I w *uHi LOÄIi Chandra Talpade Mohanty FEMINISM WITHOUT BORDERS Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DURHAM & LONDON 200, LIBRARY OPTF1F C E U CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY BUDAPEST Chandra Talpade Mohanty is Professor of W . uiessor of Women's Studies at Hamilton College. ^-y of Congress Cata,oging,n.PubllcationData Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. ***** without borders decolonizing theory Pacing solidarity/ Chandra Talpade Mohanty' p. cm. '' Includes bibliographical references and index rsBK 0-8223-3010-5 (clothe, paper) ->SBN 0-8223-3021-0 (pblc.: alle, paper) ..Fcminism-DeVe,opingcountn,^ ^^ Developing countries-Social conditions. I. Title HQ1870.9.M64 2003 305.42-^21 2002013266 © 2003 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Am erica on acid-free paper co Designed by Rebecca Gimén ez Typeset in Quadraat by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. CONTENTS Acknowledgments, vii Introduction: Decolonization, Anticapitalist Critique, and Feminist Commitments, i Part One. Decolonizing Feminism 1. Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship C^and Colonial Discourses, 17 2. Cartographies of Struggle: Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, 43 3. What's Home Got to Do with It? (with Biddy Martin) 85 4. Sisterhood, Coalition, and the Politics of Experience,' 106 5. Genealogies of Community, Home, and Nation, 124' Part Two. Demystifying Capitalism 6. Women Workers and the Politics of Solidarity, 139 7. Privatized Citizenship, Corporate Academies,' and Feminist Projects, i6g 8. Race, Multiculturalism, and Pedagogies of Dissent, 190 Part Three. Reorienting Feminism j 9- "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist Solidarity ^through Anticapitalist Struggles, 221 Notes, 253 Bibliography, 275 Index, 295 CHÁPTE Under Western Scholarship RONE Eyes: Feminist and Colonial Discourses Any discussion of the intellectual and political construction of "Third World feminisms" must address itself to two simultaneous projects: the internal critique of hegemonic "Western" feminisms and the formulation of autonomous feminist concerns and strategies that are geographically, historically, and culturally grounded. The first project is one of deconstructing and dismantling; the second is one of building and constructing. While these projects appear to be contradictory, the one working negatively and the other positively, unless these two tasks are addressed simultaneously, Third World feminisms run She jrisk of marginalization or ghettoization from both mainstream (right and left) and Western feminist discourses. It is to the firk project that I address myself here. What I wish to analyze is specifically the production of the "Third World woman" as a singular, monolithic subject in some (Western) feminist texts. The definition of colonization I wish to invoke here is a predominantly discursive one, focusing on a certain mode of appropriation and codification of scholarship and knowledge about women in the Third World through the use of particular analytic categories employed in spe:ific writings on the subject that take as their referent feminist interests as i:hey have been articulated in the United States and Western Europe. If one of the tasks of formulating and understanding the locus of Third World feminisms is delineating the way in which they resist and work against what I am referring to as "Western feminist discourse," then an analysis of the discursive construction of Third World women in Western feminism is an important first step. Clearly, neither Western feminist discourse nor Western feminist political practice is singuljr or homogeneous in its goals, interests, or analyses. However, it is possible to trace a coherence of effects resulting from the implicit assumption of "the West» (in all its complexities and contradictions) as the primary referent in theory and praxis. My reference to "Western feminism» is by no means intended to imply that it is a monolith. Rather, I am attempting to draw attention to the slmilar effects of various textual strategies used by wntersthatcodffyothersasnon-Westernandhencethemselvesasamplicitly Western. It ,s m this sense that I use the term "Western feminist.» Shnila arguments can be made about middle-class, urban African or Asian «hoi- middle-class cultures at the norm and codify working class histories and cul-m. as other. Thus, while this chapter focuses specifically on what I refer to as W stern feminist» discourse on women in the Third World, the critiques I offer also pertain to Third World scholars who write about their own cultures and employ identical strategies. It ought to be of some political significance that the term "colonization-has come to denote a variety of phenomena in recent feminist and left writings m general. From its analytic value as a category of exploitative economic exchange m both traditional and contemporary Marxisms (see, in particular Amm I977 Baran r962, and Gunder-Franklg67) to its use by feminist women' of color in the United States to describe the appropriation of their experiences andstrugglesbyhegemon.whhewomen'smovementsiseeespeciallyjoseph and Lew, tor, Moraga I084, Moraga and Anzaldua xo8i, and Smitü xo83) colomzation has been used to characterize everything from the most evident economic and political hierarchies to the production of a particular cultural discourse about what is called the Third Worldi^owever sophisticated or Problematical tts use as an explanatory construct, colonization almost invariably implies a relation of structural domination and a suppression-often violent-of the heterogeneity of the subject(s) in question My concern about such writings derives from my own implication and investment in contemporary debates in feminist theory and the urgent politicalWsstty of forming strategic coalitions across class, race, and naLal boundaries. The analytic principles discussed below serve to distort Western feminist political pract.es and limit the possibility of coalitions among usually white Western feminists, working-class feminists, and feminist! o rZr the WOrld- TheSe 1Ím,tatÍOnS « * * * construction of the (imphcitly consensual) priority of 1Ssues around which apparently all women are expected to organize. The necessary and integral connection be tweenfemimstscholarshipandfeministpohticalpracticeandorganiziľgdl 18 Feminism without Borders termines the significance and status of Western feminist writings on women in the Third World, for feminist scholarship, like most other kinds of scholarship, is not the mers production of knowledge about a certain subject. It is a directly political and discursive practice in that it is purposeful and ideological. It is best seen as a mode of intervention into particular hegemonic discourses (e.g., traditional anthropology, sociology, and literary criticism); it is a political praxis that counters and resists the totalizing imperative of age-old "legitimate" anc "scientific" bodies of knowledge. Thus, feminist scholarly practices (reading, writing, critiquing, etc.) are inscribed in relations of power—relations that they counter, resist, or even perhaps implicitly support. There can, of course, be no apolitical scholarship. The relationship between "Woman" (a cultural and ideological composite other constructed through diverse representational discourses—scientific, literary, juridical, linguistic, cinematic, etc.) and "women" (real, material subjects of their collective histories) is one of the central questions the practice of feminist scholarship seeks to address. This connection between women as historical subjects and the representation of Woman produced by hegemonic discourses is nota relation of direct identity or a relation of correspondence or simple implication's/ft is an arbitrary relation set up by particular cultures. I would like; to suggest that the feminist writings I analyze here discursively colonize the material and historical heterogeneities of the lives of women in the Third World, thereby producing/representing a composite, singular "Third World woman"—an image that appears arbitrarily constructed but nevertheless carries with it the authorizing signature of Western humanist discourse^,/' I argue that assumptions of privilege and ethnocentric universality, on the one hand, and inadequate self-consciousness about the effect of Western scholarship on the Th^rd World in the context of a world system dominated by the West, on the other), characterize a sizable extent of Western feminist work on women in the Third World. An analysis of "sexual difference" in the form of a cross-culturally singular, monolithic notion of patriarchy or male dominance leads to the construction of a similarly reductive and homogeneous notion of what I call i:he "Third World difference"-that stable, ahistorical something that apparently oppresses most if not all the women in these countries. And it is in the production of this Third World difference that Western feminisms appropriate and colonize the constitutive complexities that characterize the lives ofwomen in these countries. It is in this process of discursive 19 Under Western Eyes homogenization and somatization of the oppression of women in theThird World that power is exercised in much of recent Western feminist discourse, and this power needs to be defined and named. In the context of the West's hegemonic position today-the context of what Anouar Abdel-Malek (i98i) calls a struggle for "control over the orientation, regulation and decision of the process of world development on the basis of the advanced sector's monopoly of scientific knowledge and ideal creativity" (145)-Western feminist scholarship on theThird World must be seen and examined precisely in terms of its inscription in these particular relations of power and struggle. There is, it should be evident, no universal patriarchal framework that this scholarship attempts to counter and resistless one posits an international male conspiracy or a monolithic, ahistori-cal power structure. There is, however, a particular world balance of power within which any analysis of culture, ideology, and socioeconomic conditions necessarily has to be situated. Abdel-Malek is useful here, again, in reminding us about the inherence of politics in the discourses of "culture": Contemporary imperialism is, in a real sense, a hegemonic imperialism exercising to a maximum degree a rationalized violence taken to a higher level than ever before-through fire and sword, but also through the attempt to control hearts and minds. For its content is defined by the combined action of the military-industrial complex and the hegemonic cultural centers of the West, all of them founded on the advanced levels of development attained by monopoly and finance capital, and supported by the benefits of both the scientific and technological revolution and the second industrial revolution itself. (145-46) Western feminist scholarship cannotavoid the challenge of situating itself and examining its role in such a global economic and political framework To do any less would be to ignore the complex interconnections between First and Third World economies and the profound effect of this on the lives of women in all countries. I do not question the descriptive and informative value of most Western feminist writings on women in the Third World. I also do not question the existence of excellent work that does not fall into the analytic traps with which I am concerned. In fact, I deal with an example of such work later on. In the context of an overwhelming silence about the experience of women in these countries, as well as the need to forge international links between women's political struggles, such work is both pathbreaking 20 Feminism without Borders and absolutely essential. However, I want to draw attention here both to the explanatory potential of particular analytic strategies employed by such writing and to their political effect in the context of the hegemony of Western scholarship. While feminist writing in the United States is still marginalized (except from the point of view of women of color addressing privileged white women), Western feminist writing on women in theThird World must be considered in the content of the global hegemony of Western scholarship-that is, the production, publication, distribution, and consumption of information and ideas. Marginal or not, this writing has political effects and implications beyond the immediate feminist or disciplinary audience. One such significant effect of the dominant "representations" of Western feminism is its conflation with imperialism in the eyes of particular Third World womenir,, Hence the urgent need to examine the political implications of our analytic strategies and principles. My critique is directed at three basic analytic principles that are present in (Western) feminist discourse on women in the Third World. Since I focus primarily on the Zed Press Women in the Third World series, my comments on Western feminist discourse are circumscribed by my analysis of the texts in this series's/This is a way of focusing my critique. However, even though I am dealing with feminists who identify themselves as culturally or geographically from the West, what I say about these presuppositions or implicit principles holds for anyone who uses these methods, whether Third World women in the West or Third Worldj women in the Third World writing on these issues and publishing in the West. Thus I am not making a culturalist argument about ethnocentrism; rathe,r, I am trying to uncover how ethnocentric universalism is produced in certain analyses. As a matter of fact, my argument holds for any discourse that sej:s up its own authorial subjects as the implicit referent, that is, the yardstick by which to encode and represent cultural others. It is in this move that power is exercised in discourse. The first analytic presupposition I focus on is involved in the strategic location of the category "women" vis-ä-vis the context of analysis. The assumption of women as an already constituted, coherent group with identical interests and desires, regardless of class, ethnic, or racial location, or contradictions, implies a notion of gender or sexual difference or even patriarchy that can be applied universally and cross-culturally. (The context of analysis can be anything from kinship structures and the