*Department of Economics and Natural Resources, The Royal Veterinary and Agricul-
tural University, Frederiksberg, Denmark.
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 1999 European Society for Rural Sociology
108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK Sociologia Ruralis Volume 39, No. 1, 1999
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA ISSN 0038­0199
Values about Nature in Organic
Farming Practice and Knowledge
Pernille Kaltoft*
RGANIC FARMING IS often considered to be a separate and distinctive way
of farming. However, organic farming practices turn out to be just as di-
verse as views of nature and value assumptions involved. This paper is mainly
concerned with differences in values and practices within organic farming at
the level of the individual farmer. Secondly, it examines differences in values
and practices at the level of agro-scientific knowledge related to organic farm-
ing. Thirdly, I discuss findings on the impact of values concerning nature on
practice and knowledge in relation to the ongoing institutionalization of or-
ganic farming. The general aim is to show how value assumptions and orienta-
tions influence physical-material farming practice, as well as the contents and
development of agro-scientific knowledge.1
At the level of the farmer it is the stories of individuals, their backgrounds,
education, training, attachment to different groups and ideologies, access to
knowledge and different kinds of knowledge, and events in their lives which
mould the explanation of actual farming practice. Different farming practices
have distinctive values inherent or embodied in them as a result of complex
stories. Investigation at the level of individual farmers takes the form of a case
study. Some of the differences in values and practices can be explained at the
level of knowledge, by analysing the history of different branches of agro-
scientific knowledge related to the organic way of farming.
Other scientists (Christensen 1998; Kristensen 1997; Kristensen and Nielsen
1997; Rasmussen 1995­6) have described how organic farming in Denmark has
entered a phase of institutionalization. On the basis of two levels of analysis of
O

Kaltoft40
values and practices in Danish organic farming, I will show how this process of
institutionalization involves a tendency to reduce diversity in practices and phi-
losophies. Diverse practices and philosophies within the organic movement can
be seen as an important source for the future development of environmentally
sustainable kinds of agriculture. From this perspective, diversity is an impor-
tant resource deserving development rather than reduction.
Danish organic farming becomes institutionalized
The history of Danish organic farming can be seen as the history of a social
movement moving from a marginal position to integration by society (Chris-
tensen 1998; Rasmussen 1995­96). As Christensen points out, both the organic
movement and society change and converge during this process. Nevertheless, I
focus entirely on the organic movement here.
During its marginal phase, the organic movement was identified with the ac-
tivities of the alternative, left-wing and environmentalists movements, while
biodynamic agriculture was leading its own, rather isolated, life. Acceptance
occurred as official politics and public opinion took an increasing interest in
environmental issues. The process of institutionalization was clear by 1988
when Denmark introduced a national governmental certification of organic
farming, followed by financial subsidies. Definitions and rules were negotiated
and formulated. The broader, value-laden, and ideological formulations of the
Danish Association of Organic Agriculture were reduced to technical and quan-
titative definitions and rules.
Initially, a separate advisory service was established for organic farming.
This advisory service was merged with the ordinary extension and advisory
service run by the Danish Family Farmers' Association and the Danish Farm-
ers' Union in 1995­96. This merger aimed to facilitate the diffusion of organic
farming among conventional farmers. The diffusion was followed by demands
for more specialized and technical advisory services. Consequently, agrono-
mists without any special organic or ecological background are by now advis-
ing organic farmers.
A final aspect of the institutionalization of organic farming, how secondary
production and distribution of organic products have developed rapidly, with a
tendency towards professionalism and commercializing (Kristensen 1997; Kris-
tensen and Nielsen 1997), should also be mentioned. Organic products are
nowadays mainly distributed through ordinary channels like supermarkets.
This development makes new demands on farmers regarding quantity and sta-
bility.
