A SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRIME AND DELINQUENCY:
A CONTRIBUTION TO ETIOLOGY
ARTHUR L. BEELEY
The author is dean of the Graduate School of Social Work and chairman of the
Department of Sociology, University of Utah. One of Dr. Beeley's best-known studies
in criminology is his Bail System in Chicago. He was born and educated in England
and the United States, and has taught on the faculty of several universities—Chicago,
Minnesota, Southern California, etc. For many years he served on the staff of the
late Dr. Herman M. Adler, Illinois State Criminologist.
This is an expansion of a paper read by the author at the 31st. Annual Meeting
of the American Orthopsychiatric Association, New York City, March 11, 1954.—
EDITOR.
This paper reports an attempt to formulate a working hypothesis aimed at synthesizing
the empirical knowledge of crime causation. As ground work for the theory,
the logic of crime causation is first examined and restated. The sociopsychological
theory outlined here is designed as a framework, within which to organize and relate
the observed data of criminology, and also to indicate the gaps for further investigation.
The implications of the theory for criminology and crime control are then
brieffy set forth.
A. THE LOGIC OF CRIME CAUSATION
The chain of reasoning which constitutes the logic and argument supporting the
theory is set forth in four propositions, as follows:
1. Experience has shown that human beings are basically prone to theft and
violence. In a pre-civilized society men prey upon each other, individually or as
members of a group. All civilized societies, however, sooner or later evolve sanctions
which forbid and punish predatory behavior. These mores are calculated to protect
the individual in his right to the ownership of property, and to the inviolability of
his personality.'
2. In complex urban cultures, such as those of the West—especially societies like
ours which experience periods of rapid social change—the traditional moral sanctions
and the social institutions which define and enforce them tend to become ineffective
in controlhng the anti-social tendencies of their members. Consider, for example, the
constitutional guarantees still accorded a gangster in a modern American city, e.g.,
the late Al Capone of Chicago. These provisions in the organic law of the several
states were never intended to protect lawbreakers of this variety. They are, in fact,
a historical vestige of the English Bill of Rights of 1689, originally drawn up as a
bulwark against the tyranny of the Stuart kings.
3. The perennial failure to cope effectively with the increasing amount and the
' The bulk of offenses comprise what in law are called (a) crimes against property, and (b) crimes
against the person. There are, of course, other crimes of a qualitatively different nature; but these
two categories constitute the two largest groups.
391
392 ARTHUR L. BEELEY [Vol. 45
manifold forms of lawlessness in America is due to two things. First, the widening
gap between our material culture, i.e, our systems of communication and transportation
which accelerate social mobility and increase anonymousness, and our adaptive
culture, i.e., our law and government, based, as they are, upon medieval conceptions
of conduct and moral responsibility. This disparity between the two main divisions
of our total culture tends to produce social disorganization, and its counterpart,
disorganization of personality.
A second reason for this failure is the criminological illiteracy, so to speak, of the
vast majority of people regarding the nature, causes, and control of crime. Consider
briefly just a few of the antiquated beliefs of the typical layman:^
(a) the fallacy that all crime is equally serious, and its corollary, that all prisoners
are criminals, per se. The fact is that the vast majority of all offenses are minor infractions
of the law, legally defined as mala prohibila; that is, quasi-crimes, which,
for the most part, are the prohibitions embodied in local ordinances, calculated to
control vice, regulate traffic, promote safety, sanitation, etc. This large group differs
qualitatively from all other offenses, legally classified as mala in se; that is, such
crimes as larceny, rape, homicide, etc. Even in this latter category, the great bulk of
offenses are petty crimes and minor misdemeanors, which together far outweigh in
number all other forms of essential crime. In fact, this phenomenon can be expressed
as a simple criminological axiom: the seriousness of an offense tends to vary inversely
as its frequency.' Furthermore, it is little known by the public that a very large
number of inmates in city and county jails at ony one time are petty offenders, committed
to prison for their inability to pay even a small fine.
(b) another fallacy is the belief that crime is a product of an "evil design," the
expression of "an abandoned and malignant heart," notwithstanding a mass of
scientific evidence to the contrary. This belief is a vestige of the English common
law, and the dubious metaphysics of atonement, retribution, and vengeance which
were the prevailing beliefs during the formative period of Anglo-American criminal
law. This view naively imputes complete "freedom of will" to all offenders, except
children, the feebleminded, and the psychotic.