organization of labor to media representations.) The second analytical presupposition is evident on the method- 21 Under Western Eyes / ological level, in the uncritical way "proof" of universality and cross-cultural validity are provided. The third is a more specifically political presupposition underlying the methodologies and the analytic strategies, that is, the model of power and struggle they imply and suggest. I argue that as a result of the two modes - or, rather, frames -of analysis described above, a homogeneous notion of the oppression of women as a group is assumed, which, in turn produces the image of an "average Third World woman." This average Third World woman leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and her being "Third World" (read: ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition-bound, domestic, family-oriented, victimized, etc.). This, I suggest, is in contrast to the (implicit) self-representation of Western women as educated, as modern, as having control over their own bodies and sexualities and the freedom to make their own decisions. The distinction between Western feminist representation of women in the Third World and Western feminist self-presentation is a distinction of the same order as that made by some Marxists between the "maintenance" function of the housewife and the real "productive" role of wage labor, or the characterization by developmentalists of the Third World as being engaged in the lesser production of "raw materials" in contrast to the "real" products activity of the First World. These distinctions are made on the basis of the privileging of a particular group as the norm or referent. Men involved in wage labor, First World producers, and, I suggest, Western feminists who sometimes cast Third World women in terms of "ourselves undressed" (Rosaldo 1980), all construct themselves as the normative referent in such a binary analytic. Women as a Category of Analysis; or, We Are All Sisters in Struggle The phrase "women as a category of analysis" refers to the crucial assumption that all women, across classes and cultures, are somehow socially constituted as a homogeneous group identified prior to the process of analysis This is an assumption that characterizes much feminist discourse. The homogeneity of women as a group is produced not on the basis of biological essentials but rather on the basis of secondary sociological and anthropological universal«. Thus, for instance, in any given piece of feminist analysis, women are characterized as a singular group on the basis of a shared oppression. What binds women together is a sociological notion of the "sameness" of their op-22 Feminism without Borders is mistaken for This results in pression. It is at this point that an elision takes place between "women" as a discursively constructed group and "women" as material subjects of their own history. Thus, the discursively consensual homogeneity of women as a group : the historically specific material reality of groups of women, an assumption of women as an always already constituted group, one that has been labeled powerless, exploited, sexually harassed, and so on, by feminist scientific, economic, legal, and sociological discourses. (Notice that this is quite similar to sexist discourse labeling women as weak, emotional, having math anxiety, etc.) This focus is not on uncovering the material and ideological specificities that constitute a particular group of women as "powerless" in a particular context. It is, rather, on finding a variety of cases of powerless groups of women to prove the general point that women as a group are powerless. In this section I focus on six specific ways in which "women" as a category of analysis is used in Western feminist discourse on women in the Third World. Each of these examples illustrates the construction of "Third World women" as a homogeneous "powerless" group often located as implicit victims of particular socioeconomic systems. I have chosen to deal with a variety of writers —from Fran Hosken, who writes primarily about female genital mutilation, to writers from the Women in International Development (wid) school, who write about the effect of development policies on Third World women for both Western and Third World audiences. The similarity of assumptions abou t Third World women in all these texts forms the basis of my discussion. This is not to equate all the texts that I analyze, nor is it to equalize their strengths and weaknesses. The authors I deal with write with varying degrees of care sind complexity; however, the effect of their representation of Third World women is a coherent one. In these texts women are defined as victims of male violence (Fran Hosken); as universal dependents (Beverly Lindsay and Maria Cutrufelli); victims of the colonial process (Maria Cutrufelli); victims of the Abb familial system (Juliette Minces); victims of the Islamic code (Patricia Jeffery); and, finally, victims of the economic development process (Beverley Lindsay and the [liberal] wid school). This mode of defining women primarily in terms of their object status (the way in which they are affected or not affected by certain institutions and systems) is what characterizes this particular form of the use of "women" as a category of analysis. In the context of Western women writing/studying women in the Third World, such objectification (however benevolently motivated) needs to be both named 23 Under Western Eyes and challenged. As Valerie Amos and Pratibha Parmar argue quite eloquently, "Feminist theories which examine our cultural practices as 'feudal residues' or label us 'traditional,' also portray us as politically immature women who need to be versed and schooled in the ethos of Western feminism. They need to be continually challenged" (1984, 7).\6/ WOMEN AS VICTIMS OF MALE VIOLENCE Fran Hosten, in writing about the relationship between human rights and female genital mutilation in Africa and the Middle East, bases her whole discussion/condemnation of genital mutilation on one privileged premise: that the goal of this practice is to "mutilate the sexual pleasure and satisfaction of woman fx98z, xi). This, in turn, leads her to claim that woman's sexuality !s controlled, as is her reproductive potential. According to Hosken, "male sexual p0litics"inAfricaandaroundtheworldshares"thesamepoliticalgoal-to assure female dependence and subservience by any and all means" (r4) Physical violence against women (rape, sexual assault, excision, infibulation' etc. is thus carried out "with an astonishing consensus among men in the world" (14). Here, women are defined consistently as the victim of male con-tro -as the "sexually oppressed.'^though it is true that the potential of male violence against women circumscribes and elucidates their social position to a certain extent, defining women as archetypal victims freezes them mto 'objects-who-defend-themselves," men into "subjects-who-perpetrate-violence," and (every) society into powerless (read: women) and powerful (read: men) groups of people. Male violence must be theorized and interpreted within specific societies in order both to understand it better and to organize effectively to change it^isterhood cannot be assumed on the basis of gender; ,t must be forged in concrete historical and political practice and analysis. WOMEN AS UNIVERSAL DEPENDENTS Beverly Lindsay's conclusion to the book Comparative Perspectives of Third World Women: The Impact of Race, Sex, and Class (,083) states that "dependency relationships, based upon race, sex, and class, are being perpetuated through tThwT"1131'and eCOn0mk lnStÍtUtÍOnS-TheSe are the link^s among Third World Women." Here, as in other places, Lindsay implies that Third World women constitute an identifiable group purely on the basis of shared dependencies. If shared dependencies were all that was needed to bind Third 24 Feminism without Borders World women together as a group, they would always be seen as an apolitical group with no subject status. Instead, if anything, it is the common context of political struggle against class, race, gender, and imperialist hierarchies that may constitute Third World women as a strategic group at this historical juncture. Lindsay also states that linguistic and cultural differences exist between Vietnamese and black American women, but "both groups are victims of race, sex;, and class" (306). Again, black and Vietnamese women are characterized by their victim status. Similarly, exarnine statements such as "My analysis will start by stating that all Afccan women are pol.tica]ly and econom.calJy dependenr S felh 1983, is); "Nevertheless, either overtly or covertly, prostitution is still the main if not the only source of work for African women" (Cutrufclli xc.83,33) Al African women are dependent. Prostitution is the only work option for spril^ sprinkled überall through Maria Cutrufelli 's book Women of Africa: Roots of Oppress,, on the cover of the book, Cutrufelli is described as an Italian writer socio,og t Marxist> and femin.st Today> .s . possib]e to . bookentitledWomeno/Europe:Rootso/0Ppression.>Iamnotobjectingtotheuse of universal groupings for descriptive purposes. Women from the continent of Africa can be descriptively characterized as "women of Africa." It is when women of Africa > becomes a homogeneous sociological grouping character^ by commoji dependencies or powerlessness (or even strengths) that problems anse-we say too little and too much at the same time This is because descriptive gender differences are transformed into the division between nien and women. Women are constituted as a group via de-pende reIati +ips ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ J P th e ;elatlonsh when (Univer- saIity,Culture,DisinteresUess,Truth,SanityJustice,etc.),whichiS,infact secondary and derivative (a construction), is privileged over and colonizes the second (minority) term (difference, temporality, anarchy, error, interest-edness, insanity, deviance, etc.), which is, in fact, primary and originative" ast" arJd fi H ^ľT' *" °^baob'« "~/—n" and "the East are defined as others, or as peripheral, that (Western) man/humanism 41 Under Western Eyes can represent him/itself as the center. It is not the center that determines the periphery, but the periphery that, in its boundedness, determines the center. Just as feminists such as Kristeva and Cixous deconstruct the latent anthropomorphism in Western discourse, I have suggested a parallel strategy in this in uncovering a latent ethpocentrism in particular feminist writings on women in the Third Worldly As discussed earlier, a comparison between Western feminist self-presentation and Western feminist representation of women in the Third World yields significant results. Universal images of the Third World woman (the veiled woman, chaste virgin, etc.), images constructed from adding the "Third World difference" to "sexual difference," are predicated upon (and hence obviously bring into sharper focus) assumptions about Western women as secular, liberated, and having control over their own lives. This is not to suggest that Western women are secular, liberated, and in control of their own lives. I am referring to a discursive self-presentation, not necessarily to material reality. If this were material reality, there would be no need for political movements in the West. Similarly, only from the vantage point of the West is it possible to define the Third World as underdeveloped and economically dependent. Without the overdetermined discourse that creates the Third World, there would be no (singular and privileged) First World. Without the "Third World woman," the particular self-presentation of Western women mentioned above would be problematical. I am suggesting, then, that the one enables and sustains the other. This is not to say that the signature of Western feminist writings on the Third World has the same authority as the project of Western humanism. However, in the context of the hegemony of the Western scholarly establishment in the production and dissemination of texts, and in the context of the legitimating imperative of humanistic and scientific discourse, the definition of "the Third World woman" as a monolith might well tie into the larger economic and ideological praxis of "disinterested" scientific inquiry and pluralism that are the surface manifestations of a latent economic and cultural colonization of the "non-Western" world. It is time to move beyond the Marx who found it possible to say: they cannot represent themselves; they must be represented. 42 Feminism without Borders CHAPTER TWO Cartographies of Struggle: Third World Women and tfw Politics of Feminism The US and the USSR are the most powerful countries world's population, also 1/8 of the world's in the world but only 1/8 of the v African people are; population. ofthat, 1/4 is Nigerian. 1/2 of the world's population is Asian. 1/2 ofthat is Chinejse. There are 22 nations in the middle east. Most people in thejworld are Yellow, Black, Brown, Poor, Female, Non-Christian and do not speak English. By the year 2000 the 20 largest cities in the world will have one thing in common none of them will be in Europe none in the United States. —Audre Lorde, January 1, 1989 I begin this essay ^vith Audre Lorde's words as a tribute to her courage in consistently engaging the very institutional power structures that define and circumscribe the lives of Third World women.* The poem also has deep personal significance for me: Lorde read it as part of her commencement remarks at Oberlin College, where I used to teach, in May 1989. Her words provide a poettc cartography of the historical and political location of Third World peopIesanddocumenttheurgencyofourpredicamentinaEurocentricworld Lorde's language suggests with a precise force and poignancy the contours of the world we occupy now: a world that is definable only in relational terms a world traversed with intersecting lines of power and resistance, a world that CHAPTER NINE |' "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist J Solidarity throuah Anticapitalist Strahles £ 1 / I write this chapter at the urging of a number of friended with some trepidation, revisiting the themes and arguments of an essay written some sixteen years ago. This is a difficult chapter to write^d I undertake it hesitantly and with humility-yet feeling that I must do so to take fuller responsibility for my ideas, and perhaps to explain whatever influence they have had on debates in feminist theory. ..'