There are many questions about the effects of this institutionalization. My
own work has been affected by the question what becomes marginal in this
process of institutionalization. My aim is to make visible different strategies
within the organic movement, not only in terms of practice but also of ideol-

Values about nature in organic farming 41
ogy. It is also important to consider the potential of other directions for sus-
tainable agriculture, and to shed light on the strategies and practices facilitated
(or otherwise) by the dominant development. This may be called a project of
conceptualizing in order to defend diversity or multiplicity in organic farming.
My hypothesis is that the view of nature and ethical thinking integrated in
practical action and as value assumptions in scientific research and agronomic
knowledge, play an important part in the constitution of different strategies
and practices.
The methodology of the case studies
The empirical investigation was conducted as a qualitative study of the views of
nature and practices of six farmers. Methodologically the investigation is in-
spired by phenomenology and anthropology. I have viewed the investigation as
fieldwork in one's own culture (Hastrup 1987), and have concentrated on going
beyond the nature­culture split by means of Latour's ideas about symmetrical
anthropology (Latour 1993). The idea is to abandon all previous judgements
about what is objective, factual, natural or scientific, against what is subjective,
historical, cultural or religious in order to monitor the specific construction of
these borders by each farmer. Within this frame of understanding qualitative
research interview methods (Kvale 1983) have been followed. Each interview
has been lifeworld focussed, which means that dialogue begins at (or does not
move further than) the level of everyday experience: practices, daily choices,
pleasures, pains, conflicts and so on. All interviews were transcribed in full and
analysed in two steps: a phenomenological analysis discussed with the inter-
viewee, and a further, more selective and interpretative, analysis.
The idea of the more selective analysis was to conceptualize the view of na-
ture held by each farmer, not only as spoken in words, but also as interpreted
in daily practice. I call my theoretical framework for this conceptualization en-
vironmental ethics as a concept of practice. This concept of ethics is inspired by
the philosopher MacIntyre, among others. MacIntyre argues in his book After
virtue (MacIntyre 1985) for the Aristotelean concept of ethics, virtue ethics.
Different moral theories are viewed by MacIntyre as theoretical concepts of as-
pects of a phenomenon in human life, which cannot be derived from a single
moral law (rights, Kantian ethics), or be reduced to the question of individual
interest or feelings (emotivism). Instead MacIntyre introduces the Aristotelean
concept as a more comprehensive and better description of ethics as it occurs in
practice. There are similarities between MacIntyre's and Latour's ideas, as the
title of Latour's book We have never been modern (1993) indicates. Seen as a
modern conception, the main feature of virtue ethics is viewing ethics as rooted
in social practice, which does not mean that there is no objective evaluation.
Every concrete action can be evaluated objectively as good or less good with re-
spect to some specified conditions. This was the idea of the old virtues: as men

Kaltoft42
were living in a social context some kinds of actions were good for facilitating
or securing the future of the family. Of course, the old virtues do not make
much sense in society today, but the idea of concrete objective evaluation of ac-
tions can be adopted leaving the criteria for evaluation entirely open. Nature is
such a discussion of criteria. The limits of ethical responsibility towards the
surrounding nature are discussed within moral theory. Theories vary from be-
ing strictly anthropocentric to including animals or life as such or even the
cosmos as an object for human ethical consideration. In the empirical analysis,
concepts from moral theory are used to define characteristic features of ethical
thinking or acting on the part of the farmers. Moral theory used to conceptual-
ize farmers' values ensures that the whole spectrum of anthropocentric and
non-anthropocentric viewpoints are included. Precisely these perspectives
would be lost if the study were based only on sociology, techno-science or
agro-science and anthropocentric philosophy.
The farms and farmers were selected with a view to obtaining variation, ex-
tremes. The selection was not based on formalized criteria, but was inspired by
the topology of organic farmers made in a Norwegian sociological survey
(Blekesaune and Vartdal 1992). The six farms and farmers are very different in
scale, practice, thoughts and beliefs. Each farm has been described separately
(Kaltoft 1997), and I have been and still am fascinated by the overwhelming de-
tails, which cannot be presented in this paper. Details not directly related to
the conclusions have been left out in the following presentation of the case
studies. Complexity has been reduced and themes present in only one or two
of the case studies, such as aesthetics, landscape values and ideas about the role
of technology in agriculture, are left out.
