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Claudio Lomnitz
Nationalism's Dirty Linen: `Contact Zones' and the Topography of National Identity.
Publicado en Deep Mexico, Silent Mexico: An Anthropology of Nationalism. Minneapolis,
University of Minnesota Press, 2001.
Introduction. The production of knowledge, the narrative strategies and the psychology of colonial
and post-colonial relations have been the topic of a body of writing that has come to be known in
the anglophone world as `post-colonial theory.' Within this broad field, there is an area of
sociological inquiry that is of central importance, which is the systemic aspect of national identity
production. Until recently, nationalist narratives were predominant, and they portrayed national
identity and national consciousness as processes of `self-awakening.' National identity was
portrayed as emerging out of a dialectic that was internal to the national community.
In the past twenty years or so this approach has itself been shown to be an instrument of national
identity production. Instead of looking for the secret of national identity within the `soul' or
`spirit' of each nation, contemporary analysts have looked at the history of nationalism as an aspect
of transnational relations. Local innovations to nationalist imagery, discourse and technique are
communicated between politicians, experts and intellectuals the world over, in a complex history that
leads to the standardization of various strands of nationalism. This history implicates scientific
theories and measurements, narrative strategies in fiction and non-fiction, and aesthetic solutions to
shaping the national image in art, architecture, and urban planning.1
1 This interest in the international networks of national identity production has produced an
exciting corpus of works on the history of mapping, of censuses, of standardization of scientific
measurements, of world expositions, of nationalist strategies in a number of literary forms and
genres, in architecture, and urbanism and on the history of transnational scientific and artistic
networks. Perhaps the finest methodological exemplar of this line of research is Daniel Rogers'
Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge MA, 1998), but this tradition
has also produced a number of more general and theoretically inclined works, such as Arjun
Appadurai, Modernity at Large (Minneapolis, 1998), Homi Bhabha, "DissemiNation: Time,
Narrative, and the Margins of the Modern Nation. In Nation and Narration, Homi Bhabha Ed.
(New York, 1990), 291-322, Nestor García Canclini, Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and
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National identity has thus been shown to be fashioned in transnational networks of specialists,
intellectuals and politicians, many of whom proceed to cover their tracks and to tell their tales as if
they were strictly local inventions. Moreover, the denial of interdependency between nations has
been shown to have a variety of political uses. Thus, intellectuals from colonized areas have
criticized the ways in which their countries' material and intellectual contributions have been
appropriated by the great powers, whose nationalism is thus easily identified with `rationality' and
`civilization.' The nationalism of weak nations is, as a result, in constant need of self-assertion, and
it tends to mirror the nationalism of these powers by claiming independent or prior invention of
civilization for itself.2
The shift from internal accounts of the origins of national identity to accounts that understand
nationalism as a cultural product that is generated in a web of transnational connections is thus of
great consequence. Nevertheless, this development has not yet provided all of the elements that are
required for a systematic account of the contexts in which national identity actually emerges.
Nationalism, as Benedict Anderson argued, is not a coherent ideology but rather a broad cultural
frame in which a variety of contradictory claims are made.3 We know that states put forth their
proposals for a national image and implement them in schools, museums and public squares, but at
Leaving Modernity (Minneapolis,1995), Gyan Prakash, Another Reason: Science and the
Imagination of Modern India (Princeton,1999), Doris Sommers, Foundational Fictions: The
National Romances of Latin America (Berkeley, 1991), and Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism
(New York, 1993), to name a few prominent examples.
2 In the recent anglophone literature, Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism is a wide-ranging
exploration of the ways in which the colonial world was both critically important to the development
of `Western civilization' and systematically diminished or denied by it. The poor nations' reaction
to these practices is outlined by Katherine Verdery, who explores what she calls `protochronism'
amongst Romanian nationalist intellectuals, which is a tendency to assert that key inventions of
civilization were invented their country first. Both of these aspects of nationalism have been long
recognized by writers and politicians in the colonial and post-colonial world. As early as the
seventeenth century, indigenous intellectuals such as Guaman Poma and Fernando de Alva
Ixtlilxochitl argued for a kind of `protochronism' with regards to Christianity, claiming that their
ancestors recognized the true God before the arrival of the Spaniards. This tactic underlies much
of Latin America's indigenista thinking since at least the nineteenth century, and was given
playfully ironic treatment in early 1900s by the Brazilian writer Lima Barreto through the
tragicomic nationalist hero Policarpio Cuaresma.
3 Imagined Communities, 5.
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which points, in which social relations, is national identity pertinent, underlined or referred to by
other actors?
It is quite easy to produce lists of disparate contexts and relationships in which national identity
`naturally' emerges: in the exclusion of an upwardly mobile urban Aymara teenager from an
afternoon social by her `white' Bolivian classmates; in the negotiation of a business deal in broken
English; or in the film that features an exotic woman who is made to represent the bounties of her
country to potential foreign investors... The list of identity-producing social relationships is
limitless, and placing its diverse items in the frame of a broader political economy is a challenge. I
seek here to put order in the various sorts of contexts in which national identity `naturally'
emerges. The matter is of some importance to the general project of this book, which is to
understand the conditions for the production of "Mexico" as a polity, as national identity, and as
national culture.
These conditions have often been precarious. 4 Like many peripheral nations, Mexico emerged as
the result of the collapse of an empire more than because of an overwhelming popular desire for
national independence. Nationalism was thus not widely shared at the time of the national
revolutions. Moreover, like most Spanish-American countries, Mexico achieved statehood long
before its territory was bound together in a "national market" or by a "national bourgeoisie." As
a result, the territorial consolidation of the country was a long, conflict-ridden process involving
secessions, annexations, and civil wars and foreign interventions. National consolidation came a
half a century after independence, and was still called into question on several later occasions. As a
result, understanding the process of identity formation in Mexico is both an historical and a
sociological challenge. It is an historical challenge because it has been such an uneven and
differentiated process. It is sociologically demanding because identities are always relational; the
4 So much so that Roger Bartra's most recent book is a collection of essays on "the post-Mexican
condition," La sangre y la tinta: Ensayos sobre la condición postmexicana (Mexico, 1999).