■■< • '. ■ ;'■• ■ ■■ , ■ "Under Western Eyes" was not only my very first «feminist studies» publication, it remains the one that marks my presence in the international feminist community. I had barely completed my Ph.D. when I wrote this essay; I am now a professor of women's studies. The "under" of Western eyes is now much more an "inside'Un terms of my own location in the U.S. academyp/he site from which I wrote the essay consisted of a very vibrant, transnational women's movement, while the site I write from today is quite different. With the increasing privatization and corporation of public life, it has become much harder to discern such a women's movement from the United States (although women's movements are thriving around the world), and my site of access and struggle has increasingly come to be the U.S. academy. In the United States, women's movements have become increasingly conservative, and much radical, antiracist feminist activism occurs outside the rubric of such movements. Thus, much of what I say here is influenced by the primary site I occupy as an educator and scholar. It is time to revisit "Under Western Eyes," to clarify ideas thatremained implicit and unstated in 1986 and to further develop and historicize the theoretical framework I outlined then. I also want to assess how this essay has been read and misread and to respond to the critiques and celebrations. And it is time for me to move explicitly from ' critique to reconstruction, to identify the urgent issues facing feminists at the ' begmnmgofthetwenty-firstcentury, to ask the question: How would «Under Western Eyes"-the Third World inside and outside the West-be explored and analys almost two decades later? What do I consider to be the urgent cT/ht^ ncs at this moment in history? Given the apparent and continuing life of "Under Western Eve," a own travels through transnpr-inn.i f ■ • , western Eyes and my tua hzmg them in m^n^ . .• ■ western Eyes, contex- «»„i zi c 2r; rand insti,utioM'Krms- ■-« - ^™o»sma»^„;rwLľThMwTaľttemPtMftrthCrCb'1* »onSofll,ereIaJofthe^:dd:;--j»;..»-ng:geq„es- >» .™l= visible so« of the theses left ľh ľ ' °"' "* writing. Ieft °bsc''" 0I a™i%uous in my earlier »tľwL?are,rľryth,:tmSha!Cha',Sed"«tte<>»-i«-^rs and institutional context H™, ■ f the intellectual, political, a. * tftne of th 7%"C ™ my™ sWfe - «» comnri.rae„ts Rmritina "Under Western Ejes" »ECOLON,21NGFE„,NISTSCHoiAi(SHiri: Feminism without Borders row self-interest of Western feminism. As well, I thought it crucial to highlight the connection between feminist scholarship and feminist political organizing while drawing attention to the need to examine the "political implications of our analytic strategies and principles." I also wanted to chart the location of feminist scholarship within a global political and economic framework dominated by the "First World."4 My most simple goal was to make clear that cross-cultural feminist work must be attentive to the micropores of context, subjectivity, and struggle as well as to the macropolitics of global economic and political systems and processes. I discussed Maria Mies's study of the lacemakers of Narsapur as a demonstration of how to do this kind of multilayered, contextual analysis to reveal how the particular is often universally significant-without using the umversal to erase the particular, or positing an unbridgeable gulf between the two terms. Implicit in this analysis was the use of historical materialism as a basic framework, and a definition of material reality in both its local and micro-, as well as global, systemic dimensions. I argued at that time for the definition and recognition of theThird World not just through oppression but m terms of historical complexities and the many struggles to change these oppressions. Thus I argued for grounded, particularized analyses linked with larger, even global, economic and political frameworks. I drew inspiration from a vision of feminist solidarity across borders, although it is this vision that has remained inv sible to many readers. In a perceptive analysis of my argument of this politics of location, Sylvia Walby (2000) recognizes and refines the relation between difference and equality of which I speak. She draws further attention to the need fora shared frame of reference among Western postcolonial, Third wdrld feminists in order to decide what counts as difference. She asserts, quite insightfully, that Mohanty and other postcolonial feminists are often interpreted as arguing only for situated knowledges in popularisations of their work In fact, Mohanty is claiming, via a complex and subtle argument, that she is right and that (much) white Western feminism is not merely different but wrong. In doing this she assumes a common question, a common sei of concepts and, ultimately the possibility of, a common political project with white feminism. She hopes to argue white feminism into agreeing ľľ"6!' She ÍS T ent t0 leaVe White Western kminis™ a* * situated 1 ble with its IocaI and partial perspective. Not a bit of knowledge, comfort; 223 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited u. This is a claim to a more universa, truth. And she hopes to accomplish tins by the power of argument. (i99) SÄr rhe lh"d 1m- -~~ based o„ , ,i i „ ľ a"ľ r""" °" "" SPedfcity °f di*™« '» piivncgmg tne local over the svstemin a;oz,~ commonalities, or the discursive over the material ^ "* I did not write "Under Weston n™»» of egalitarian and nonco^ H r ľ " T"""* " th£ Ímp0SSÍb^ "Western" and «Third W^T " "' ^^ ** *d ' ^ would be no possľb h v!f , H T" " ""* °PPOSÍtÍOna' ™» that *» msts. Yet thľsľ f h damy betWeen WeStem "* ™ World femi- Ping the Ĺ7^ZIZS:T deVel0Ped Ín th,S form- P^ -P-tne!hifts tha ľavľ Í edt ľ ľ ^ " ^ ' ^ ^ *« «^ claimsoftheessaT gSmCeWOU,ddarÍfytheÍMentÍO--d -~:i:r:ry with the -*- °f e— ^oa,MľProJectr:z ;::::;dma*- particular in relation to the universal a Z l Í , lmp°mnce of ^ '»-mating the umversal. "0n 7n ^ " ****«' embraced and identified with t ľ " f° ^ dÍchoto^ "white feminism" b womľ f "^'^ fr™ork, the critique of byihirdwori^rj" ;ndthecritique^ committed bot ľoh^ colonizing, self-interested one r ^ "* Pr°JeCt than the -eiveseLd;^::;— st -~r 224 Feminism without Borders feminist scholarship and their communities. It has been a source of deep «on that I was able to begin to open an intellectual space to Thir ssrwomen schoiars'as was done at the intemationai «• ference I helped organize, «Common Differences: Third World Women and the pOSS blllty 04a decoIom2edj cross.border femin.st mented for me the belief that «common differences" can form the basL of deep solidarity, arid that we have to struggle to achieve this in the Ĺ oun equal power relations among feminists. There have also been many effects-personal and professional-in mv ™-d Tfese effects range from bdng «-the ™ «c,,,,, has „ pfice as wd| as iK tmaids SuffiM t «J a LX™ fon* dee- -*«'» <° «* -«.»-»ä cades.AlthoughIh v,«„called„yselfa-p„s,m„d„„,st,.some„j ' »e reason u «„sií -„„der Wes.en, Byes- at this to, is 4 desire t "^ «ZŽI nT- T ation and as ars"ins for <"*<»«»« mmonahta, Th.s misreaamg occu„ in ^ h«emonic D0SI mode,mst d ^ labek as di 8 ™-c P , 5r«r°n'yfcmuKM^d™stt^-°f^-™»cľad bwloľ *" °1 F0"aU" '" °°dine M «"»* °f P«»«/kno„Iedge me is to see how and Why "difference" h« h- ^ mterestmgfor y mrrerence has been embraced over "common- 225 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited ahty," and I realize that my writing leaves open this possibility. In 19861 wrote mainly to challenge the false universality of Eurocentric discourses and was perhapsnotsufficientlycriticalofthevalorizationofdifFerenceovercommon-ahty m postmodernist discoursed Now I find myself wanting to reemphasize he connections between local and universal. In x986 my priority was on difference, but now I want to recapture and reiterate its fuller meaning wh h was always there, and that is its connection to the universal. In othe!wors <* discussion allows me to reemphasize the way that differences are n^ ust differences." In knowing differences and particularities, we can bet eetheconnectionsandcommonalitiesbecausenoborderorboundaryisever ustoexplantheconnectionsandbordercrossingsbetterandmoreaccurately t» this intellectual move that ahows for my concern for women of different communitiesandidentitiestobuildcoalitionsandsolidaritiesacrossborderľ So what has changed and what remains the same for me? What are the Ijent mtellectua, and political questions for feminist scholarship and org - T H W M"6 m hÍSt0ry? FÍrSt'Iet me "* ** the *™» "Western" aľd Th.rd World" retain a political and explanatory value in a world that appro fixation and consumption. However, these are not the only terms I would choose to use now. With the United States, the European Community an ^n-thenodesofcapitalistpowerinthe early twenty-first century theľn of these very countries, as well as the rising visibility and struggles for sover- "North/South" is used to distinguish between affluent, privileged nations -d—^es,andeconomically^ communities, as is "Western/non-Western, While these terms are mean looselydistinguishthenorther„andsouthernhemispheres,affluentandma gmal nations and communities obviously do not line up neatly wi hmTh s geographical frame. And yet, as a political designation that attempts * Jh between the "haves" and the "have-nots," it does have a c r a n po-htica value An example of this is Arif Diriik's formulation of North/So thas a metaphorical rather than geographical distinction, where "North .refeto 226 Feminism without Borders the pathways of transnational capital and "South" to the marginalized poor of the world regardless of geographical distinction.10 I find the language of "One-Third World» versus "Two-Thirds World" as elaborated by Gustavo Esteva and Madhu Suri Prakash (i998) particularly useful, especially in conjunction with "Third World/South" and "First World/North.» These terms represent what Esteva and Prakash call social minorities and social Majorities- categories based on the quality of life led by peoples and communities in both the North and the South.» The advantage of one-third/two-thirds world in relation to terms like "Western/Third World" and-North/South-isthattheymoveawayfrommisIeadinggeographicaland ideological binarismls. By focusing on quality of life as the criteria for distinguishing between social minorities and majorities, "One-Third/Two-Thirds Worlds" draws attention to the continuities as well as the discontinuities between the haves and have-nots within the boundaries of nations and between nations and indigenous communities. This designation also highlights the fluidity and power of global forces that situate communities of people as social majorities/minorities in disparate form. "One-Third/Two-Thirds" is a nonessential-ist categorization, but it incorporates an analysis of power and agency that is crucial. Yet what it pisses is a history of colonization that the terms Western/Third World draw attention to. As the above terminological discussion serves to illustrate, we are still working with a very imprecise and inadequate analytical language. All we can have access to at given moments is the analytical language that most clearly approximates the features of the world as we understand it. This distinction between One-Third/Two-Thirds World and, at times, First World/North and Third World/South is the language I choose to use now. Because in fact our anguage is imprecise, I hesitate to have any language become static. My own language in t986 needs to be open to refinement and inquiry-but not to in-stitutionalization. Finally, I want to reflect on an important issue not addressed in "Under Western Eyes": the question of native or indigenous struggles. Radhika Mo-hanram's critique of my work (x999) brings this to our attention. She points outthedifferencesbetv,eena"multicultural"understandingofnation(preva-ent in the United States) and a call for a "bicultural" understanding of nation on the part of indigenous people in Aotearoa/New Zealand. She argues that my notion of a conimon context of struggle suggests logical alliances 227 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited among the various black women: Maori, Asian, Pacific Islander. However Maori women seemulticulturalism-alhances with Asian women-as under- m.mngmdigenousdghtsandbiculturalismandprefertoallythemselveswith Pakeha (white, Anglo-Celtic people [Mohanram i999, 9a-96]) I agree that the distinction between biculturalism and multiculturalism does pose a practical problem of organizing and alliance building, and that the Particular history and situation of Maori feminists cannot be subsumed w.thin the analysis I offer so fa, Native or indigenous women's strujes w.chdon0tfol,owaPostcolonial trajectory basedonthe inclusions anL: nation, cannot be addressed easjly ^ ^ rf Western^^-d "Third World.", But they become visible and ľven centra he definition of One-Third/Two-Thirds Worlds because indigenous claims ^sovereignty,theirl,fewaysandenvironmentalandspiritualpractices,sľ li T aS "t: the defimtIOn °f "SOCÍal ^" (M^ W rid). Wh le a mere shift in conceptual terms is not a complete response to Mohan- : Vir6'l thmk k darifieS and add-es the limitations of my earli r se of 'Western" and "Third World." Interestingly enough, while would have identified myself as both Western and Third World-in al, my complexi- - -in the context of "Under Western Eyes," in this new frame, I am c early located within the One-Third World. Then again, now, as in my earlier writ- Thtwľ h, Categ0neS- ' am °f the TW0'Thirds WorId i» the One- Third World. 1 am clearly a part of the social minority now, with all its privileges; however, my political choices, struggles, and vision for change place me alongside the Two-Thirds World. Thus, I am for the Two-Third s Wod but with the privileges of the One-Third World. I speak as a person situated -he One-Thirds World, but from the space and vision of, L ,n son^y with, communities in struggle in the Two-Thirds World. UNDĽRAND (INSIDE) WESTERN EYES: AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY There have been a number of shifts in the political and economic land-capes f and communities of peopie in the and intellectual maps of disciplines and areas of study in the U.S. academy hav SYted-Weld^^t-e.Theadventandmstitutional visibility^ colonial studies for instance is a relatively recent phenomenon-as t -ultaneous rollback of the gams made by race and ethnic studies d^t-228 Feminism without Borders ments m the 1970s and i98os. Women's studies is now a well-established field of study with oversight hundred degree-granting programs and departments m the U.S. academy.