Views of nature and practices: six case studies
Back to the countryside couple I associate the couple Peter and Anne with the
more `traditional' organic way of living and thinking. They bought a farm to-
gether with another couple fifteen years ago; all of them were townspeople
with ideas about a life in contact with nature, growing plants in a healthy way.
Farming is not a job for Peter and Anne, but a life project. They tell their story
with a measure of ironic distance: they were absolutely non-professional, and
have been through 100 years of farming history in fifteen years. They began by
doing everything more or less manually. One reason being that they did not
want to compact the soil. Today they have a farm with 35 ha of land, thirty
animals (beef cattle), 200 chickens, and ten sheep. They produce the fodder for
their own animals and grow a lot of vegetables (8 ha). They sell everything ­
vegetables, meat, eggs ­ directly to consumers. This is very essential for them it
is an ideological position. They are very critical of the tendencies which give
the big supermarkets increasing power and control. They do not identify
themselves with neighbouring farmers. They identify with other `alternative'

Values about nature in organic farming 43
people. Ecology is used as the framework of explanations regarding organic
farming. They use a very broad concept of ecology, which transcends the scien-
tific concept of ecology although they are unaware of this distinction. The
main task, according to Peter and Anne, is to take care of the soil, recycling or-
ganic material, and in return the soil will provide them with nice crops.2
The
way in which Peter and Anne talk about the soil resembles to some degree an
`organic worldview' (Merchant 1980), including assigning subjectivity to soil
and plants. Ethically, it appears as care-taking ethics (Wolf 1990a), meaning eth-
ics that has to do with taking care of life and is in conflict with human de-
mands. Peter and Anne discuss this with each other: Peter gets annoyed with
all this (female?) taking care of the partridge, the individual plant and so on,
saying that they have to survive too. The discussion demonstrates the inescap-
able conflict associated with ethics as care taking (ethics in the sense of Lg-
strup).
Reflective biodynamic farmers Hanne and Hans Peter have several educations
within the anthroposophic movement. They have chosen to become biody-
namic farmers after having tried a variety of other things. Both have a very
comprehensive theoretical and philosophical knowledge and reflect on every
single practical step or action. They cultivate a lot of herbs and vegetables on a
small farm, only 5 ha, which is not enough to live by. Hans Peter produces the
biodynamic preparations together with two other farmers. But he does not just
stick to the recipes (from the agricultural lectures given by Rudolf Steiner in
1924). Based on research in Germany in the anthroposophic scientific commu-
nity, he tries to improve the processes and understanding of the preparations.
These preparations also help to catalyze non-material processes in the compost,
in the soil, and in the plant. It is very important for Hanne and Hans Peter that
they are providing not only crops for material survival, but also crops which
contain resources and forces for the human mind. They believe they have a re-
sponsibility regarding the development of the soil. Using compost is essential
for biodynamic farming ­ and for Hanne and Hans Peter. But again, it is not
only to ensure fertility. With the help of the preparations, they try to develop
the soil further than nature itself could ever do so.