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specification of the relationships that generate national identity implies a sociology of national
identity.
The case is thus a paradigmatic context for what I have called `grounded theory': the
confrontation of an historical and a political problem that requires sociological innovation. The
theoretical requirement here is constrained by the historical object (Mexico), an object that is
generally believed to be provincial. The knowledge that stems from that which is provincial is
usually thought to be parochial and prosaic. As opposed to England, France, Germany or the
United States, the Latin American countries have generally not been held up to be the cradle of
anything in particular that is of world-historical significance.5 Moreover, even Latin America's
status as `Western' or `non-Western' is ambiguous, and it thus falls short in providing a radical
sense of alterity for Europeans. Thus, the continent has not usually been cast in the role that `the
orient', Africa or Oceania have played in the Western imaginary, at least it has not often done so for
the past couple of centuries. Mexico and Latin America have much more often been portrayed by
Europeans and Americans as `backward' than as radically different.6
On a theoretical plane the continent would thus appear to be destined to play Sancho Panza to
North Atlantic's Don Quixote: not a radical other, but rather a common, backward, and yet
pragmatic and resourceful companion. An inferior with a point of view. A repository of customs
and relations past, where universalizing theories that were built to explain world-historical
phenomena are constantly applied, and yet are often too high and disengaged from immediate
5 Dipesh Chakrabarty has argued for the need to `provincialize' Europe in the realm of theory and
history. If his call to arms succeeds then perhaps the sort of `grounded theory' that I espouse here
will in some respects be more universal and social thought may go through a phase that is parallel
to the one that religion was said to have had in antiquity: "The various modes of worship, which
prevailed in the Roman world, were all considered by the people, as equally true; by the philosopher,
as equally false; and by the magistrate, as equally useful." Edward Gibbon, The History of the
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London, 2000), 35.
6 European travelers to Mexico usually collected pre-Columbian objects. Contemporary products
that attracted their attention were generally seen as curious exemplars of crafts that were distinctly
European in origin, made quaint because of their indigenous twist. Thus, in the 1850s, a Mexican
spur was sent to Britain by Henry Christy and E.B.Tylor where, due to its extravagance and size, it
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interest. Even now, when the very notion of an historical vanguard has been so thoroughly
questioned, the social thought emerging from these provinces is somewhat cumbersome when it is
put to work elsewhere, usually requiring further extension and translation. `Grounded theory' is a
kind of theory that flies more like a chicken than like a hawk.
My aim in this chapter is to propose a simple generative principle for national identity production
in peripheral post-colonial societies. From this general principle I derive four classes of social
dynamics that generate particular frames of identity production. Each of these is then referred to
and illustrated with historical examples from Mexico.
National Identity in the World System (Sancho's Version). Weak national communities adrift in
the international system constantly run the risk of indecent exposure, of involuntarily revealing the
tenuous connections between national imagery and everyday practice. Quite simply, a country's
weakness in the international system undermines the basic tenets of modern nationalism and
thereby calls national identity into question. These basic principles are, firstly, that the national state
is a vehicle for the modernization of a people that shares a set of values and traditions, secondly, that
this process of modernization chiefly serves the interests of national community and not those of
foreigners, and thirdly, that nationalism is a sign of progressive modernity and not of
backwardness. The peripheral post-colonial condition poses constant challenges to the most
fundamental dogmas of nationalism. This is my general structural principle.
To this we should add one general historical principle, which is that peripheral nations generally
develop in a force-field that is shaped by two contradictory impulses: the desire to appropriate for
the nation the power and might of the empires that they have broken away from, and the impulse to
shape modern national communities based on an idealized bond of fraternity between citizens.
These two principles can be thought of as a tension between liberalism and (`internal') colonialism,
a tension that is heightened by weakness in the international arena. Maintaining the system of
internal differences inherited from the colonial world, the hierarchical differences of race, sex and
was exhibited in the medieval section of the museum, see Anahúac, or Mexico and the Mexicans,
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ethnicity that are used to organize exploitation, can be seen as antagonistic to the ideal of the nation.
A charge that can be levied not only by the lower classes of the country, but also by foreigners who
can use the charge to raise their own claims. It is in relation to these principles that one can develop
a sociology and a topography of the frames of identity production in which national identity is
generated.
National Identity. Our subject is the interactions that generate an awareness of differences of
ascription among actors, contacts between actors who identify as `national' in contrast to others that
are portrayed as `foreign.' This specification is necessary because many contacts between
persons, or between persons and objects that represent other persons, are not marked in this way,
even when differences in nationality exist.
So, for example, the on-going implementation of so-called `neo-liberal' policies in Mexico has
led some people to `foreignize' the government officials who have furthered these policies. From
their point of view, neo-liberal officials are serving the interests of US-controlled institutions such
as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and they are following teachings of their
equally American professors at Harvard, Chicago, Stanford, or MIT. When this powerful
movement of reform began, however, there were a number of intellectuals and politicians who had
been calling for a `return' to the liberal policies of Benito Juárez and Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada,
Mexican national heroes of the 19th
century. The same set of policies and relationships were
`indigenized' by some and marked `foreign' by others. Thus `neoliberalism' in Mexico is an
ideological tendency that involves questions of national identity for some, and not for others. For a
cultural contact to be considered under the definition that interests us here, it must serve to construct
a difference in national identity between actors.
Frames of contact: The concept of "contact frame" refers to the relational contexts in which
national identity production occurs. We can identify classes or types of such contexts from the
dynamics of nation building and transnational interactions that can be isolated on the analytic plane.
Ancient and Modern (London, 1861), 295-296..
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Contact frames are thus the minimal analytic units of a vast topography of national identity. For
example, there is an entire class of contact frames that is produced by the logic of commodity
production and consumption under capitalism, which is an international system that national
communities can never completely encompass or regulate: a shop that sells foreign goods in La Paz,
Bolivia is called `Miamicito' (and so provides a frame that marks both the foreign-ness of its wares
and the nationality of its customers); during the 1970s the Latin American Left referred to Coca
Cola as `the sewage (las aguas negras) of Yankee imperialism, and thereby framed its distribution
and consumption as so many episodes in the national struggle. We shall identify several such
classes of contact frames.