- Feminist theory and feminist movements across national borders have matured substantially since the early i98os, and there is now a greater visibility of transnational women's struggles and movements brought on in part by the United Nations world conferences on women held over the last two decades. Economically and politically, the declining power of self-governance among certain poorer nations is matched by the rising significance of transnational institutions such as the World Trade Organization and governing bod.es ,„,„ „ ^ ^opean Union, not to mention the for-profit corpora -----------mw iui-j;ium corpora- nons. Of the world's largest economies, fifty-one happen to be corporations no countries, and Amnesty International now reports on corporations as' well as nations (Eisenstein x998b, *). Also, the hegemony of neoliberalism aongs.dethenaturalizationofcapitalistvalues.influencestheabilitytomake choices on one's own behalf in the daily lives of economically marginalized as well as economically privileged communities around the globe The rise of religious fundamentalisms with their deeply masculinist and w!r,dT,;hetriCf°SeSahUgeChaIle^fOTfemin--^esaroundthe world. Finally, the profoundly unequal "information highway" as well as the mcreasing militarization (and mascuhnization) of the globe, accompanied by the growth of the prison industrial complex in the United States, poses profound contradictions' in the lives of communities of women and men in most parts of the world. I believe these political shifts to the right, accompanied by global capitalist hegemony, privatization, and increased religious, ethnic, and racial hatreds, pose very concrete challenges for feminists. In this context, I ask what would it mean to be attentive to the micropolitics of everyday hfe as well as to the larger processes that recolonize the culture and identities of people across the globe. How we think of the local in/of the global and viceversawithoutfallngintocolonizingorculturalrelativistplatitudesabout difference is crucial in this intellectual and political landscape. And for me The politics of feminist cross-cultural scholarship from the vantage point «* for me.« Eurocentric analytic paradigms continue to flourish, and I remain committed to reengaging in the struggles to criticize openly the effects 229 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited of discursive colonization on the lives and struggles of marginalized women. My central commitment is to build connections between feminist scholarship and political organizing. My own present-day analytic framework remains very similar to my earliest critique of Eurocentrism. However, I now see the politics and economics of capitalism as a far more urgent locus of struggle I continue to hold to an analytic framework that is attentive to the micropoli-tics of everyday life as well as to the macropolitics of global economic and political processes. The link between political economy and culture remains crucial to any form of feminist theorizing-as it does for my work. It isn't the framework that has changed. It is just that global economic and political processes have become more brutal, exacerbating economic, racial and gender inequalities, and thus they need to be demystified, reexamined, and theorized. While my earlier focus was on the distinctions between "Western" and "Third World" feminist practices, and while I downplayed the commonalities between these two positions, my focus now, ,i,s must be evident in part 2 of this book] is on what I have chosen to call an anticapitalist transnational feminist practice-and on the possibilities, indeed on the necessities, of cross-national feminist solidarity and organizing against capitalism. While "Under Western Eyes" was located in the context of the critique of Western humanism and Eurocentrism and ofwhite, Western feminism, a similar essay written now would need to be located in the context of the critique of global capitalism (on antiglobahzation), the naturalization of the values of capital and the unacknowledged power of cultural relativism in cross-cultural feminist scholarship and pedagogies. "Under Western Eyes" sought to make the operations of discursive power visible, to draw attention to what was left out of feminist theorizing, namely the material complexity, reality, and agency of Third World women's bodies and lives. This is in fact exactly the analytic strategy I now use to draw attention to what is unseen, undertheorized, and left out in the production of knowledge about globalization. While globalization has always been a part of capitalism, and capitalism is nota new phenomenon, at this time I believe the theory, critique, and activism around antiglobahzation has to be a key focus for feminists. This does not mean that the patriarchal and racist relations and structures that accompany capitalism are any less problematic at this time or that antiglobahzation is a singular phenomenon. Along with many other 230 Feminism without Borders scholars and activists, I believe capital as it functions now depends on and exacerbates racist, patriarchal, and heterosexist relations of rule. FEMINIST METHOJDOLOGIES: NEW DIRECTIONS What kinds of feminist methodology and analytic strategy are useful in making power (and wonien's lives) visible in overtly nongendered, nonracial-ized discourses? The strategy discussed here is an example of how capitalism and its various relations of rule can be analyzed through a transnational, anticapitalist feminist critique, one that draws on historical materialism and centralizes racialized gender. This analysis begins from and is anchored in the place of the most marginalized communities of women—poor women of all colors in affluent and nepcolonial nations; women of the Third World/South or the Two-Thirds World 151 believe that this experiential and analytic anchor in the lives of marginalized communities of women provides the most inclusive paradigm for thinking about social justice. This particularized viewing allows for a more concrete and expansive vision of universal justice. This is the very opposite of "special interest" thinking. If we pay attention to and think from the spjace of some of the most disenfranchised communities of women in the wojrld, we are most likely to envision a just and democratic society capable of [rearing all its citizens fairly. Conversely, if we begin our analysis from, and limit it to, the space of privileged communities, our visions of justice are morje likely to be exclusionary because privilege nurtures blindness to those without the same privileges. Beginning from the lives and interests of marginalized communities of women, I am able to access and make the workings of power visible—to read up the ladder of privilege. It is more necessary to look upward—colonized peoples must know themselves and the colonizer. This particular marginalized location makes the politics of knowledge and the power investments that go along with it visible so that we can then engage in work to transform the use and abuse of power. The analysis draws on the notion of epistemic privilege as it is developed by feminist standpoint theorists (with their roots in the historical materialism of Marx and Lukacs) as well as postpositivist realists, who provide an analysis of experience, identity, and tile epistemic effects of social location.16 My view is thus a materialist and "realist" one and is antithetical to that of postmodernist relativism. I believe there are causal links between marginalized social locations and experiences and the ability of human agents to explain and ana- 231 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited lyze features of capitalist society. Methodologically, this analytic perspective is grounded in historical materialism. My claim is not that all marginalized locations yield crucial knowledge about power and inequity, but that within a tightly integrated capitalist system, the particular standpoint of poor indigenous and Third World/South women provides the most inclusive viewing of systemic power. In numerous cases of environmental racism, for instance, where the neighborhoods of poor communities of color are targeted as new sites for prisons and toxic dumps, it is no coincidence that poor black, Native American, and Latina women provide the leadership in the fight against corporate pollution. Three out of five Afro-Americans and Latinos live near toxic waste sites, and three of the five largest hazardous waste landfills are in communities with a population that is 80 percent people of color (Pardo 2001, 504-11). Thus, it is precisely their critical reflections on their everyday lives as poor women of color that allow the kind of analysis of the power structure that has led to the many victories in environmental racism struggles.17 Herein lies a lesson for feminist analysis. Feminist scientist Vandana Shiva, one of the most visible leaders of the antíglobalization movement, provides a similar and illuminating critique of the patents and intellectual property rights agreements sanctioned by the World Trade Organization (wto) since 1995.18 Along with others in the environmental and indigenous rights movements, she argues that the wto sanctions biopiracy and engages in intellectual piracy by privileging the claims of corporate commercial interests, based on Western systems of knowledge in agriculture and medicine, to products and innovations derived from indigenous knowledge traditions. Thus, through the definition of Western scientific epistemologies as the only legitimate scientific system, the wto is able to underwrite corporate patents to indigenous knowledge (as to the Neem tree in India) as their own intellectual property, protected through intellectual property rights agreements. As a result, the patenting of drugs derived from indigenous medicinal systems has now reached massive proportions. I quote Shiva: [TJhrough patenting, indigenous knowledge is being pirated in the name of protecting knowledge and preventing piracy. The knowledge of our ancestors, of our peasants about seeds is being claimed as an invention of U.S. corporations and U.S. scientists and patented by them. The only reason something like that can work is because underlying it all is a racist 232 Feminism without Borders framework that says the knowledge of the Third World and the knowledge of people of color is not knowledge. When that knowledge is taken by white men who have capital, suddenly creativity begins-----Patents are a replay of colonialism, which is now called globalization and free trade. (2000, 32) The contrast between Western scientific systems and indigenous epistemologies and systems of medicine is not the only issue here. It is the colonialist and corporate power to define Western science, and the reliance on capitalist values of private property and profit, as the only normative system that results in the exercise of immense power. Thus indigenous knowledges, which are often communally generated and shared among tribal and peasant women for domestic, local, and public use, are subject to the ideologies of a corporate Western scientific paradigm where intellectual property rights can only be understood in possessive or privatized form. All innovations that happen to be collective, to have occurred over time in forests and farms, are appropriated or excluded. The idea of an intellectual commons where knowledge is collectively gathered and passed on for the benefit of all, not owned privately, is the very opposite of the notion of private property and ownership that is the basis for the wto property rights agreements. Thus this idea of an intellectual commons among tribal and peasant women actually excludes them from ownership and facilitates corporate biopiracy. Shiva's analysis of intellectual property rights, biopiracy, and globalization is made possible by its very location in the experiences and epistemologies of peasant and tribal women in India. Beginning from the practices and knowledges of indigenous women, she "reads up" the power structure, all the way to the policies and practices sanctioned by the wto. This is a very clear example then of a transnational, anticapitalist feminist politics. However, Shiva says less about gender than she could. She is after all talking in particular about women's work and knowledges anchored in the epis-temological experiences of one of the most marginalized communities of women in the world—poor, tribal, and peasant women in India. This is a community of women made invisible and written out of national and international economic calculations. An analysis that pays attention to the everyday experiences of tribal women and the micropolitics of their ultimately anticapitalist struggles illuminates the macropolitics of global restructuring. It suggests the thorough embeddedness of the local and particular with the global and 233 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited universal, and it suggests the need to conceptualize questions of justice and equity in transborder terms. In other words, this mode of reading envisions a feminism without borders, in that it foregrounds the need for an analysis and vision of solidarity across the enforced privatized intellectual property borders of the wto. These particular examples offer the most inclusive paradigm for understanding the motivations and effects of globalization as it is crafted by the wto. Of course, if we were to attempt the same analysis from the epistemo-Iogical space of Western, corporate interests, it would be impossible to generate an analysis that values indigenous knowledge anchored in communal relationships rather than profit-based hierarchies. Thus, poor tribal and peasant women, their knowledges and interests, would be invisible in this analytic frame because the very idea of an intellectual commons falls outside the purview of privatized property and profit that is a basis for corporate interests. The obvious issue for a transnational feminism pertains to the visions of profit and justice embodied in these opposing