`Old-fashioned' and biodynamic farmer Among the interviewed, Jens has the
biggest variety: 85 ha land, seventy-five milking cows, pigs, calves, chickens,
ducks, geese, sixty different kinds of vegetables, and fruit and berries through-
out the season. He uses compost and special biodynamic preparations, but he
also has liquid manure. Jens is around sixty years old. His son is about to take
over the farm just like he himself took over from his father. This means that he
is attached to the local community through a history that stretches far back in
time. His primary identity is as a farmer. The well-being of the farm defines
what is going to be done, by whom and when. He despises regulations about

Kaltoft44
working hours and is completely intolerant towards farmers' wives wishing for
independent careers. He has been farming biodynamically for twenty-five
years. I had expected a lot of typical anthroposophical explanations, but I did
not get any at all. Jens does not refer to any theory, anthroposophy or phi-
losophy, only to very concrete stories about his animals, to discussions with
stupid environmentalists (townspeople) and so on. For Jens farming has to do
with experience, it is a craft. You cannot study how to do it right, and experts
cannot tell you anything. Even without a single anthroposophical explanation,
his many concrete stories make it clear that he believes the world to consist of
material substance and mind (not further described or differentiated by him):
the temperament of the cow matters when choosing cow dung for one of the
preparations, and the purity of the person doing the preparations matters for
the quality of the preparation. From Jens' story, I conclude that the biody-
namic way of farming can be seen as an articulation of aspects of old-fashioned,
non-industrialized and traditional agriculture. Jens' lifestyle is furthermore im-
possible to choose, since it is inseparable from tradition, making virtue ethics
in the old sense a relevant way of conceptualizing.
Academic farmer Hans is educated as a natural scientist and worked in research
on food quality until he was forty years old. Research shows, in Hans' opinion,
decreasing food quality which cannot be changed except by changing farming
practice. These thoughts, together with a personal tragedy, formed the back-
ground for quitting his job and becoming a farmer (20 ha land). His aim was to
do organic farming on a natural scientific basis ­ no mystification, no religion ­
and to produce ordinary products as opposed to health food, and to do it at or-
dinary prices. He sees himself very much in opposition to biodynamic farmers,
especially their philosophy. This is despite the fact that he also makes compost
and is very much against the use of liquid manure. Liquid manure has qualities
similar to mineral fertilizers, which are unwelcome in organic farming.
Hans underlines the limits of science. He dichotomizes the rational, which
can be conceptualized by science, and the irrational and non-conceptual. He be-
lieves farming has a lot to do with the non-conceptual parts of life. Some gar-
deners have `green fingers,' others do not and it is the same with farmers. He is
very aware of the contact between himself and his animals. He can hide feelings
for his family which he cannot hide for the animals. He regards both phenom-
ena, the `green fingers' and the man­animal relation, as non-conceptual com-
munication between humans and the surrounding nature. Farming, like many
other things, depends on this communication. Hans has found a suitable
worldview in the old Chinese thinking of Taoism which, in his eyes, combines
modern scientific knowledge with a non-dualistic view of mind and matter.
Modern, rational farmer Karl has a traditional farmer's background. He took
over his father's farm and converted to organic farming after several years.

Values about nature in organic farming 45
Farming is a job, not a life project. He tries to lead a normal modern life, with
a wife working off the farm, and children. He considers this a strong argument
for a simple farm. He has one product for sale: milk (70 ha land, sixty milking
cows). He was offered a good contract by the milk company, which made the
transition to organic farming financially attractive. But the economic argument
was accompanied by feelings mainly related to repeated health problems among
his cows. Today Karl does not like his own arguments for conversion. His
former position has changed and if organic farming becomes unprofitable, he
will not return to `normal' farming, but leave the profession. He simply finds
the organic way of farming professionally more interesting, apart from envi-
ronmental considerations. Karl regards the organic way of farming as a techni-
cal solution to environmental problems related to agriculture (nitrogen and
pesticide pollution). Through low external input and closed internal circuits he
gained better control over the farm, and solved the cows' health problems. Karl
refers to the experts when he argues in favour of liquid manure, asserting that
liquid allows a better control of nutrients than stable manure. Soil and plants
are certainly not ethical matters for Karl. He sticks to an anthropocentric view:
we should solve environmental problems for the sake of humans. His point of
view is not, however, entirely anthropocentric since his cows are objects of
ethical concern. Talking about the reactions of his conventional neighbour
farmers towards his conversion, he told me that they were full of respect after
having seen that it is possible to grow without fertilizers and spraying. I have
encountered exactly the same story several times among newly converted
farmers. It indicates a respect for the natural processes themselves, but it is im-
possible to judge whether these feelings are based on nostalgia for old-fashioned
agriculture, or whether they arise through contact with the soil, plants and life
processes (non-anthropocentric ethics).