"Contact Zones" and the Topography of National Identity: In traditional geography there is a
distinction between the concept of "zone" (an internally homogeneous space) and "region" (the
functional integration of different kinds of zones). I shall call an internally homogeneous class of
contact frames a contact zone. Contact zones are integrated into a broader `region' of national
identity production that includes a zone of state institutions that define rights and obligations for
citizens and produce images and narratives of nationality, and zones of local and class identity
production that are equally critical.7 Thus contact zones are part of the `region' of national identity
production which is the national space, complete with the cultural production of the state and the
internal idioms of distinction that give shape to national culture. These national spaces are, in their
turn, part of global system of identity production. A typology of zones of contact like the one we
7 In an earlier work I developed some elements of this cultural geography, above all those having to
do with the construction of cultural regions within a national space. To that end, I proposed a series
of concepts including "intimate cultures"--cultural zones forged by social classes in specific
interactive contexts--and "culture of social relations"--culture generated in the framework of
interactions between different social classes and identity groups within the national space. The
topography of zones of contact, which I did not develop in Exits from the Labyrinth, is an important
part of the task of producing a geography of national identity. This is because national space is in
itself an aspect of an international system, so frames of contact with the foreign have to be
understood as a feature of production of national culture and identity and not as an element external
to nationality.
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are proposing here thus forms part of a broader project, which can be conceived of as a topography
of national identity.
In this chapter I distinguish among four classes of frames of contact in the topography of
national identity. They are generated by: 1) the material culture of capitalism; 2) the ideological
tension between tradition and modernity which is necessary to the founding of nation-states; 3) the
entropy of modernization, which is intrinsic to the development process; and 4) the international
field of ideas and models of civilization, science and development, that forms part of what could be
called the civilizing horizon of nation-states. I now describe each of these frames of contact using
Mexican examples in order to understand how the contact frame challenges the stability of national
regimes.
International business and imported material culture. The four types of contact zones that I discuss
are abstractly related to an intrinsic quality of nation-states: they are political communities within a
world system of communities, but they are part of an economy that cannot be contained by national
borders. This quality of nation-states means that economic modernization (and its agents) can
generate spaces of national identification and confrontation. This is especially the case in
`peripheral' nations, for which technological innovation and capital often come from abroad. In
these contexts especially, consuming commodities or adopting productive techniques of foreign
origin can be understood in relation to national identity.
For example, if we look at the history of Mexico, a number of anti-foreign manifestations have
centered on commerce: anti-Spanish sentiment in the first republic led to the sacking of Mexico
City's Parian market in 1829. This in turn preceded the expulsion of the Spaniards, who only eight
years earlier had been proclaimed to be fellow Mexicans by the triumphant leaders of
independence. Some of the most acutely xenophobic movements in Mexican history associate
foreigners' supposedly pernicious influence with their position as businessmen. This was true of
the anti-Chinese movements in Sonora during the revolution and of journalists' complaints against
itinerant commerce by Jews and Arabs in Mexico City during the 1930s. Moreover, there are
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numerous occasions when the products themselves have been seen as transporting a pernicious
foreign influence. Thus, much of the activity of the Mexico's Interior Ministry's censorship
commissions in the 1950s and 60s were geared to this. For years these commissions were in
charge of censoring comics, films and other products of mass culture when it was judged that they
conspired against basic Mexican values. That is, anti-Spanish, anti-Semitic, anti-Chinese and anti-
American discourses have been constructed around the space of commerce and imported material
culture. 8
This is significant because the causes of each of these xenophobic movements were in fact
different from each other. The anti-Spanish movement at the dawn of the republican era was related
to the competition between England and the United States for political hegemony in Mexico and to
power struggles between local parties; the anti-Chinese riots were spurred by members of regional
political elites who saw the Chinese as easy targets; the identification of itinerant commerce as
"foreign" in the 1920s and 1930s was a strategy to diminish an activity that affected established
businesses. However, despite these different motivations, the identification of foreign businessmen
and products as a danger to national integrity is a viable political argument because they do not
conform to Mexican national customs and interests.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the Mexican press emphasized that the trade in narcotics in Mexico's
northern states was in the hands of foreigners: Chinese, Americans and Russians. Vice was being
brought in from abroad. During the Díaz Ordaz presidency in the 1960s, an attempt was made to
restrict the importation of films and records that promoted the hippies' "effeminate decadence."
8 For the case of the censorship commissions, see Ann Rubenstein, Bad language, naked ladies,
and other threats to the nation : a political history of comic books in Mexico (Durham NC, 1998),
chapter 4. For anti-semitism in the movements against itinerant salesmen during the Great
Depression, see Gary Gordon, Peddlers, Pesos and Power : The Political Economy of Street
Vending in Mexico City (Chicago, 1997), 47 and Moisés González Navarro, Los extranjeros en
México y los mexicanos en el extranjero, 1821-1970, 3 vols. (Mexico, 1994), 133-4. For the case
of the Chinese, see Juan Puig, Entre el río Perla y el Nazas: la China decimonónica y sus braceros
emigrantes, la colonia china de Teorreón y la matanza de 1911 (Mexico, 1992), 173-228; for the
sacking of the Parián market see Romeo Flores Caballero, Counterrevolution: The role of the
Spaniards in the Independence of Mexico, 1804-38 (Lincoln, 1974), 119-121.
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Diaz Ordaz's crusade against American pop-culture went hand in hand with his repression of a
number of middle class social movements. More recently, a proposal before Congress sought to
ban the cartoon show, "Beavis and Butthead" from Mexican television because it perverted the
nation's values, especially as regards to proper adolescent behavior.9
International business constantly produces national identity because businessmen can be credibly
portrayed as furthering foreign or private interests at the expense of the national community. Also,
the exogenous material culture of modernization can be perceived as corrupting morals or of
subverting the ruling forms of cultural distinction that can easily be nationalized. Thus, the fact that
national communities do not successfully encompass and control the national economy generates a
zone of contact that is manifested in an open-ended number of contact frames. In each of these
frames, a social actor identifies a product or an agent as `foreign' and as opposed to the `national'
collective interest. This way of framing the national interest usually advances more particular
interests that are un-named and fused into the national collective.