analytic perspectives. The focus on profit versus justice illustrates my earlier point about social location and analytically inclusive methodologies. It is the social location of the tribal women as explicated by Shiva that allows this broad and inclusive focus on justice. Similarly, it is the social location and narrow self-interest of corporations that privatizes intellectual property rights in the name of profit for elites. Shiva essentially offers a critique of the global privatization of indigenous knowledges. This is a story about the rise of transnational institutions such as the wto, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, of banking and financial institutions and cross-national governing bodies like the mm (Multinational Agreement on Investments). The effects of these governing bodies on poor people around the world have been devastating. In fundamental ways, it is girls and women around the world, especially in the Third World/South, that bear the brunt of globalization. Poor women and girls are the hardest hit by the degradation of environmental conditions, wars, famines, privatization of services and deregulation of governments, the dismantling of welfare states, the restructuring of paid and unpaid work, increasing surveillance and incarceration in prisons, and so on. And this is why a feminism without and beyond borders is necessary to address the injustices of global capitalism. Women and girls are still 70 percent of the world's poor and the majority of the world's refugees. Girls and women comprise almost 80 percent of dis- 234 Feminism without Borders placed persons of the Third World/South in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Women own less than one-hundredth of the world's property, while they are the hardest hit by the effects of war, domestic violence, and religious persecution. Feminist political theorist Zillah Eisenstein says that women do two-thirds of the world's work and earn less than one-tenth of its income. Global capital in racialized and sexualized guise destroys the public spaces of democracy, and quietly sucks power out of the once social/public spaces of nation-states. Corporate capitalism has redefined citizens as consumers—and global markets replace the commitments to economic, sexual, and racial equality (Eisenstein 1998b, esp. ch. 5). It is especially on the bodies and lives of women and girls from the Third World/South—theTwo-Thirds World—that global capitalism writes its script, and it is by paying attention to and theorizing the experiences of these communities of women and girls that we demystify capitalism as a system of debilitating sexism and racism and envision anticapitalist resistance. Thus any analysis of the effects of globalization needs to centralize the experiences and struggles of these particular communities of women and girls. Drawing on Arif Dirlik's notion of "place consciousness as the radical other of global capitalism" (Dirlik 1999), Grace Lee Boggs makes an important argument for place-based civic activism that illustrates how centralizing the struggles of marginalized communities connects to larger antiglobaliza-tion struggles. Boggs suggests that" [p]lace consciousness ... encourages us to come together around common, local experiences and organize around our hopes for the future of our communities and cities. While global capitalism doesn't give a damn about the people or the natural environment of any particular place because it can always move on to other people and other places, place-based civic activism is concerned about the heath and safety of people and places" (Boggs 2000,19). Since women are central to the life of neighborhood and communities they assume leadership positions in these struggles. This is evident in the example of women of color in struggles against environmental racism in the United States, as well as in Shiva's example of tribal women in the struggle against deforestation and for an intellectual commons. It is then the lives, experiences, and struggles of girls and women of theTwo-Thirds World that demystify capitalism in its racial and sexual dimensions — and that provide productive and necessary avenues of theorizing and enacting anticapitalist resistance. I do not wish to leave this discussion of capitalism as a generalized site 235 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited without contextualizing its meaning in and through the lives it structures. Disproportionately, these are girls' and women's lives, although I am committed to the lives of all exploited peoples. However, the specificity of girls' and women's lives encompasses the others through their particularized and contextualized experiences. If these particular gendered, classed, and racial-ized realities of globalization are unseen and undertheorized, even the most radical critiques of globalization effectively render Third World/South women and girls as absent. Perhaps it is no longer simply an issue of Western eyes, but rather how the West is inside and continually reconfigures globally, racially, and in terms of gender. Without this recognition, a necessary link between feminist scholarship/analytic frames and organizing/activist projects is impossible. Faulty and inadequate analytic frames engender ineffective political action and strategizing for social transformation. What does the above analysis suggest? That we—feminist scholars and teachers — must respond to the phenomenon of globalization as an urgent site for the recolonization of peoples, especially in the Two-Thirds World. Globalization colonizes women's as well as men's lives around the world, and we need an anti-imperialist, anticapitalist, and contextualized feminist project to expose and make visible the various, overlapping forms of subjugation of women's lives. Activists and scholars must also identify and reenvision forms of collective resistance that women, especially, in their different communities enact in their everyday lives. It is their particular exploitation at this time, their potential epistemic privilege, as well as their particular forms of solidarity that can be the basis for reimagining a liberatory politics for the start of this century. Antiglobalization Struggles Although the context for writing "Under Western Eyes" in the mid-1980s was a visible and activist women's movement, this radical movement no longer exists as such. Instead, I draw inspiration from a more distant, but significant, antiglobalization movement in the United States and around the world. Activists in these movements are often women, although the movement is not gender-focused. So I wish to redefine the project of decolonization, not reject it. It appears more complex to me today, given the newer developments of global capitalism. Given the complex interweaving of cultural forms, people of and from the Third World live not only under Western eyes but also within 236 Feminism without Borders them. This shift in my focus from "under Western eyes" to "under and inside" the hegemonic spaces of the One-Third World necessitates recrafting the project of decolonization. My focus is thus no longer just the colonizing effects of Western feminist scholarship. This does not mean the problems I identified in the earlier essay do not occur now. But the phenomenon I addressed then has been more than adequately engaged by other feminist scholars. While feminists have been involved in the antiglobalization movement from the start, however, this has not been a major organizing locus for women's movements nationally in the West/North. It has, however, always been a locus of struggle for women of the Third World/South because of their location. Again, this contextual specificity should constitute the larger vision. Women of the Two-Thirds World have always organized against the devastations of globalized capital, just as they have always historically organized anticolonial and antiracist movements. In this sense they have always spoken for humanity as a whole. I have tried to chart feminist sites for engaging globalization, rather than providing a comprehensive review of feminist work in this area. I hope this exploration makes my own political choices and decisions transparent and that it provides readers with a productive and provocative space to think and act creatively for feminist struggle. So today my query is slightly different although much the same as in 1986.1 wish to better see the processes of corporate globalization and how and why they recolonize women's bodies and labor. We need to know the real and concrete effects of global restructuring on raced, classed, national, sexual bodies of women in the academy, in workplaces, streets, households, cyberspaces, neighborhoods, prisons, and social movements. What does it mean to make antiglobalization a key factor for feminist theorizing and struggle? To illustrate my thinking about antiglobalization, let me focus on two specific sites where knowledge about globalization is produced. The first site is a pedagogical one and involves an analysis of the various strategies being used to internationalize (or globalize)f>ťhe women's studies curriculum in U.S. colleges and universities. I argue that this move to internationalize women's studies curricula and the attendant pedagogies that flow from this is one of the main ways we can track a discourse of global feminism in the United States. Other ways of tracking global feminist discourses include analyzing the documents and discussions flowing out of the Beijing United Nations conference on women, and of course popular television and 237 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited print media discourses on women around the world. The second site of anti-globalization scholarship I focus on is the emerging, notably ungendered and deraciahzed discourse on activism against globalization. ANTIGLOBALIZATION PEDAGOGIES Let me turn to the struggles over the dissemination of a feminist cross-cultural knowledge base through pedagogical strategies "internationalizing" the women's studies curriculum. The problem of "the (geridered) color line" remains, but is more easily seen today as developments of transnational and global capital. While I choose to focus on women's studies curricula, my arguments hold for curricula in any discipline or academic field that seeks to internationalize or globalize its curriculum. I argue that the challenge for "internationalizing" women's studies is no different from die one involved in "racalizing" women's studies^ the i98os, for very similar politics of knowl-edge come into play here'r°/ So the question I want to foreground is the politics of knowledge in bridging the "local" and the "global" in women's studies. How we teach the "new" scholarship in women's studies is at least as important as| the scholarship itself ,n the struggles over knowledge and citizenship in the U.S. academy. After all, the way we construct curricula and the pedagogies we use to put such curricula into practice tell a story-or tell many stories. It is the way we position historical narratives of experience in relation to each other the way we theorize relationality as both historical and simultaneously singular and collective that determines how and what we learn when we cross cultural and experiential borders. Drawing on my own work with U.S. feminist academic communities?/ describe three pedagogical models used in "internationalizing" the women's studies curriculum and analyze the politics of knowledge at work. Each of these perspectives is grounded in particular conceptions of the local and the global, of women's agency, and of national identity, and each durricular model presents different stories and ways of crossing borders and biiilding bridges. I suggest that a "comparative feminist studies" or "feminist solidarity" model is the most useful and productive pedagogical strategy for feminist cross-cultural work. It is this particular model that provides a way to theorize a complex relational understanding of experience, location, and history such that feminist cross-cultural work moves through the specific context to construct a real notion of universal and of democratization rather thajn colonization. 238 Feminism without Borders It is through this model that we can put into practice the idea of "common differences" as the basis for deeper solidarity across differences and unequal power relations. Femmist-as-Tourist Model This curricular perspective could also be called the "feminist as international consumer" or, in less charitable terms, the "white women's burden or colonial discourse" modelet involves a pedagogical strategyin which briefforays are made into non-Euro-American cultures and particular sexist cultural practices addressed from an otherwise Eurocentric women's studies gaze. In other words, the "add women as global victims or powerful women and stir» perspective. This is a perspective in which the primary Euro-American narrative of the syllabus remains untouched, and examples from non-Western or Third World/South cultures are used to supplement and "add" to this narrative. The story here is quite old. The effects of this strategy are that students and teachers are left with a clear sense of the difference and distance between the local (defined as self, nation, and Western) and the global (defined as other, non-Western, and transnational) Thus the local is always grounded in nationalist assumptions-the United States or Western European nation-state provides a normative context. This strategy leavespowerrelationsandhierarchiesuntouchedsinceideasaboutcenterand margin are reproduced along Eurocentric lines. For example, in an introductory feminist studies course, one could include the obligatory day or week on dowry deaths in India, women workers in Nike factories in Indonesia, or precolonial matriarchies in West Africa while leaving the fundamental identity of the Euro-American feminist on her way to liberation untouched. Thus Indonesian workers in Nike factories or dowry deaths in India stand in for the totality of women in these cultures These women are not seen in their everyday lives (as Euro-American women are)-lusun these stereotypical terms. Difference in the case of non-Euro-American women is thus congealed, not seen contextually with all of its contradictions This pedagogical strategy for crossing cultural and geographical borders is based on a modernist paradigm, and the bridge between the local and the global becomes in fact a predominantly self-interested chasm. This perspec-tive confirms the sense of the "evolved U.S./Euro feminist." While there is now more consciousness about not using an "add and stir" method in teaching about race and U.S. women of color, this does not appear to be the case in "internationalizing" women's studies. Experience in this context is assumed 239 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited to be static and frozen ini-n n c r narrative. iL "dl ľle ľ COn ',hiS H*" ftmi»is' *», remain the predominant model a, this ,L Th, r '" ""' - «* is .te e„f,i0g of the -air^zfe ;r Mn monolithieimafesofThMW„rlH/c„ ,t "'"«ence, the creation of " i<»«,edge and the ia^t^ ^ "Ä ľ "^ other than the United States Th„, i, u T? "' count™s «ned as non-Ento-A^e „ T 'f ľ "" P" **" ™ b°th » ™ -de the „., r^Zr^rfc imP"eS "te the United States I thľd ^ ""en,aü0Ml that by definition excludes and evaluation are siLced^ ' ' C°mm°n f* ^^ instance, entire coii«M ™ ",,r . curriculum. For Women- Literat eC^tc!