Globally informed farmer Martin has a farm very much like Karl's: 80 ha land,
sixty-five milking cows, low product diversity, liquid manure and stable ma-
nure which is ploughed in. Martin had started conversion to organic farming
three months prior to my visit and interview. He was chosen for this research
because I was lacking more `instrumental' organic farmers. There is a myth in
Danish organic farming (Michelsen 1997) about newcomers converting for
purely economic reasons, and treating the rules as a form of external authority
instead of the explanation of some kind of inherent ideology/values. This was
the background to my requesting an extension and advisory service for a
farmer who had just started conversion with a conventional farming education,
and living on a family farm. I came to Martin with a number of negative pre-
conceptions. Martin had many ideas: he wanted to start growing vegetables
within a few years, he would not exclude the possibility of becoming a biody-
namic farmer one day, and so on. On the other hand, he was starting some-
thing that he regarded as being very safe and manageable. This included build-

Kaltoft46
ing a new stable and producing liquid manure. He was strongly advised to
build that kind of stable by the local extension service for two reasons: animal
welfare and optimal nutrient management. Working in third world countries
provided the motivating experience for Martin to go into organic farming.
Production without any external input is his ideal, as observed in Africa. This
global perspective, including the world-wide distribution of resources, charac-
terizes Martin's motivation and beliefs.
Figure 1: Farmers' ethics and views of nature
Farmer Characterization regarding ethics and view of nature
Jens: `Old-fashioned' and biody-
namic farmer
Virtue ethics: tacit knowledge, experience-based
knowledge, no limits for ethical object
Mind in nature
Hanne and Hans Peter:
Reflective biodynamic farmers
Mind in nature
Mind­matter dualism
Man develops nature
Peter and Anne: Back to the
countryside couple
Biocentric ethics
Care-taking ethics
Mind­matter undivided (partnership)
Hans: Academic farmer Ethical object: cosmos
Mind­matter undivided (partnership)
(Taoism)
Karl: Modern, rational farmer
Martin: Globally informed
farmer
Emotivism (including animals who can feel pain)
Controlling nature (closed circuits)
Summary of the farmers views of nature
The six case studies exemplify a variety of relations between view of nature and
practice. Figure 1 gives a schematic presentation of the kind of ethical stands
and views of nature, either as directly expressed or interpreted from the inter-
views and observations. The characterization uses concepts from the theory of
ethics mainly concerning which parts of nature can be included as ethical ob-
jects, and concepts from philosophy concerning the relation between mind and
matter. Many other interesting aspects of the view of nature, such as aesthetics,
are left out.
The farmers represent non-dualistic thinking and two different kinds of du-
alistic thinking with regard to mind and matter. The first kind of dualistic
thinking is found in anthroposophy and in biodynamic agriculture. Mind and
matter constitute separate spheres (transcendence), human consciousness being
one of these spheres. Both spheres are objects of ethical responsibility. The
other kind of dualistic thinking is represented by Karl and Martin. Like Jens,

Values about nature in organic farming 47
they do not themselves reflect on these theoretical concepts. The views of Karl
and Martin correspond to ordinary thinking in our culture, namely viewing
nature as matter and mind as identical with human consciousness. Ethical re-
sponsibility is restricted to humans, though both also embrace higher animals
as ethical objects: Karl his cows and Martin animals as such. Peter and Anne,
and Hans express non-dualistic points of views as explained in each case story.
Dualistic or non-dualistic points of views have consequences for conceiving of
the role of man. The non-dualistic point of view sees the relation between man
and nature as a partnership, that we are equal creatures. The dualistic points of
view place man in a more active role as a developer of nature (anthroposophy)
or as a controller/manipulator (Cartesian and Newtonian thinking). Figure 1
shows the main differences regarding views of nature: the first four farmers
have a broader concept of the object of ethical responsibility than the last two
farmers in the scheme.