The tension between tradition and modernity. The second type of contact zone arises from the very
logic of nationalism as an ideological construct. It is known that in different ways, nationalism
depends on ideological constructs that tie "tradition" to "modernity." This dependency is
necessary because modern nation-states are supposed to be vehicles for the modernization of
collectivities (nations) that are, in their turn, defined in a genealogical relation to a "tradition".10
This ideal relationship can be precarious, however, especially in the case of weaker nations. When
9 For the case of drugs in the 1930s, see Luis Astorga, Traficantes de drogas, políticos y policías en
el siglo veinte mexicano, in Vicios públicos, virtudes privadas: la corrupción en México, Claudio
Lomnitz Ed. (México, 2000). The Díaz Ordaz regime's hostility to the disorder of Mexican pop
culture is succinctly addressed in Carlos Monsivais, Mexican Post-Cards (New York, 1997), 23-27;
for a more detailed and wide-ranging discussion see Eric Zolov, Refried Elvis: The Rise of the
Mexican Counterculture (Berkeley, 1999). The discussion of Beavis and Butthead appeared in the
national press in 1993.
10 This is also the argument that runs through Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger Eds., The
Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983). Any Herderian view of nationality involves a dialectic
between tradition and modernity.
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national tradition is perceived to be divorced from or opposed to modernization, a contact zone
emerges.
In Mexico, post-independence nationalism appropriated the pre-Hispanic world in a way
analogous to the European appropriation of classical antiquity, but with a twist. The Aztecs were
the forerunners of independent Mexico; the colonial period was a parenthesis that served to bring
Christianity and certain traits of civilization, but it also barbarously degraded the condition of the
indigenous peoples. Therefore, in principle the glorification of the pre-Hispanic past did not imply
claims on behalf of the contemporaneous Indians because their habits and condition were seen to be
the result of colonial degradation. Thus in the early post-independent era modernization could
readily be made to trample over indigenous traditions without challenging national identity. The
same was not true, however, with respect to the preservation of Catholicism and of a number of the
mores of the Spanish colonial world.
Thus, modernization in the first half of the 19th
century produced deep rifts between national
versions, one of which sought to preserve the Catholic and Hispanicist traditions, while the other
sought to found nationality squarely on liberal principles, and was fervently anti-Spanish and anti-
clerical. These two national versions even honored two distinct heroes of independence and two
different dates for national independence.11 Each side accused the other of lack of patriotism and
of collusion with foreign interests.
This situation changed with the end of the civil wars that followed the French Intervention
(1867), a peace that involved a pragmatic arrangement between liberal and conservative factions
under a universally acknowledged liberal hegemony. The peace also allowed Mexico to make a
concerted effort to gain international respect and to attract foreign investment. This involved
displaying the individuality of its culture to foreigners, an aim that was more readily achieved with
tequila then with whisky and with indigenous huipils before manufactured shirts. Since that time,
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the official construction of tradition necessarily visited certain features of Mexico's rural and
artisan life, not only the pre-Columbian past.
At the same time, the relationship that the state was trying to create between tradition and
modernity continued to hold. In some cases, the existence of a "Mexican tradition" made it
possible for Mexico to claim a particular modernity, but it never denied the nation-state's
fundamental and eternal aspiration: modernity and modernization.12 Therefore, the great official
points of pride could not and still cannot reside principally in the world called "traditional": the
modern must be granted a privileged place in the national utopia. Thus, some of the crown jewels
of Mexican state nationalism have been President Santa Anna's theater, Emperor Maximilian's
boulevards, Don Porfirio's trains, Lázaro Cárdenas' nationalized petroleum industry, Miguel
Alemán's Acapulco and National University campus, López Mateos' National Museum of
Anthropology, Díaz Ordaz's subway and Olympics, and Echeverría's highways, Cancún and
nationalized industries. Of these examples, the National Anthropology Museum is exemplary in
that it combines traditional aesthetics with an avant-garde architecture that relies heavily on state-of-
the-art technology. In this formulation, tradition is like the country's spiritual dimension, which is
incorporated as an aesthetic to a unique modernity that is the country's present and, above all, it's
future.
11 Liberals honored Hidalgo and celebrated Independence on September 15; conservatives honored
Iturbide and celebrated independence on September 27. A detailed catalogue of ideas representing
both sides of this rift can be found in La dominación espaola (Mexico, 1878).
12 This relationship between tradition and modernity is not exclusively Mexican. In19th century
England, Matthew Arnold argued that the British national spirit was composed of three elements:
the Saxon, which lent it its seriousness and tenacity; the Roman, which lent it its energy; and the
Celtic, which lent it its spirit and sentiment: "[The English genius] is characterized, I have
repeatedly said, by energy with honesty. Take away some of the energy which comes to us, I
believe, in part from Celtic and Roman sources; instead of energy, say rather steadiness; and you
have the Germanic genius: steadiness with honesty... the danger for a national spirit thus composed
is the humdrum, the plain and ugly, the ignoble: in a word, das Gemeine, die gemeinheit, that curse
of Germany, against which Goethe was all his life fighting." "On the Study of Celtic Literature,:
in The Complete Prose Works of Matthew Arnold (Ann Arbor, 1962), v.3, 341. In this same essay,
Arnold argues for the full assimilation of the Celtic peoples into British society and for the
anihilation of Celtic as a living language. The assimilated of these defeated peoples into the national
genius is thus an identical move to the one made by Mexican indigenistas.