^ ľ ^ ^^ " "^ ^ dominant U ľ ľ emmÍSm" "* added on to ^ P-- clommantlyU.S.-basedcurnculumasawayto-globanze-tyfeministlcnowl- 240 Feminism without Borders aswhitetsnotacolorwhenonesneaksofn. , n/S,Part°f ^studies," lated to ^particularhistorvlT ^^^ -demyanLtst:;:^^^ -"outthere^-neverwitjZm^ZTj T^^ U.S. academic settings were federaľZ ľ ľ ** "* StUdÍ£S " litical project in the Lie of U I ""^ " ^ 3 P°" to examine the cJ^Z^^T ľľ" "^ * "* *ne to ««imagine the study of regions and llT' "^ * " the conceptual borders inherent n h lba " " ľ" ** ^^ Uooi, I27I). The field of Am T í Can°S^Y of the cold war" toli,ei„. ttheSín,e'n0n,atM™hir''8»graphicala«a„ehappe„ «XT™š;z Thľerhnic sradies *- ws»— »»m, cap.taiis t Z»f c f^ " * ""' * ""' """^ <"»»» -».-L.: zzz:::P1™:r r^™as - »r intetnationa, is ,tas „ndmtl)od apat,tm a Íl "T"' G,°ba' not central to processes of alnK r «cism-as if racism were An .»mp,e JdTXSľľSľ "d j**" "^ - ■* rim«, ricnlnm is the nana, Lľľ ^ '° "" ""^ of the %- cur- «hniestndiese» s Th ' 1 ľ'"""^ """" fom»«»d >irmof,hese„plľer,"ľ ' ""f1*»«"«»«.«.* 241 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited an apology for the exercise of power. m "™ as """Wbasedonrhepremiserhatthel,,, , j ,T ™icular DifFerences and commonaiities thus exist in ~iař- ! J of eolor coarse with additions „„ ThM w„tId;Sol „ t W°men »■opata,« coarse tha, snows the b^S^^ ^ periences, and struggles of n «f » r i h,stones. ex- is attentive ,„ power „ch ' f h'S fand °f»»P«atwe teaehiogthat »f the others Thľs foľf """"^ """"H" "" ^"»^ sender, nati^ s™* * ™'"" °° "" "H" *-* *-. Students potentially move away from the "adH.n^ ►■ J , , 242 Feminism without Borders of women in particular substantive areas life sex work m,, . . vironmental justice the nrUnn/- a ■ , ' miJltanzaťon, en- '»»«og for „inK; :i::td; wmp,a-md hu™n *«* - important ,0 „ways foZľod no, !T°° " "'" " ""*— * * ^-^«nggieL::;-;:::::;' *——"*—». fobal seen as opposition,, ľ d' " N<"th/S°»t«. »r local/ xwo-xhhd, «sr: :r:a:raľdTries'theone-ihi'd' of connection and di^n,. g karning about Poi«s -arginahzed and PrSed 7"* "" ^ C0™Bi*" Thus the C^ř T"0" ,0CaI and g,0ba' dime~-vciy notion oi inside/outside necessarv tv, *■(,= j- djgm, as both categories tnu« h„ a lnird/fwo-Thirdspara- -«ties, ^zz :„: i : ~ ™ine rrence' nation, human rights ,nH e ce/Prox'mity. Thus sex work, militari- —«™^:zz«£xzy T,tip,e hc* ™d majorityparadigm IanrLa ľ ^«V1*0^«^ social minority/social sidles model ^pS^"""*» - * —ative feminist I refer to this model as the feminist solidarity model because h v, • focus on mutuality and common interests, it re/uireonto fľ ^ tl0nS ab0Ut «ion and disconnect betw ľZZworn *** ments around the wnrM d ,u , CLween activist women's move- »rrosofdi ľiľanľd L "''"ľ f°rm°lMinS *""= »d »^ » scholarship bat that it shonld , '°»P™eulari2edacadem.c ine,ni,i,samo»g"„S an/ M"at,0n' °"d°'""^""""»»'*• «benal and 3ZS,^T"Tí*"«-*«»'-««; «aditiona, «■inking, radiea elsľ ľd f'eSc '" hiS,°'iCa'md """>"^ Pedagog8 silences I5 dir: ľ, ľ Sin8"'a"Ze ^ ™" "'"'" 243 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited ^;=»»^-„tca„bemd„i8ibleand^;»j*«p»»«.pnvi,esCl »»I SMI«, as »t** P;7,ar -'"»H U««y of postcoic of globa,ismXi,e c |, f '• P"m" "S 'SÍÍhUm ™° *e '»S« V um,lc somewhat overstates híe i,-™ emist) models of scholarshio and í CU,tUral relatl™t (postmod- centralization and accumulation of diffeľe ľ^ ľľ ^ d£" feministstudics/femini^sniw ■ " f11 the comParative t«s this logic bF;rr ľOde,0nthe°therh4dp0tentiallyeo«n. "common^Z^^FT*"*^^'^*«*' - be taught such ni: ;™room-if these| vaned st°des « the experiences of HifF democratize rather than colonize do. in fact narrativ o7 s" i .T ľ ^ ^ H"* ^ WÍ" not because they p sen ľ"^ "" "^ » l°,Ítíca] thi<*ing use tney present an unmediated version of the "truth" hm h they can destabilize received truths and locate debate inth,i contradictions of historical life n-, ■ u ate'" the^omPle«ties and theorizationsofexpel„c^""^^^H»*^^ ingcumcularanľľZ;^ " ^ "'^ b—^^ construct- understand ľ^Tl eXPlÍdt'y ** * ^H ""**«« -d the const^ H^^n ^ ^4^ **** the narratives of mareinanľd ^^ ^ omPIexities of margmahzed peop.es m terms of relationality rather than 244 Feminism without Borders -TIGLOBALIZATION S—«IP AND MOVEMENTS ^ Women's and girls' bodies determine democracy- free fr„m ■ , abuse, free from malnutritinn a • V'°lenCe Md sexuaI family free tľľo ef 7 ľ^ **"**»■ fa » P1» ** -^^r^1.rihifci--,fc--'* sive review of this schnlľ u- r attempting a comprehen- »ee„„„me„,m„m°;;t nf^™, °" "" •'^'". saffian« fc, in Che acaLv Jl ' ""' •",ti°"!"- *™< b°<<- of »„«„ for a need to ,«h,„tpatrLchi ľaľd heľ " **"" Pe'SUaS"d' prese„,-d,y globalise "d ^ S ° raasc»li"i'i« "• «Won to and ci.il sockt. bv focu.in„ „„ , S f"0"'of the s™«. the market, itdrawsona„umher„fHi, 7 g Str""°ri,,s',nw»'»™MAnd capitalism P 0Í the SIobal strategy of --* -—-—. cxcrzpi'tii-1 4 245 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited of women-poor, Third and Two-Thirds World, workijng-class, and immi-grant/m.grant women-are the preferred workers in these global, «flexible» temporary job markets. The documented increase in the migration of poor, One- hnd/lwo-Thirds World women in search of laborjacross national borders has led to a rise in the international "maid trade» (Parrenas 2oox) and m international sex trafficking and tourism «Many global cities nowrequire and completely depend on the service and domestic labor of immigrant and migrant women. The proliferation of structural adjustment policies around theworldhasreprivatizedwomen'slaborbyshiftingtheresponsibilityforso-cial welfare from the state to the household and to women located there The rise of religious fundamentalisms in conjunction with conservative nationales, winch are also in part reactions to global capital and its cultural demands has led to the policing of women's bodies in the streets and in the workplaces. Global capital also reaffirms the color line in its newiy articulated class structure evident in the prisons in the One-Third World. The effects of global-ization and demdustrialization on the prison industry in the One-Third World leads toareIatedpoIicingofthebodiesofpoor,One-Third/Two-ThirdsWorld immigrant and migrant women behind the concrete spaces and bars of privatized prisons. Angela Davis and Gina Dent (2001) argue that the political economy of U.S. prisons, and the punishment industry in the West/North brings the intersection of gender, race, colonialism, and capitalism into sharp focus. Just as the factories and workplaces of global corporations seek and discipline the labor of poor, Third World/South, immigrani/migrant women the prisons of Europe and the United States incarcerate disproportionately large numbers of women of color, immigrants, and nonciÜzens of African, Asian, and Latin American descent. Making gender and power visible in the processes of global restruc-turmg demands looking at, naming, and seeing the particular raced, and classed communities of women from poor countries as they are constituted as workers in sexual, domestic, and service industries; as prisoners; and as household managers and nurture«. In contrast to this production of workers Patricia Fernandez-Kelly and Diane Wolf (2001, esp. 1248) focus on commu-mt.es of black U.S. inner-city youth situated as "redundant" to the global economy. This redundancy is linked to their disproportionate representation m U.S. prisons. They argue that these young men, who are potential workers 246 Feminism without Borders are left out of the economic circuit, and this "absence of connections to a structure of opportunity" results in young African American men turning to dangerous and creative survival strategies while struggling to reinvent new forms of masculinity. There is also increased feminist attention to the way discourses of globalization are themselves gendered and the way hegemonic masculinities are produced and mobilized in the service of global restructuring. Marianne Mar-chand and Anne Runyan (2000) discuss the gendered metaphors and symbolism in the language of globalization whereby particular actors and sectors are privileged over others: market over state, global over local, finance capital over manufacturing, finance ministries over social welfare, and consumers over citizens. They argue that the latter are feminized and the former masculinized (13) and that this gendering naturalizes the hierarchies required for globalization to succeed. Charlotte Hooper (2000) identifies an emerging hegemonic Anglo-American masculinity through processes of global restructuring-a masculinity that affects men and women workers in the global economy.** Hooper argues that this Anglo-American masculinity has dualistic tendencies, retaining the image of the aggressive frontier masculinity on the one hand, while drawing on more benign images of ceos with (feminized) non-hierarchical management skills associated with teamwork and networking on the other. While feminist scholarship is moving in important and useful directions in terms of a critique of global restructuring and the culture of globalization, I want to ask some of the same questions I posed in 1986 once again. In spite of the occasional exception, I think that much of present-day scholarship tends to reproduce particular "globalized" representations of women. Just as there is an Anglo-American masculinity produced in and by discourses of globalization« it is important to ask what the corresponding femininities being produced are. Clearly there is the ubiquitous global teenage girl factory worker, the domestic worker, and the sex worker. There is also the migrant/immigrant serviceworker, therefugee, thevictimofwarcrimes, thewoman-of-color prisoner who happens to be a motherand druguser, the consumer-housewife, and so on. There is also the mother-of-the-nation / religious bearer of traditional culture and morality. Although these representations of women correspond to real people, they also often stand in for the contradictions and complexities of women's' lives 247 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited Po.nlammaicinghereisthatwomenareworlcers.mothers.o^^^^^ Í and Tľy' bUt We are ^ a11 th0Se thÍ^S -ultaneous y" ;; ar and monolithic categorizations of women in discourses of globL Son rzmr;Lr; ;;deas about experience>ag— -d —^. whs;e ttrr other>re,atvelynewimagesofwomenthatalsoemergeinthisdiscourse-the human ^^orlceror the koo advocate, the revolutionary militant and L rporatebureaucrat-thereisalsoadividebetweenfalsejversta ed ľagt of victimized and empowered womanhood, and they negate each othľrW here is with whose agency is being colonized and who is privileged in these ;irsXr~ Because social movements are crucial sites for the construction of knowl- the'T^ themselves toward them. The antiglobalization movements of the last five ' 1 years have proven that one does not have to be a multinational corP io control ero«nancial capital, or transnational governing instituJo^ . onstruction of transborder democratic citizenship. But first a brief char c tenzation of antiglobalization movements is in order Unlike the territorial anchors of the anticolonial movements of the early "■ twentteth century, antiglobalization movements have numerous spatial and S s r"; Se indUde antk0rP0rate ^-mental movement ch as the Narmada Bachao Andolan in central India and movementsľ2s en zss:t in the as-southwest"as wdi -the -X£ ma farmermovementsaroundtheworld.Thexoôosconsumermovements People s movements against the IMF and World Bank for debt cancelation ^ndagamststructu^^ movements in Japan, Europe, and the united States are also a part of he ori ^nsoftheantig^ cial movements of the late twentieth century (feminist, civil rights, indige-248 Feminism without Borders nous rights, etc.) and the transformed U.S. labor movement of the rooos also^ayasignificantpartintermsofthehistoryofantiglobafizationmove- Whilewomenarepresentasieadersandparticipantsinmostoftheseanti- fb^^move^hb,afenfimStagendaoidyemergesmthepost-Beijing women'srightsashumanrights-movementandinsomepeaceandenviron! mentaljustícemovements^otherwords^whUegirls^ tothelaborofglobalcapital.totíglobaiJzatiMwWa^bbtseemto femmistanalysiso.strategies.Thus.whUelhave argued that feminists need to be anticapitalists, I would now argue that antiglobalization activists and theonstsalsoneedtobefemirusts.Genderisignoredasacategoryof^ andabasis for organizing inmost of the antiglobalization movements, and antiglobalizationiandanticapitalistcritiquejdoesnotappear to be central to" reministorganizingprojectS,especiallyintheFirstWorld/North.Intermsof women's movements, the earlier «sisterhood is global» form of internationalization of the women's movement has now shifted into the,«human rights» arena. This shift in language from «feminism» to «women's rights»: has been called the mainstreamingof the fominisemovement-.a; successful attempt to raise the issue of violence against women on to the world stage _, If welook carefully at the focus^f the antiglobalization movements, itis the bodies and labor of women and girls that constitute the heart of these struggles. Forinstance,intheenvironmentalandecologicaImovementssuch as Chipko in India and indigenous movements against uranium miningand breast-milk contamination in the United States, women are not only among the leadership: their gendered and racialized bodies are the key to demystify-ing and combating the processes of recolonization put in place by corporate control of the environment. My earlier discussion of Vandana Shiva's analysis oftheWToandbiopiracyfromtheepistemologicalplaceoflndiantribaland peasant women illustrates this claim, as does Grace Lee Boggs's notion of place-based civic activism» (Boggs ,ooo, 19). Similarly, in the anticorporate consumer movements and in the small farmer movements against agribusiness and the antisweatshopmovements.it is women's labor and their bodies that are most affected as workers, farmers, and consumers/household nur- turers Women have been in leadership roles in some of the cross-border alliances agamst corporate injustice. Thus, making gender, and women's bodies and laborvisible, and theorizing this visibility as a process of articulating a more 249 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited r ; ^iy,. . inclusive politics are crucial asnect* nffom- ■ -«. »po«»,, e;„iľ/ľľľr olorofli'eWTi,wsw»u P-fld epistemic pti^e of* e!l ma,ySiSi * ,S PKCi",!'"" *~Pac„ fordernd ,>i„^a^ and economic justice ""' "* e™s'°»'"S «"tad. social implicit nuLUZ Í?