Summary of the farmers' practices
The six case studies exemplify a variety of practices. I have focussed on three
aspects of practice in the analysis: product diversity, manure usage, and the way
of treating the herd. In conclusion, I shall concentrate on product diversity and
manure usage, because these two aspects reveal great differences in physical
practice within organic farming. Figure 2 shows the six farmers organized with
respect to product diversity and manure usage.
Diversity was one of the keywords in the more `traditional' explanations of
the idea of organic farming, opposing the tendencies to monoculture. What di-
versity means today in organic farming varies considerably, as the six case stud-
ies illustrate. Another keyword was soil fertility. The six case studies show dif-
ferent ways of treating the manure, some of them relating to the concept of soil
fertility, others to nutrient management. Scientific explanations related to each
different strategy will be examined below.
Relations between views of nature and practices
Two main relations between view of nature and practice, based on the six case
studies can be distinguished. If Figures 1 and 2 are combined, the first four
farmers from Figure 1, those with the broader concept of the object of ethical
responsibility, have a higher product diversity and use compost (or 100 per
cent stable manure); whereas the two last farmers, with the narrower concept
of the object of ethical responsibility, have a low product diversity and use liq-
uid manure and plough in stable manure.
The two main relations between views of nature and practices are connected
by an historical dimension. With the institutionalization of organic farming,
practices have changed from being graphically situated in the right and upper

Kaltoft48
Product
diversity
Manure
usage
Liquid
manure
Liquid +
stable manure
Stable
manure
Compost
Karl Martin
Peter &
Anne
Hans
Hanne &
Hans-Peter
JensHigh
Low
Figure 2: Product diversity and manure usage
The diversity axis is a true axis showing the diversity of products. Lowest diversity is one
product, milk. The livestock manure usage axis is discontinuous. Liquid manure is the ab-
solute zero of the axis because ­ due to rules of animal welfare ­ an organic farm can
never have only liquid manure. Going right, the rate stable manure/liquid rises until the
point of 100 per cent stable manure. Here is the discontinuous break: going from plough-
ing in stable manure to compost.
parts of the system of co-ordinates in Figure 2, to being situated in the left and
lower parts today with respect to number of organic hectares grown and num-
bers of farmers. This is a change from higher product diversity to lower, and
from widespread compost usage to a nutrient focused manuring strategy. The
reduction of organic farming, mentioned at the beginning of the paper, can be
conceptualized as this change of practice and view of nature (they are insepara-
ble). Possible changes in practice and views of nature by the newly converted
farmers, such as Martin, who is very keen on further reaching ideas and prac-
tices are left out.
The reduction of ideology seems to be one characteristic of the ongoing in-
stitutionalization of organic farming. Tovey (1997), for example, writes about
the Irish situation: "The attitude of the Irish state towards organic farming has
been to disregard, ignore, or repress the ideological content of the movement ­
its visions of the relations humans should develop with both nature and society
­ attempting to wrench the production practices free from this and slot them
into a different context in which they do not in fact fit at all easily." (p. 33).
What can be added from these case studies is that practices cannot be wrenched
free of ideology, since this produces another practice. Organic farming prac-
tices are being changed along with institutionalization.

Values about nature in organic farming 49
Leaving the level of individual farmers, differences in practice can also be
explained as different strategies for sustainable agriculture. Two kinds of envi-
ronmental sustainable agriculture within organic farming can be distinguished:
a non-poisonous agriculture, and a soil fertility and crop quality sustaining ag-
riculture. I explain this by shifting focus from the level of individuals to the
level of knowledge.
Relations between views of nature and organic farming knowledge
All the farmers interviewed, except for Jens, had ideas about explaining scien-
tifically what they were doing, for example in relation to manure. They re-
ferred to the science of ecology (Hanne and Hans Peter, Peter and Anne,
Hans), or knowledge produced in the scientific community of anthroposophy
(Hanne and Hans Peter) (a phenomenologically based natural science, founded
on the ideas of Goethe, developed by Rudolf Steiner and others), or new theo-
ries about plant communication (Hans), or the expert-knowledge of advisors
from the extension service (Karl, Martin). This kind of knowledge is not just
farmers' knowledge. It is knowledge shared by some farmers, some agronomists
in extension and advisory services, and some agro-scientific researchers.