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However, Mexico's position as a relatively poor country in the international order threatened the
ideal relationship that nationalism constructs between tradition and modernity, making it into a
fissure where zones of transnational contact could endanger that very nationalism. Tourists,
travelers, scientists and other inquisitive foreigners have generally tended to turn toward the
traditional sector, and yet the state's capacity to get visitors to appreciate the alleged connection
between the traditional and the modern has always been limited. For example, Eric Zolov describes
the history of the hippie movement in Mexico as a case of cultural production in the context of
transnational communication. Among his sources, Zolov cites the People's Guide to Mexico travel
guide, which began to be published in the 1960s especially for countercultural tourists. In its
heighday, this book served to orient the hippie to countercultural pilgrimage centers and to avoid
friction with official Mexico. Thus, in a passage dedicated to the problems that hippies suffer when
they cross the border, the guide points out that, to beat the system, "we look like small town
teachers of college students from the early Sixties [when we cross]... The border officials love
it."13
In this case, the foreign visitor is disguising herself as the Mexican government's ideal of an
American visitor, a clean-cut student or teacher eager to visit the Mexico that the government was
interested in exhibiting. Once this tourist crossed the border, however, she presumably removed her
bra, put the beads back on, and then moved across the national territory with greater interest in
Mexico's `backward' areas and more suspicion of its `progressive' sector than was desirable.
The contact frames that tourism and scientific study open up between the traditional and modern
worlds had its first problematic moments long before the hippie movement. The US and European
travelers who came to Mexico in the 1920s, 30s and 40s frequently felt more attracted to the rural,
indigenous world than to the modern, urban one, which generally was less modern than their own
cities. However, at that time the attraction that the foreign intellectual felt for the indigenous world
went hand-in-hand with the state's own renewed interest in identifying with that world: the Mexican
13 Refried Elvis, 145.
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revolution had reconfigured the ties between the indigenous and modern worlds in some respects.
Also, even many official Mexican indigenistas of the period frequently sought inspiration for the
modern in the indigenous.14 On the other hand, as the revolutionary order became more routinized
and Mexico entered a modernizing era with ever more tenuous ties to the agrarian and popular
world of the revolution, the relationship with the traditional world became more propagandistic, and
foreign visitors' and intellectuals' lack of interest in modern Mexico could become irritating.
The countercultural hippie movement was the most conflictive moment in the recent history of this
contact zone because it coincided with a phase of national development spurred by a strong, closed
state that wanted to transform the country's position in the international scene. While President
Díaz Ordaz sought to show the world a Mexico that was capable of hosting the Olympics--a
Mexico with a recently inaugurated subway system, an Olympic Village built expressly for the
event, and an architecturally impressive new gym, pool, and stadium--a number of people who
rejected the labor and very idea of progress looked for mushrooms in Huautla, walked around in
peasant sandals and changed the very image of Mexican youth.
The contact zone that inverts the hierarchy of tradition and modernity also touches the history of
anthropology. This discipline's fieldwork methodology made middle and upper-class Mexicans
and foreigners privilege the peasant over the local schoolteacher or the village merchant.
Anthropological fieldwork gave cultural authority to people who in their own regions had been
disdained or even silenced for their supposed backwardness, a practice that would be repeated and
reinforced by travelers who were attracted to Mexico's indigenous people and peasantry.
The search for the authentic, both in science and travel, sometimes inverted the scale of
prestige; by showing little interest in Mexico's modern sector, travelers interested in authenticity
exposed its lack of distinctiveness. The sector that was paraded internally as the vanguard and latest
cry of modernity was old hat to the foreigner. By revealing that the country was not on the cutting
14 Examples of how government indigenistas sought to reconfigure this relationship can be found
in Alexander Dawson, Indigenismo and the Paradox of the Nation in Post-Revolutionary Mexico
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edge of modernity and by nonetheless exalting its traditional sector, foreign visitors and scientists
could de-stabilize the ideal relationship between tradition and modernity that is so essential to all
nationalism. Thus foreigners in the traditional world generate a contact zone that produces
nationalist reactions.
The famous educator José Vasconcelos discussed the politics of this contact zone in his
autobiography, where he describes his childhood on the Mexican/American border. Vasconcelos
recounts that as a Mexican child who crossed into the United States every day to go to school, he
was impressed by the fact that the US school textbooks shared his sympathy with Mexican Indians
and rejected the Spaniards. However, as an adult Vasconcelos viewed the love that Americans
professed for the Mexican Indian as a thinly veiled desire to replace the Mexican Creole with an
American. By denying the ties between Mexico's modernizing elite and its indigenous traditions,
the country was defenseless against US imperialism. 15 Other active agents in this contact zone do
not necessarily seek to strengthen an imperial center against Mexico's government and official
culture. However, these agents can create doubts about the government's efficacy or even the
legitimacy of its modernizing goals.
The disorder of modernization . Modernization, as we have seen repeatedly, is critical to the
legitimation of the national state. When modernization destroys an aspect of the status quo that can
claimed as a national tradition, a contact zone emerges in which the modernizing agent is assimilated
with `foreignness.' When traditional sectors of the country are portrayed by foreigners as more
accomplished than the modern sector, or as being in an unhealthy competition with it, a contact zone
emerges. There is yet a third related source of national identity production, which is the entropy of
modernization. Our third type of contact zone is generated by the difficulties that nationalists face
when the disorder that is produced by modernization is exposed. In order to understand the
(Stony Brook, 1997).
15 "And it was quite singular that those Americans who so guarded the privilege of their white
caste, when it came to Mexico always sympathized with the Indians, and never with the Spaniards."
Ulises criollo, in Memorias v.1 (Mexico, 1983), 34.
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contours of this contact zone, we need to review the place that modernizing projects have in the
cultural production of the state.
The culture that states produce has diverse purposes. On one hand is what Arjun Appadurai has
called the "ethnographic state."16 This is the form country's supposed of state cultural production
that describes the national population--which is the alleged subject of the state--by manufacturing
censuses, questionnaires, histories and statistics. Alongside the ethnographic state is the
"modernizing state"--the form of official cultural production that seeks to lay out the task of
development. Once "the population" is described, the ethnographic state's scales and measures
serve to define lacks or scarcities such as "poverty", "illiteracy" and "unhealthy conditions" as
well as a series of growth and progress-oriented measures that define the efficacy of
governments.17
Together with these two aspects of state cultural production is a third, which is the
production of the country's image for both international and domestic consumption. This includes
cultural production for attracting tourism, international sports events, international congresses,
national museums, television stations, and schools. All institutions that are presented as national
dedicate at least some effort to shaping or conforming to the national image. A fundamental
difficulty for this third aspect of state cultural production is that the national image is not at all easy
to manage.
