other CEECs in transition, Western Europe, North America, Vietnam and
China) that symbolize in some respects fairly different behavioral patterns
(activities, strategies,mechanisms). The economic immigrants were quite easily
absorbed into societybetween 1990 and 1996. Since then, exactlyas experience
would dictate, and manifesting more serious social and economic
problems (1997-1 999) and tighter, more restrictive migration policy, the
level of documented migrants has significantlydecreased (measured by stock
data). Nevertheless, one can deduce that because of immigrants’ pragmatic
and flexible behavior, strong inflows of illegal immigrants continue (see, e.g.,
220 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATIONREVIEW
Luptdk and Drbohlav, 1999). The analysis of the foreign labor force in
Czechia demonstrates that migratory features in this country are in many
respects similar to those characteristic of Western developed democracies (see
also, e.g., Drbohlav, 1997a, b, c). For example, the popularity of the capital
city of Prague is significant albeit decreasing over time, especially for economic
migrants. There are also two very different immigrant groups in
Czechia. The first, an Eastern category, is mainly composed of young males
who, in contrast to their usually high education/skill levels, are hired for manual,
underpaid and unskilled jobs. The second group is a more heterogeneous
group from the West, characterized by more females, children and older persons
(vis-A-vis the Eastern group), with high levels of education, mostly
engaged in professional and managerial areas of work (note the correspondence
to dual labor market theory).
On the other hand, given that such a short time has elapsed since the
emergence of a democratic state, some typical migratory features, otherwise
expected, have not yet developed (namely, ethnic spatial concentrations/
enclaves and strong ethnic organizational structures).
Unlike in the Western developed world, the migration policies and
practices are at an immature stage in the Czech Republic. Objective and
inevitable shortcomings go hand in hand with delay and inattention to
migration issues by the government and the Parliament and, consequently,
other bodies and institutions. Nevertheless, since 1999, the situation in the
migration field has, in part, been developing in rather a positive direction
(better legislation, more active, systematic, comprehensive and coherent
approaches).
The future development of international labor migration in Czechia will,
to a large extent, be influenced by a desire to join the EU and to harmonize
policies and practices with those in Western Europe. Accordingly, this will significantly
influence the structure of the entire Czech migration picture.
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