*" ' """ '° be mKhed b" "»■ While much „f dľľ, "'^ °f •*»**■'» ™ovem»B Sendet^igoiSc ™°^ n ľ """°m"W-«W. Racialta, itisofte„th,cxpe„eiraľdľ ľ'?' 'ľ,and,aS,"^de*fc. --— »ndptoiLeľu^ľľC:aTZ:rrand^ J sawavoftrarinaa™ """gioDanzation movements thus 1 wi.hinthcftame».orlcofao!I f ' " """"^ ftmi°™ capitalism, and „„cove i" 0 tľ , T ^ "**""B <**" j --^.oh.daiiitr^rri"^^^,-! tiea.™::tľLS:::;r^d^mw^f^-^ these „eo-fa« ■ í ^ '*'"' "°* bd»f' »"d » «■ -n and also ^ľZ^ZZľ d ~* "** " WH *" —- poasihi,i,ieSa;i:r„;:::;rioba,-i*ta"--^ 250 Feminism without Borders more than theysever. So ^enterprise here is to forge informed, self-reflexive solidarities among ourselves. «-necivě I no longer live simply under the gaze of Western eyes. I also live inside it ft« Mumbai, India. My cross-race and cross-class work take me to TZ «ed places and communities around the world-to a struggle co^ «bywomenofcolorando^ Two-Thirds World, sometimes in the Onelrhird. So the borders here are no and to imagine alternative destinations. 251 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbot Sidney and Barbara Love. i972. 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Princeton: Princeton University Press. —-. 1988 The Mobility of Labor and Capital New York: Cambridge University Press ľŕl ľlyn;and SusanVan Dyne-I985-w"«-in *^"»=Si the Liberal Arts Curriculum. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Allanheld H^Z I986' "Gender: A USefUl Categ0ry °f HiSt0riCal A"^-" *™ Historical Review 91, no. 5:1053-75. Sen^Gib, and Caren Grown. 1987. Development Crises and Alternative Visions: Third World Women's Perspectives. NewYork: Monthly Review Press Sheftall, Beverly Guy. 1995. Women's Studies: A Retrospective. Report to the Ford Foundation. New York: Ford Foundation. Shiva, Vandana. 1999. Bertina on Biodiversity.- Why Genetic Engineering Will Not Feed the ľnľEľl^ —. 1994. Close to Home: Women Reconnect Ecology, Health, and Development Worldivide London: Earthscan Publications. Originally published by Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Natural Resource Policy and distributed by New Delhi: Nataraj Publishers, igg3. . 1992. Biodiversity: Social and Ecological Perspectives. London: Zed Press- Penane-World Rainforest Movement. ' ——■■ 1989. Staying Alive: Women, Ecoloay, and Development. London: Zed Press, 198g Shiva Vandana, A. H. Jafri, G. Bedi, and R. Holla-Bha, w. The Enclosure and Recovery of the Commons: Biodiversity, Indigeneous Knowledge and Intellectual Property Rights New Delhi: Research Foundation for Science and Technology Shiva, Vandana, and Ingunn Moser. i995. Biopolitics: A Feminist and Ecoloaical Reader on Biotechnology. London: Zed Press; Penang: Third World Network Shiva, Vandana, Rebecca Gordon, and Bob Wing. 2000. "Global Brahminism- The Meaning of the wto Protests: An Interview with Dr. Vandana Shiva," ColorLines 3 (2): 30-32. Shohat, Ella. 2001. "Area Studies, Transnationalism, and the Feminist Production of Knowledge." Signs 26, no. 4 (summer): 1269-72. 291 Bibliography ;::;;'*: v"s,om: Muit,cu'tura'f— <- ■ T~ Black Faculty and Administrators in Higher Education." American Association of Higher Education Bulletin (Feb.): 3-6. Tabari, Azar. lg8o. «The Enigma of the Veiled Iranian Women." Feminist Review 5- Tate Jane. i994. "Homework in West Yorkshire." In Di3nity and Daily Bread: Neu, Forms of Economic Organizing among Poor Women in the Third World and the First, edited by Sheila Rowbotham and Swasti Mitter, 114-38. New York: Routledge' Thompson, Becky, and Sangeeta Tyagi, eds. x993. Beyond a Dream Deferred: Multicultural Education and the Politics of Excellence. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press T.nker, Irene, and Michelle Bo Bramsen, eds. r97a. Women and World Development Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council. Trask, Haunani-Kay. 1909. From a Native Daughter. Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawaii Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Tripp, Aili Marie. 2002. «Combining Intercontinental Parenting and Research-Dilemnas and Strategies for Women." Signs 27, no. 3: 793-811. Urry, John. ig98. "Contemporary Transformations of Time and Space." In The Globalization 0/Hiaher Education, edited by Peter Scott. Buckingham: Open University Vance, Carole S. ,984. Pleasure and Danger, ed. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul Volpe, Letti. 2001. "Feminism versus Multiculturism." Columbia Latu Review rot-1181-1218. Walby, Sylvia. 2000. "Beyond the Politics of Location.- The Power of Argument " In Feminist Theory 1, no. 2: iog-207. . iggo. Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. . 1985. Patriarchy at Work. Cambridge, Mass.: Polity Press Ward, Kathryn, ed. 1990. Women Workers and Global Restructuring Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Warhol, Robyn, and Diane Price Herndal, eds. m7. Feminisms: An Antholoay of Literary Theory and Criticism. New York: Routledge. Waterman, Peter. 1998. Globalization, Social Movements and the Net» Internationalisms. London: Mansell Publishing. Wekker, Gloria. i997. "One Finger Does Not Drink Okra Soup...." In Feminist 293 Bibliography larminderBhachu, 103-31. New York: Routledge WT;tľedre' ^^^ ^ W^^ NewYork: Wti?rd" I99°- "P0StmOdern RaCÍal P0lÍtíCS: Diff— «»í duality,' Socialist Remeu> 90, no. i: 121-47. Wittig, Monique. 1080. «The Straight Mind.» Feminist Issues t: 103-«, 72lZľŤa, "Í NatÍOnaJÍ^GrOUP- »Ä «M**«, Women under Immi-flration and Nationality Law. London: Pluto Press WomenofSouth Asian Descent Collective, ed. X993. Our Feet Walle the Sky: Writ™ b„ ^-noftheSouthAsianD,asPora.SanFrancisco:AuntLuteBooks Women Working Worldwide. x993. Common Interests. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books Voung, Iris Marion. I99o. Justice and the Politi« o/DijJerence. Princeton: Princ n University Press. ™ YT' fľwCar01 Walk0WÍtZ' and R0Slyn McCullaSh' eds- «S*- V ita*m and the Marto: Women's Subordination in International Perspectiv. London: cash Bookľ 294 Bibliography INDEX Abdel-Malek, Anouar, 20, 225 '•"-*;"' Abortion. See Reproductive rights ": Academy. See Universities ; '$*J Affirmative action, 69,196-97,199; in universities, 212-15 /! 5 »■»ftató Agency, 45,56, 78, 80-83; 103, «3,122, 140,142-43; 147,151,161-62, !$};-, -:'; 238-41, 244-45, 248 ::';'v,'..;5'. '' '" ' Agrarian regulations, 61-62 ' ' ;>:' Alarcon, Norma,80,82 "''"".' ''' ' ! " Alexander, Jacqui, 8,60,125 Amnesty International, 229 Amott, Teresa, 148 Anthropology, 57, 74-76 Anti-Semitism. See Race and racism Anzaldua, Gloria, 80-82 ; ' "r' Aotearoa/New Zealand, 227-28 Apartheid, 70 Arab and Muslim women, 28-29,34 Barkley Brown, Elsa, 201-2 '' : " Bemba population (Zambiaj',-26-27 ' Berman, Edward, 181 [ ľ'- % : /"' : ir Bhabha, Homi, 255 n.3 : '■?.;'■•• '•"'■■■ Bhachu, Parminder, 156,158 ■ "* '■'" Biculturalism, 227-28 * ' ^ Binaries, 2, 31,38-39,41,57, 80-81,.'' 224,227' ."•■■ V ! ' ■'' •• Boggs, Grace Lee, 235, 249 .^ Borders, 1-2,10,121,134,171,185-89, -223-24, 226, 234-38,248, 250-51 - ; Bourne, Jenny, 262 n.3 ■ British empire, 59-64. See also Colo-' ' nialism and colonization; United Kingdom ' ' ■ Brown, Beverly, 36 Bulkin, EUy, 86-87 ' " Bureaucratization: of gender and \ race, 60-65. See also Capitalism;" ' .Corporatism ••;•, ^ . Capitalism, 2-10,45,53,58, 66- • ;. 67>125,139-68,171-74,182-86, ,196-97,225,229-31,233-51; and consumer-citizens, 141,173-74,177_ 84,235; feminist critique of, 3-10,45; naturalizations within; 6, g, 141-42, 229-30, 250; and patriarchy, 4. See also Corporatism; Globalization Caste, 149-50,158 '' Cavanagh, John, 147 ; Chowdry, Prem, 62 ' Citizenship, 140-41,175-76,182-84. See also Capitalism Class: as class conflict, 143,158; as class struggle, 142; formation of, 63-64. See ; ako Caste; Labor ' -;;..■ V :'*; Collectivity and collective action, 5-10, l8 * 8o~i83,105/122; 140,144,155, ;2pi-2, 204-7, 209^-16,233, 254 ; n.14. See also Unions Colonialism and colonization,1, 7,17- !9.26-27,30,39-42,45.52-53, ;,58-64,'75,110,141-42,147, 227, .229,233,241,246; of histories, 125; various denotations of, 18. See also Globalization; Imperialism and politic alternative to essentialist and postmodern.st formuIat.ons of ,den_ 12 For instancy Fanon writes eloquently (in a clearly masculine language) about dreams of iteration: "The first thing which a native learns is to stay in hi plac and not go beyond certain limits. This ls why the dreams ^ J^ '*£• of muscular prowess; his dreams are of action, and of aggression. I dream ľ m lumpmg, sw.mming, running, climbing; I dream that I bum out laughmg that I span a river ,n one stride, or that I am followed by a flood of motor-L which nevercatchuPw1thme"(I9o6,40,.Thepomt1snotthatwomendonotorcannot dream of "tuscular prowess" but rather that m the context of cotomal practices of the emasculauon of native men, muscular prowess gains a particularly mascu-line psychic weight. i 13 S-AlexanderandMohantyIo97,esp.Xxxvi-xlii.Forinterestingandprovocative discussions about anticapitalism, see Socialist Review 2001 ; 14 In discussing the centrality of decolonization to envisioning feminist democracy we argued thus: "In fact, feminist thinking, here, draws on and endorses socialist pr.nc.ples of collectivized relations of production and organization. It attempts to reenvision socialism as a part of feminist democracy with decolonization at its center. However, while feminist collectives struggle against hegemonic power structures at various levels, they are also marked by these very structures-it is these traces of the hegemonic which the practice of decolonization addresses" (Alexander and Mohanty 1997, xxxvi). We went on to analyze Gloria Wekker's essay on Afro-Suninarnese women's critical agency to illustrate an important aspect of decolonization: "Wekker ... explores what appears tolbe a different configuration of self, anchored in an 'alternative vision of fema'le subjectivity and sexuality, based on West African principles' (Wekker, 339). Her analysis of Mati work in terms of alternative female relationships, ones that have simultaneous affectional, cultural, economic, social, spiritual, and obligations components suggests a decolonized oppositional script for feminist struggle and for practices of governance. Decolonization involves both engagement with the everyday issues in our own lives so that we can make sense of the worldin relation to hegemonic power, and engagement with collectivities that are premised on ideas of autonomy and self-determination, in other words, democratic practice. For the Creole working-class women Wekker speaks about, this is precisely the process engaged in. It creates what she calls a «psychic economy of female subjectivity (which) . . . induces working-class women to act individually and collectively in waysthatcounteracttheassaultofthehegemonicknowledgeregimcwhichprivi-legesmen, the heterosexual contract, inequalityand a generally unjust situation ' Here, the investment in the self (what Wekker calls "multiple self") is not neces-sar.ly an investment in mobility upward or in the maintenance [of a masculinist heteroses, middle-class status quo" (Alexander and Mohanty i997 xxxvii) ' For interesting and provocative discussions about anti-capitalism, see the special issue "Anticapitalism" of the journal Socialist Review, 28:3; 2001. All chap- 254 Notes ters in part 1 have been previously published in the same or somewhat different form. See Mohanty 1984, Mohanty 1991, Martin and Mohanty 1986, and Mohanty 1987- Chapters 6 and 8 are substantially revised from their earlier publication-see Mohanty 1989-90 and Mohanty 1997. Chapter One. Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses 1 Terms such as "Third World" and "First World" are very problematic, both in suggesting oversimplified similarities between and among countries labeled thus and in implicitly reinforcing existing economic, cultural, and ideological hierarchies that are conjured up in using such terminology. I use the term "Third World" with full awareness of its problems, only because this is the terminology available to us at the moment. Throughout this book, then, I use the term critically. : I am indebted to Teresa de Lauretis for this particular formulation of the project of feminist theorizing. See especially her introduction to her bookAIice Doesn't (1984). This argument is similar to Homi Bhabha's definition of colonial discourse as strategically creating a space for a subject people through the production of knowledge and the exercise of power:" [CJolonial discourse is an apparatus of power, an apparatus that turns on the recognition and disavowal of racial/cultural/historical differences. Its predominant strategic function is the creation of a space fora subject people through the production of knowledge in terms of which surveillance is exercised and a complex form of pleasure/unpleasure is incited. It (i.e., colonial discourse) seeks authorization for its strategies by the production of knowledge by coloniser and colonised which are stereotypical but antithetically evaluated" (Bhabhai983, 23). A number of documents and reports on the U.N. International Conferences on Women in Mexico City (I975) and Copenhagen (1980), as well as the 1976 Welles-ley Conference on Women and Development, attest to this. EI Saadawi, Mernissi, and Vajarathon (1978) characterize the Mexico City conference as "American-planned and organized," situating Third World participants as passive audiences. They focus especially on Western women's lack of self-consciousness about their implication in the effects of imperialism and racism, a lack revealed in their assumption of an "international sisterhood." Euro-American feminism that seeks to establish itself as the only legitimate feminism has been characterized as "imperial" by Amos and Parmar (1984, 3). The Zed Press Women in the Third World series is unique in its conception. I focus on it because it is the only contemporary series I have found that assumes that women in the Third World are a legitimate and separate subject of study and research. Since 1985, when I wrote the bulk of this book, numerous new titles have appeared in the series. Thus Zed Press has come to occupy a rather privileged position in the dissemination and construction of discourses by and about Third World women. A number of the books in this series are excellent, especially those that deal directly with women's resistance struggles. In addition, Zed Press consistently publishes progressive feminist, antiracist, and anti-imperialist texts. 