Erving Goffman's theatrical metaphor of `front stage' and `backstage' describes the
relationship between a subject's public presentation and what he or she wants to hide or protect.18
The state production of nationalism seeks to construct spaces where the official image of the
national takes material form and can be displayed to insiders and outsiders. That is, states seek to
16 "The Culture of the State," lecture notes, University of Chicago, 1997.
17 Arturo Escobar's Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World
(Princeton, 1995) is a critique of development as it has been organized since the Second World
War. The role of development discourse (not only at the general ideological level but, more
importantly, as a set of categories and measurements) is central to this story.
18 The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York, 1959), 106-134.
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create a "front stage" (public) image characterized by an ideal combination of modern and
traditional components. They usually seek to show a booming country that marches inexorably
toward progress and modernity.
However, the very creation of this public image leaves disorder in its wake: the history of
tourism is the supreme example of this. In Mexico, Cuernavaca was probably the first modern
tourist destination, developed during the 1920s and 30s. Cuernavaca's main attraction was its
stupendous climate, its proximity to Mexico City, and the fact that both the nation's jefe supremo,
Don Plutarco Elías Calles, and the US ambassador, Dwight Morrow, built residences there. This
attracted both the Mexican political class and an important contingent of American retirees. In
addition to the climate was the Casino de la Selva, which offered distractions to tourists who might
otherwise get bored by the quaint and the picturesque. However, the casino was also seen as a bad
influence on the population, presenting an undesirable image of Mexico as a place where foreigners
could shed the moral strictures they faced in their own countries. Reflecting on this, President
Lázaro Cárdenas judged that the casinos created undesirable frames of contact: a form of tourism
based on the promotion of public vices.
However, the "ugly" side of tourism is not easy to root out, and around tourist centers the
differences between foreign tourists and national workers in terms of their consumption and
purchasing power became apparent. Therefore, beginning with Acapulco and continuing with
Cancún, Ixtapa and others, the cities constructed for tourism are "twin cities": a "front stage"
coast and hotel zone is exposed to the tourist and "backstage" zones combine poverty, prostitution
and so on. This relationship between the presentable side and its hidden consequences makes a
number of politically volatile frames of contact possible. For example, in her work on prostitution
in Mexico City during the 1920s and 30s, Katherine Bliss describes the discussion that took place
in the capital city government about the creation of a red-light district near the La Merced market.
The neighbors organized themselves to protest against the project. Among the arguments they
employed was that the red-light district should not be authorized because it would be located on the
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route between the Mexico City international airport and downtown, and so would be one of the first
images that visitors would have of the city.19
In the same way that a housewife tries to make sure that her visitors stay in the parlor and
do not see the mess in the bedrooms or kitchen, the government, tourist industry and a good
number of patriots seek to display an image of order and cleanliness to foreigners, and the strain
involved in these efforts easily turns into a political liability. In a 1910 essay titled `Two
Patriotisms,' Luis Cabrera, who would be one of the principal ideologues of the Mexican
Revolution, described how the Porfirian elite organized a spectacular celebration of the
independence centennial for the benefit mainly of foreign investors. The festivities were so
concerned with managing the national image that when a ragged group of women workers
organized their own celebratory march, it was brutally dispersed by the police. The national image
is difficult to control not only because it is difficult to keep the ragged workers from the view of the
investors, but also because the very occasion of a national show is a tempting occasion for union
leaders to display them. A better-known example of a similar political context is the violence of the
Mexican '68, which was tied to upholding the national image during the Olympics. Indeed,
President Díaz Ordaz and the anti-student social sectors spoke insistently of evil foreign influences
that goaded the innocent Mexican student: only a foreigner would seek to dirty Mexico's public
image before the world.
There are other cases, like the border cities of northern Mexico, that present the same
problem in a more routine fashion. These cities are all part of bicephalous urban sets often called
"twins," though if they are twins they are clearly of the fraternal kind, since even though they
develop in tandem with one another, they are not identical: one part of the urban zone is located in
the United States and the other in Mexico. The relationship between the Mexican and US parts of
19 "We don't think it is necessary to underline the disastrous impression that the arriving tourist
will form upon seeing the spectacle of immorality that the brothels, in open air and established in an
important city artery, an obligatory path, offer." Cited in Katherine Bliss, Prostitution, Revolution
and Social Reform in Mexico City, 1918-1940, (Chicago,1996), 196.
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the urban border zone has not been symmetrical but rather symbiotic, and in many senses the cities
on the Mexican side have generally been a "backstage" for the US cities. The Mexican border
town's prosperity has depended on abortion clinics, divorce lawyers and judges, bars, prostitutes,
sweatshops, garbage dumps and so on. The fact that Mexican cities constitute the backstage of US
cities threatens nationalism's foundational credo: modernity is for the nation's own benefit and not
for foreign outsiders.
The frames of contact created by the entropy of modernization can generate extreme
nationalist reactions. This was the case in Cuba, where the image of Havana as a brothel was an
important motivation for many revolutionaries to rise against the Batista regime. In the case of
Mexico's northern border, the very concept of a "border zone", which for many years occupied a
marginal position with respect to the rest of the country, was supposed to resolve the contradictions
of this contact zone. The inhabitants of that liminal zone were said to have a dubious sense of
belonging or even of loyalty to the country, a fact that was reflected in their impure pocho language,
zoot-suit clothing and other marks of cultural impurity. Controlling the `border zone' proved to be
impossible for the Mexican government, however, and the incorporation of ever-greater proportions
of Mexico to the `backstage' of US economic interests has been an inexorable process. Peasant
villages from all over the country have been turned into the seasonal equivalent of dormitory
communities whose inhabitants travel to work in inferior conditions, as `illegal migrants,' in the
United States, while maquiladora assembly plants can now set up shop on any portion of the
territory. Cultural impurity can no longer be contained at the border, and the dark side of
modernization is harder to hide than ever.