Going from the level of the individual farmers, the case-study level, to an
analysis of knowledge changes the focus of explanation from individual life sto-
ries to the `life stories' of knowledge production. Many aspects of the case stud-
ies are eliminated, creating instead explanations that relate farmers' practices to
scientific practices, and extension service practices. Aspects of farmers' narra-
tives are part of the broader narratives including the sciences and professional
practices.
The analysis of knowledge related to organic farming was based on the same
theoretical background as described for the case studies. That means using the
social constructivist perspectives from the sociology of science (for instance La-
tour 1983) and the sociology of technology (Bijker et al. 1987). The kind of
common-sense thinking associating the conventional point of view with natu-
ral scientific knowledge, the ecological point of view with some kind of holistic
thinking, and the biodynamic way of thinking with spirituality had to be
abandoned. Instead, all the different knowledge about soil and plant growth
was regarded as natural scientific knowledge, but a knowledge including differ-
ent views of nature and different value assumptions.
Using the case studies and literature, I ended up by describing four para-
digms of knowledge. The concept of a paradigm refers to Thomas Kuhn, but
these paradigms are not Kuhnian in, at least, three ways: i) They co-exist, not
following one after another in time; ii) The Kuhnian paradigms exist within
one scientific discipline, physics, whereas these paradigms of knowledge relate
to different disciplines such as ecology, chemistry, phenomenological descrip-
tions of nature (Wolf 1990b; Heide-Jensen et al. 1995), and biosemiotics (Hoff-

Kaltoft50
meyer 1996); iii) The Kuhnian paradigm is purely scientific. Agro-science as
well as technical science can not be paradigmatic in the Kuhnian sense because
they are `applied' sciences. Nevertheless I stick to the term paradigm because
each `paradigm' represents a coherent and logical system of thoughts, for ex-
ample opposed to the term `narrative' or `discourse.' The four paradigms of
knowledge related to organic farming are:
· the paradigm of nutrients (the conventional point of view);
· the paradigm of soil fertility (the traditional, ecological point of view);
· the biodynamic point of view seen as a paradigm;
· the paradigm of communication (an intermediary point of view).
Each paradigm is described in terms of its contents, analysed with respect to
philosophy of science, and consequences for knowledge in action, for instance
manuring strategies (Kaltoft 1997). The results of the analysis are summarized
in Figure 3. A few comments are in order: The paradigm of nutrients is domi-
nated by empirical results. The basic scientific explanations date back to the
chemist Liebig, who proposed his so-called mineral theory in 1840. Liebig is
usually seen as the founder of commercial fertilizers. However, others see him
as one of the theoretical founders of organic farming (Siebeneicher 1996). How
can this be?
The paradigm
of nutrients
The paradigm
of soil fertility
The biodynamic
paradigm
The paradigm of
communication
Central
issue
Plants need
nutrients to grow
The important
role of humus to
soil fertility
Enriching matter
with mind
(life forces)
Matter `carries'
information
Knowledge
of nature
Liebig +
empirical results
Soil ecology
(edaphology)
Soil ecology
(edaphology) +
phenomenological
knowledge
about nature
Semiotic
knowledge
of nature
View of
nature
Nature as matter
Cartesian-
Newtonian
Non-dualistic,
teleology in nature
is connected to
ecosystems or
nature as matter,
non-reductionism
Mind­matter
dualism
Spheres of mind
Non-dualistic, teleol-
ogy on all levels of
nature or nature as
matter, `teleology' a
result of complexity
of systems
Role of
man
Manipulator
In control
Cautious
co-operation
Developer, to create
farm individualities
To interpret
communication
Manure
Mineral fertilizers
(conventional)
liquid manure +
ploughing in stable
manure (organic)
To work for
fertile soil, increas-
ing humus in soil
Compost using
biodynamic
preparations
High level of
nitrogen gives low
quality of crops and
vice versa
Figure 3: The four paradigms of knowledge related to organic farming

Values about nature in organic farming 51
It is interesting to discern how certain aspects of a theory can be separated
from the rest and transferred to a new context, where they contribute to the
opposite conclusion. Liebig devoted years of his life to fighting the use of ni-
trogen fertilizers, and his theory is seen as the theoretical basis for doing ex-
actly this!