255 Notes However umberofthe texts writtfin by feminist sociologists, anthropologists nthexhirdword that concerns me. An analysis of a few of these workscan Ze as a representative point of entry into the discourse I am attempting o ,o a" impfy expect and demand more from this series. Needless to say, progrľs£ pubhshmghousesalsocarrytheirownauthorizingsignatures 6 I^discussedthisparticularpointindetaninacritiqueofRobmMorgan-scon- trucuon of -women's herstory» in her introduction to Sisterhood Is Gloíl «Z-(see Mohanty 1987, esp. 35-37). y V' 7 Another example of this kind of analysis is Mary Daly's Gy„,Ecolo5a (I978). Daly's ssumption m this text, that women as a group are sexually viclz /d, leads to her very problematic comparisonofattitudes toward women witches andhealeľ .ntheWest,Chi„esefoot.binding,andthegenitalmudlationofwomeľ^ According to Daly, women in Europe, China, and Africa constitute a homoge^ neous group as victims of male power. Not only does this labeling (of women as sexual v« eradicate the specific historical and material reáli L and comr" dictions that lead to and perpetuate practices such as witch hunting and genial mutton but it also obliterates the differences, complexities, andheterogen :t1esofthehvesof,forexampIe,womenofdifferentdasses,religions,and„a!Lns » Africa. As Audre Lorde ÍIgS4) has pointed out, women in Africa share 1" trad« on of healers and goddesses that perhaps binds them together more ap propnately than their victim status. However, both Daly and Lorde fall prey L universal^ assumptions about "African women» (both negative and positive). W at matters is the complex, historical range of power differences, commonalities, and resistances that exist among women in Africa and that construct African women as subjects of their own politics. * «mean See Eldhom Harris, and Young I977 for a good discussion of the necessity to aľaľLTaí ™^™1^*^S(^^™te,I^ümaaJutit These views can also be found in differing degrees in collections such as Welles-ley Editorial Committee x977 and Signs roSr. For an excellent introduction to wiD .SSUeSi see ISIS ^ For a poIiticaJly focused ^^ development and the stakes for poor Third World women, see Sen and Grown See essays by Vanessa Maher, Diane Elson and Ruth Pearson, and Maila Stevens .nYoung,Walkowitz,andMCCullaghI98I;andessaysbyVivianMobandMichele Mattelart m Nash and Safa r98o. For examples of excellent, self-conscious wot by feminists writing about women in theirown historical and geographical locals, see Lazreg x988; Spivak's 'A Literary Representation of the Subaltern- A Woman's Text from the Third World» (in Spivak I987, ^-«0, and Mani r987 j Hams i983. Other mrg reports include Deardon i975 and Jahan and Cho 1080 2.56 Notes bean Women s Collective i98o, Omvedt i98o, Minces 1980, Siu 1981, Bendt and Dowm„gI982)CutrufemI983>Miesi982,andDavisi983 , I,Bendtand 13 For succinct discussions of Western radical and uberal feminisms, see Z. Eisenstein 1981 and H.Eisenstein 1983. ".uisen 14 Amos and Parmar (r984) describe the cultural stereotypes present in Euro- ^ssivepractice^withintheAsian^ ^help Asian women überate themselves from their role. Or there is the strong do«Afro-C^^ <«^^*^beinga^ C*n™nandwomeW^ nahsm is an essential element of femmistthinking that incorporates the above stereotypes^paternalism that canlead to the definition ofpriorities for women of color by Euro-American feminists. ,; : 15 MÍt^qUeStí0n0^^ __ the strategies and workings of power networks • - ^"«-^entthatdemandsanewconceptionofhumanisminworkonThird World women, see Lazreg xgSS.WhUeLazreg's position might appear to be diametrically opposed to mine, I see it as a provocative and potentially positive ex-ension of some of the implications that follow from my arguments In criticizing the feminist rejection of humanism in the name of "essential Man," Lazreg points to what she callsan «essentialism of difference» within these very femi SET"" SheKa:kS:"T0WhateXttmCan WeStem^-dispensewithan thicsofrespons,bmtywhenwritmgaboutdifferentwomen?ThePointisneither to subsume other women under one's own experience nor to uphold a separate truth forthem. Rather, ltis to allow them to be whüe recognizing that what they are is just as meaningful, valid, and comprehensible as what we are.:v Indeed when feminists essenriaUy deny other women the humanity they claim for them^ elves^eyd.spensewithanyetJHcalcohstramt.Theyengagemtheactofspatting the social umverse into us and them, subject and objects» (og-roo). This essay by Lazreg and an essay by Satya P. Mohanty (1989b) suggest positive directions forself-conscious cross-cultural analyses,analyses thatmove beyond thedecon-structive to a fundamentally productive mode in designating overlapping areas forcross:culturalcomparison.Thelatteressaycausnotfora«humanism»butfo a reconsideration of the question of the «human» in a posthumanist context. It argues that there is no necessary incompatibility between the deconstruction of Western humanism and such a positive elaboration of the human, and that such an elaboration is essential if contemporary political-critical discourse is to avoid the incoherencies and weaknesses of a relativist position. 257 Notes Chapter Nine. "Under Western Eyes" Revised-ftrmmst Solidarity through Antitapitalist Struggles 2ÄÍÍ5SS owľmuch t0 many years of—^ also to Sue Kim for her , """i ^aijd munanty, lace 2 "UnderWesternEy«"hasenjoyedaremarkablelife being reorinteH . ::i=s ihľbeen wide,y ^ -^ te£X£ _ c^SLZ^Í USed - « -H ^ewo* for cros^ 3 Thanks to Ziliah Eisenstein for this distinction 4 Here is how I defined "Western feminist" then- tu i w available to us then. I used the terms with full knowledge of their l|mfc -• refer to political and analytic sites and methodologies «C ľľf ' ^ 270 Notes 10 11 13 structure against which Mohanty argues in 'Under Western Eves' * h Cartographies of Struggle' - (Mohanram r999, 9I, Here I believe ZZMo hanram conflates the call for specificity and particularity as working aga tľhe mapping of systemic global inequalities. Her other critique of this essay is m r persuasive, and I take it up later. SeeforinstaneethereprintinganddiscussionofmyworkinNicholsonandSeid-rnan x995, Phillips I998, and Warhol and Herndal :997; and Phillips lg98 IhavewnttenwithJacquiAlexanderaboutsomeoftheeffectsofhegemonicpost-modermsm on feminist studies, see the introduction to Alexander and Mohanty To further clarify my position-I am not against all postmodernist insights or nafytic strategies. I have found many postmodernist texts useful in my work ľadoľtľrl eVer meth0d0l0gÍeS'the0rieS' and ÍnSÍghtS J find i^-inating In Í 0 he s , want to examine_Marx. t) I nvitreahs -d so on. What I want to do here, however, is take responsľbility for rnakingexphcitsomeofthepoliticalchoiceslmadeatthattime-andtoidentify he discursive hegemony of postmodernist thinking in the U.S. academy, which Relieve forms the primary institutional context in which "Under Western Eyes" Dirlik, "The Local in the Global," in Dirlik i997 Esteva and Prakash (x998, x6-x7) define these categorizations thus: The "social minorities" are those groups m both the North and the South that share homo geneous ways of modern (Western) life all over the world. Usually, theyadopľas upperclassesofeverysocietyandareimmersedineconomicsociet^theso-caHed formalsector.The-socialmajorities-havenoregularaccesstomotoftheg and services defining the average "standard of living" in the industrial countries The, definitions of "a good life," shaped by their local traditions, reflect the ľ capacities to flourish outside the "help" offered by "global forces.» Implicitly 0 explicitly they „either "need" nor are dependent on the bundle of "goods" pi I am not saying that native feminists consider capitalism irrelevant to their cľfeI TUldM0hanramSaythÍS)-TheW0rk0fWÍn0naLaD^e,Haunan^ ahsm and the effects of its stmcturaI v.oience in the iives of native J P See Guerrero lg97; La Duke i999; and Trask i999. In fact, we now have „^ abou[ ^ „ft^ rf^^ mpossibility of women's studies.» See the Web site "The Future of Women's Studies, Women's Studies Program, University of Arizona, 2ooo at http.„info-center.ccit.arizona.edu/~ws/conference; and Brown i997 See, for instance, the work of Ella Shohat, Lisa Lowe, Aihwa Ong, Uma Narayan, 271 Notes 15 17 18 10 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Inderpal Grewal and Garen Kaplan, Chela Sandoval, Avtar Brah, Lila Abu-Lughod, Jacqui Alexander, Kamala Kempadoo, and Saskia Sassen. See the works of Maria Mies, Cynthia Enloe, Zillah Eisenstein, Saskia Sassen, and Dorothy Smith (for instance, those listed in the bibliography) for similar methodological approaches. An early, pioneering example of this perspective can be found in the "Black Feminist" statement by the Combahee River Collective in the early 1980s. 16 See discussions of epistemic privilege in the essays by Mohanty, Moya, and Macdonald in Moya and Hames-Garcia 2000. Examples of women of color in the fight against environmental racism can be found in the organization Mothers of East Los Angeles (see Pardo 2001), the magazine ColorLines, and Voces Unidas, the newsletter of the South West Organizing project, Albuquerque, New Mexico. See Shiva, Jafri, Bedi, and Holla-Bhar 1997. For a provocative argument about indigeneous knowledges, see Dei and Sefa 2000. In what follows I use the terms "global capitalism," "globa restructuring," and "globalization" interchangeably to refer to a process of corporate global economic, ideological, and cultural reorganization across thi borders of nation-states. While the initial push for "internationalization" of the curriculum in U.S. higher education came from the federal government's funding of arjea studies programs during the cold war, in the post-cold war period it is private foundations like the MacArthur, Rockefeller, and Ford foundations that have been}instrumental in this endeavor-especially in relation to the women's studies curriculum. This work consists of participating in a number of reviews of women's studies programs, reviewing essays, syllabi, and manuscripts on feminist pedagogy and curricula, and topical workshops and conversations with feminist scholars and teachers over the last ten years. Ella Shohat refers to this as the "sponge/additive" approach that extends U.S.-centered paradigms to "others" and produces a "homogeneous feminist master narrative." See Shohat 2001, 1269-72. For an incisive critique of cultural relativism and its epistemological underpinnings see Mohanty 1997, chapter 5. It is also important to examine and be cautious about the latent nationalism of race and ethnic studies and of women's and gay and lesbian s :udies in the United States. A new anthology contains some good examples of what I am referring to as a feminist solidarity or comparative feminist studies model. See Lay, Monk, and Rosenfelt 2002. See Dirlik, "Borderlands Radicalism," in Dirlik 1994. See the distinction between "postcolonial studies" and "postcolonial thought": while postcolonial thought has much to say about questions of local and global econcmies, postcolonial studies has not always taken these questions on board (Loomba 1998-99). I am 272 Notes using Ania Loomba's formulation here, but many progressive critics of postcolonial studies have made this basic point. It is an important distinction, and I think it can be argued in the case of feminist thought and feminist studies (women's studies) as well. 27 While I know no other work that conceptualizes this pedagogical strategy in the ways I am doing here, my work is very similar to that of scholars like Ella Shohat, Jacqui Alexander, Susan Sanchez-Casal, and Amie Macdonald. 28 See especially the work of Satya Mohanty, Paula Moya, Linda Alcoff, and Shari Stone-Media tore. 29 The epigraph to this section is taken from Eisenstein 1998b, 161. This book remains one of the smartest, most accessible, and complex analyses of the color, class, and gender of globalization. 30 The literature on gender and globalization is vast, and I do not pretend to review it in any comprehensive way. I draw on three particular texts to critically summarize what I consider to be the most useful and provocative analyses of this area: Eisenstein 1998b; Marchand and Runyan 2000; and Basu et al. 2001. 31 See essays in Kempadoo and Doezema 1998; and Puar 2001. 32 For similar arguments, see also Bergeron 2001 and Freeman 2001. 33 Discourses of globalization include the proglobalization narratives of neoliberal-ism and privatization, but they also include antiglobalization discourses produced by progressives, feminists, and activists in the antiglobalization movement. 34 There is also an emerging feminist scholarship that complicates these monolithic "globalized" representations of women. See Amy Lind's work on Ecuadorian women's organizations (2000), Aili Marie Tripp's work on women's social networks in Tanzania (2002), and Kimberly Chang and L. H. M. Ling's (2000) and Aihwa Ong's work on global restructuring in the Asia Pacific regions (1987 and 1991). 35 This description is drawn from Brecher, Costello, and Smith 2000. Much of my analysis of antiglobalization movements is based on this text, and on material from magazines like ColorLines, Z Magazine, Monthly Reuieiu, and SWOP Newsletter. 273 Notes