The scientific horizon as a contact frame. The final type of contact exists because nation-states are
supposed to march together toward progress. Without this ideal, there would be no obsession with
national history, since modern history as we know it is only understood in terms of the dogma of
progress. The universal importance that all nation-states attribute to progress implies that there is
always a civilizing horizon or vanguard of progress on the international level. This civilizing
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horizon is identified in terms of technological development, scientific advances and the techniques
used to govern the population. The civilizing horizon serves to measure a country's individual
progress as well as different countries' relative progress. The parameters used tend to be produced
in countries with robust cultural and scientific infrastructures. Therefore, science, art and fashion
can destabilize the nation's dominant models.
The recent work of Alexandra Stern on Mexican eugenics provides a good example of the
ways in which scientific development constitutes a zone of contact.20 Between 1920 and 1950 a
number of medical doctors and anthropologists participated in international eugenics congresses,
read international journals in that discipline, and formulated ideas about the Mexican racial and
genetic inheritance. Their work served two ends: on one hand, it strengthened the "mestizophilic"
Mexican Revolution's anti-racist arguments; on the other hand, it tended to characterize Mexico's
various poor populations (from rural Indians to urban workers) as comparatively deficient.
Eugenic's racial relativism (each race was supposed to be adapted to a specific environment and so
was in some respects superior and in others inferior to the rest) and its simultaneous
characterization of the Mexican majority in terms of a series of relative lacks offered hope for
eventual equality between Mexico and European peoples. It also offered ample justification for a
kind of `internal colonialism.' Eugenics offered a way to objectify and quantify differences
between poor Mexicans and ideal norms represented by the elite. This in turn permitted the state's
development mission to be defined while the poor national majority could remain scientifically
devalued. On the other hand, the potential uses of race science to undercut the imagined potential of
Mexico's `half-breed' race is well known and was always a potential liability for the nationalists.
The introduction of new ideas and theories always presents challenges and opportunities to
governments and to processes of national identity formation. The ideas of "scientific socialism"
20 Eugenics Beyond Borders : Science and Medicalization in Mexico and the U.S. West, 1900-
1950 (Chicago, 1999), and "Buildings, Boundaries, and Blood: Medicalization and Nation-
buildings on the U.S.-Mexico border, 1910-1930," Hispanic American Historical Review, 79,1
(1999), 41-81.
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allowed opposition movements like the guerilla movement led by Genaro Vázquez in southern
Mexico in the 1960s to refer to the Mexican government as the "dis-government" and to propose a
series of demands to the state in name not only of Marx and Lenin, but also in that of the heroes of
national independence. The monetarist ideas of the Chicago school of economics allowed a group
of technicians to take control of the Mexican state, accuse the previous governing elite of
backwardness, and describe the Mexican state as "obese". The scientific ideas of Darwin, Freud
and Marx were at the center of a schism in the Mexican educational establishment in the 1920s and
30s, and they were used to re-think nationality. The Lamarckian notion that acquired characteristics
are inherited led some members of the Porfirian elite to advocate an aggressive policy of European
immigration before reforming the Indian through education.
Each of these movements has had implications for national identity and the precepts of
nationalism. The scientific contact frame produced by the international civilizing horizon
destabilizes dominant formulas of nationality and good government; it presents growth
opportunities for certain sectors and threatens others.
Reflections on the four types of contact zones. I have identified four types of contact zones. All
are related to the nexus between modernization and nationalism as it develops in weak or peripheral
nations. In the first case, there is a contact zone created by the instances in which foreign business
concerns or imports unsettle local arrangements or mores. This is a zone that may appear whenever
there are technological innovations, changes in the intensity of foreign investment, or internal
political factionalism that can profit from assimilating economic competitors to foreign-ness.
The second and third types of contact zones are produced by the difficulties that weak nations
have in managing the national image. Thus, the first of these contact zones emerges as a result of
the comparative weakness of these nation's modern sector. This situation allows foreigners or
opponents to the dominant nationalist scheme to attribute greater value to the `backward' than to the
`modern' sector, and even to portray the modern sector as antagonistic to tradition, and therefore as
failing to develop a true or successful nationalism. The third class of contact zones emerges as a
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result of the difficulty that these same governments face in controlling the modernization process,
and in successfully sweeping the adverse aspects of modernization under the carpet.
Finally, our fourth type of contact zone is produced by the instability that is generated by the
(international) civilizing horizon. This contact zone, which is produced through the mediation of
scientists, professionals and artists can de-stabilize the national image by portraying it as old
fashioned and out of tune with modernization. Conversely, nationalists can try to reject a
development in these fields by portraying it as alien to the national interest, to the national aesthetic,
or to custom. Like each of the other contact zones, this fourth type t lends itself to shrewd political
usage and can respond equally to internal factionalism and to important changes emerging from
abroad.
I have extended Mary Pratt's term "contact zone" to refer to transnational spaces of
national identity formation.21 However, as we have seen, the concept of "zone" implies a
geography of regions: a zone is a kind of place within a system of functionally related places.
What position do these contact zones occupy in a broader geography? The frames of contact that
we have analyzed are relationships that emerge from the tension between the nation-state as a certain
type of political and cultural community and the fact that modernization neither begins nor ends in
such a community. This fact is problematic for nationalism because nation-states are erected as
forms of social organization for coordinating modernization: zones of contact with the transnational
dimension of capitalism and progress can therefore call into question some of the basic precepts of
any particular nationalism. Moreover, the very process of shaping and extending nationalism opens
a country up to foreign interests and forms of consumption that can undermine the nationalism that
made room for them.