The paradigm of soil fertility is based on soil ecology and views of nature
inherent to ideas of ecology, and containing the same metaphors of organisms
and inherent values in the ecosystems as in ecology as such (Worster 1994). Bio-
dynamic research is rather isolated, but contains very interesting supplemen-
tary knowledge of nature: phenomenological knowledge. The fourth paradigm
I have also called intermediary, because it can be combined with both the para-
digm of soil fertility and the biodynamic paradigm. I base it mainly on an ana-
lysis and interpretation of the work of the Danish agro-researcher Ane Bodil
Sgaard (Sgaard 1997). Her work can be understood in terms of semiotics, as
developed methodologically by Hoffmeyer (Hoffmeyer 1993).
The paradigm of nutrients is basically conventional farming thinking, but
also exists in organic farming where it is gaining influence. Extension and advi-
sory services refer to this paradigm for instance on the question of manure. As
a consequence the central issue is seen as being that of saving nutrients in or-
ganic farming to increase output. The paradigm of nutrients is strongly sup-
ported in agronomists' education. And as organic farming becomes increasingly
dominated by professionals, including agronomists, this influence will grow.
One of the case-study farmers, Martin, was advised by an agronomist to build a
certain kind of new stable. This stable will determine manure practice on the
farm for many years as nutrient focussed rather than soil fertility focussed.
This occurred despite the sceptical attitude the farmer revealed towards what
he experienced as the experts' focus on nutrients.
The paradigm of nutrients used in organic farming supports the idea of sus-
tainable agriculture as a question of poisons or not (fertilizers and pesticides),
while the other three paradigms support the idea of sustainable agriculture as a
question of soil fertility and crop quality. The first way of thinking is more
`mainstream,' easier to connect with technical education, easier to inform con-
ventional farmers about, easier to state as quantitative rules, whereas the three
other ways of thinking presuppose awareness of different views of nature and
different value assumptions. It is not possible to foresee the consequences of in-
stitutionalizing organic farming on research and knowledge production in this
field. But a struggle between two basically different understandings of a sus-
tainable agriculture is taking place.
Conclusion: How to secure diversity?
Organic farming offers practices that are environmentally sustainable. Certain
views of nature are included in these practices. It is a challenge for extension

Kaltoft52
services and research and education in universities, as well as for national (or
even European) regulation, not to reduce the variety of organic farming prac-
tices, but on the contrary to sustain different strategies. I believe that the ac-
knowledgement of different value assumptions is a very important step towards
ensuring diversity.
The split between nature and culture as institutionalized in universities is
producing a lot of problems. In the studies concerned with nature (natural sci-
ences and, even worse, in the `applied' sciences), students do not confront the
values inherent in the knowledge, as they are being taught. Evaluation and
ethical consideration are seen accordingly as something outside the field of
their profession, although they are judging and choosing values all the time in
concrete action. Many organic farmers, unlike professionals, are aware of the
existence of different values and scientific knowledge based on different value
assumptions.
Notes
1. This article is based on my Ph.D. thesis (Kaltoft 1997).
2. Taking care of the soil to provide `nice' crops is one of the cornerstones of `tradi-
tional' organic ideology. It conflicts with the idea of contemporary industrialized ag-
riculture, where plants are fed with nutrients in order to obtain nice ­big ­ crops.
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