21 Pratt coins the term "contact zone" "to refer to the space of colonial encounters, the space in
which peoples goegraphically and historically separated come into contact with each other and
establish ongoing relations, usually involving conditions of coercion, radical inequality, and
intractable conflict... `contact zone' in my discussion is often synonymous with `colonial
frontier'." Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York, 1992), 6. My own
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This is the case with frames of contact that open because of the relationship that nationalism
postulates between tradition and modernity. This relationship existed because each country forms
part of an international system and so must attain a sense of specificity. Moreover, in the case of
post-colonial or backward countries, national singularity is more readily built out of their traditional
sectors than from their modern sectors. In the Mexican case, it has proved easier to construct a
national singularity on the basis of pulque, folk dancing, woven serapes and beef tacos than on the
basis of whiskey, rock'n'roll, tuxedos and French cuisine, even when the latter may also be local
products. At the same time, the identification of the nation's soul with the traditional world and its
body with the modern world is an unstable formulation because the world called "traditional"
persists as underdevelopment and in a series of relationships of domination that are generally
understood to be continuous with colonial domination. Foreigners pursue their own relationships
with those modern and traditional worlds, creating a zone of contact that can challenge nationalist
narratives.
In addition, I showed that the scenic presentation of national achievements mobilizes
resources that can in turn spoil the presentation. Just as Brasilia, the model city of Brazilian
modernity, provided the material conditions for the growth of shantytowns that could never embody
the supreme rationality of nationality, so were all the great tourist projects and grand international
macro projects born with their own dirty twins. On the other hand, even the most avant-garde
example of national modernity ages, thus creating new challenges to national identity and the
state.22
In each of these cases, contact zones frame relationships in which the logic of national
development clashes with the transnational logic of modernization, and they exist because the
usage leaves the question of domination and of the nature of inequalities in transnational contact
zones open, since the relationships of contact are of multiple sorts.
22 The case of architectural modernism's decrepitude in Brazil has been analyzed by Beatriz
Jaguaribe, "Modernist Ruins," Public Culture 10,4 (1998), 294-317. The challenges that
Brazilia's poor suburbs pose for the nationalist utopia that the city was meant to embody are treated
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production and consumption of commodities is a transnational process, because people can cross
national borders for work or recreation, and because there is an international horizon of scientific
and technological progress. Therefore, contact zones are border areas between the logic of the
nation-state and of capitalist progress that exist within the national space.
Conclusions. I conclude with some thoughts on the implications that these frames of contact have
for the construction of internal frontiers between social groups in the national framework. It is clear
enough that frames of contact created by commercial and tourist relationships, labor migration, and
scientific and artistic production produce instability in the internal forms of social distinction. This
instability is reflected both in fashion cycles and in the reconfiguration and reproduction of social
classes.
For example, when the Mexican state assigned itself the task of modernizing national elites
immediately took on the cosmopolitan role par excellence: they were the official agents of foreign
contact because their patriotism, their resources and educated taste gave them greater access to the
civilizing horizon. Thus, the "comprador elites" of Mexico's 19th century inhabited a contact
zone that ideally served to discriminate between the aspects of modernity that were desirable and
those that were undesirable to the nation. Their maturity and special role gave them license to
fashions and affectations that they would then try to bar from general consumption in their
countries. Only a strong cultural elite could design the ticket that a weak and backward country
needs to be allowed into the `concert of nations.'
However, Mexican elites have not always been able to maintain a privileged position in the
area of foreign contacts. The migrant who manages to become the owner of an auto repair shop in
Los Angeles can return to his village with more money, prestige and knowledge of the modern than
the old political boss there. An Indian from Zinacantán, Chiapas, may converse more extensively
and gain more information from an American anthropologist than the mestizo rancher who
oppresses him. Moreover, the spectacular growth of the middle class in the second half of the
in James Holston, "Alternative Modernities: Statecraft and Religious Imagination in the Valley of
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twentieth century also made the political brokerage of the `civilizing horizon' increasingly difficult
to sustain. Thus neither the government, nor the political class has full control over the national
image.
Here, it seems to me, is a key to understanding the internal dynamic of the frontiers of social
distinction and even of violence. A social movement that can cast doubts on the national image may
become the object of state violence. At times, violence explodes when a group whose members had
been designated as part of the nation's traditional residue prefers to shape its own separate political
community and paths to progress. Violence also erupts when the state insists on controlling spaces
where there is little possibility of establishing the ideal order in a permanent fashion but where the
ideal order must nonetheless be asserted. This is the case of violence against itinerant commerce or
against illegal housing settlements. It is also occasionally deployed against social movements that
governments cannot assimilate as properly national because they conspire against the country's
public image. This is the case of much of the repression against youth sub-cultures.
We cannot conclude from these examples, however, that patrolling the national image is
only the concern of the government, of political classes or other elites, for these same contact zones
are also used to denounce sectors of these very elites as strangers to the national community. Thus,
elite-directed attempts to change mores and social practice can be targeted and ridiculed as
Americanized, Francophyle, Jewish or Oriental. Attempts to professionalize the state bureaucracy
have at times been portrayed as `technocratic' reforms, and therefore as Americanizing. Criticism
of new forms of consumption, such as fast food chains or brand fetishism, are other common
examples.
On the political plane, the Porfirian cultural elite, the científicos who had such a key
historical role in shaping Mexico's national image, was portrayed by Mexico's revolutionaries as
foreign. Marxist parties during the Cold War portrayed the Mexican government as a pawn of US
interests. Harvard-trained President Carlos Salinas was often compared to the national traitor Santa
the Dawn," American Ethnologist 26, 3 (1999), 605-632.
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Anna after the fall of the peso in 1995. These denunciations are thus used both in the construction
of difference and in the organization of political opposition.
Nation-builders try to fashion the national image the same way that people build a house.
Starting with the most modern materials and designs at their disposal, they want to have diverse,
functionally and hierarchically organized interior spaces including spaces for exhibition to whoever
comes in from outside. All this is ideally governed by the political equivalent of a paterfamilias who
seeks the entire family's orderly modernization and regulates contacts between his home and the
outside world. However, national architecture and space do not have the stability of a house and the
government lacks a patriarch's security because the nation's internal order is always warped by
transformations in the conditions of production, consumption and communication. Therefore,
nationalism's dirty linen can be exposed by the exploited step-daughter, the disinherited son or the
affronted mother if there is a window--a contact frame--that permits them to do so. This relative
openness and permeability of national space becomes a dynamic factor in the production of
fashions and distinctions, but it is also the root of xenophobia and violence.