(c) the Lombrosian fallacy of the born criminal is still widely cherished and has
been commercially exploited in our time by the mass media of communication,
with the result that it has become a rigid stereotype in the minds of the masses, including
many public officials who are responsible for the administration of criminal
justice. Equally fallacious, although repeatedly disproved by controlled experimentation
is the belief that all offenders are mentally defective, psychotic, or psychoneurotic.
To add to the confusion, there has appeared in recent years a wide range of
uncritical conjectures advanced by preachers, lawyers, judges, and reformers, singling
2 See also BEELEY, ARTHUR L., Fact and Fiction in Criminology, THE SCI. MO., Vol. LXXIV, No-
1, Jan., 1952, pp. 45-50.
'BEELEV, A. L., Delinquency: Its Forms, Causes, and Prevention, CHARACTER EDUCATION, U. S.
Bureau of Education Bulletin No. 7, 1926, pp. 59-60. Erom a tabulation of 1,585,560 cases dealt
with in the Municipal Court of Chicago during the ten-year period, 1915-24, incl., the following
appeared:
Eelonies 5.9
Misdemeanors 23.7
Quasi-crimes 70.4
1954] SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRIME 393
out such isolated factors as impiety, alcoholism, immigration, parental neglect, etc.,
as the sole cause of crime or delinquency.
(d) a cross-section of American public opinion reveals, therefore, what is perhaps
the most widespread of all the fallacies, namely: the popular misconception that
there is one single cause of crime, with the naive inference that if each of these malevolent
factors could be controlled or stamped out, crime and delinquency could be
well-nigh eradicated, or, at least, reduced to a negligible minimum. This is the fallacy
most difficult to eradicate; first, because the layman is culturally conditioned to the
notion of personal and moral responsibility for human conduct, whereas the relatively
new science of criminology^ must perforce deal with the entire problem along strictly
deterministic lines in an endeavor to isolate and measure the naturalistic rather than
the super-naturalistic nexus between cause and effect; secondly, the findings of this
new science, unlike those in medicine and engineering, are sometimes negative. Consider,
for instance, the painstaking scientific work of Goring, who first laid the ghost
of Lombroso's "criminal man." He concluded that there is no such thing as an anthropological
criminal type; ". . . this anthropological monster has no existence, in
fact.'"
Moreover, many conclusions are unspectacular, albeit profound; as for example,
the experimental studies of Burt, who compared delinquent and non-delinquent
children in London and finally concluded that it is either the number of factors or
their combination that renders delinquency a probable result. "On an average,"
he said, "each delinquent child is the product of nine or ten subversive circumstances,
one as a rule preponderating and all conspiring to draw him into crime."*
Thirdly, public opinion and public policy in our democracy are largely formed
and enforced by laymen, rarely by the criminologist. (Thefindingsof the New Jersey
Commission on the habitual sex offender are an exception to this generalization.')
4. As a final proposition or thesis, three axioms of criminology are here formulated
as more or less self-evident truths:
(a) there is clear proof that the causes of crime (or delinquency) are complex rather
than simple, plural rather than singular, concurrent and/or contributory
rather than exclusive;
(b) the words "crime" and "delinquency" are generic terms comparable to the
word "sickness" in the field of medicine. They are, therefore, analogous to the
concept "symptom," and not the concept "disease" (syndrome);
(c) that crime (or delinquency) is the uniform consequent of many different
antecedents; the causative factors are, therefore, interchangeable.
B. A SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF C R I M E AND DELINQUENCY
In the light of the foregoing, it is argued that the criminologist has an obligation,
not only to his science, but also to the social control of crime and delinquency, to
* There were few, if any, scientific studies of crime, criminals, and the administration of criminal
justice prior to about 1900.
'GORING, CHARLES, THE ENGLISH CONVICT, A STATISTICAL STUDY; London: H, M, Stationery
Office, 1919, p. 269,
' BURT, CYRIL, THE YOUNG DELINQUENT: New York: Appleton and Co,, 1930, p, 577,
' THE HABITUAL SEX OFFENDER, Report and Recommendations as formulated by DR. PAUL
W. TAPPAN, Trenton, N. J., 1950.
394 ARTHUR L. BEELEY [Vol. 45
formulate an inclusive theory of causation which attempts to synthesize the wide
range of empirical findings now available from many lines of independent and unrelated
inquiry, and thus to indicate fruitful lines of further research and investi-
gation.
At the outset it would be well to define the terms used throughout this discussion:
(a) causation, and (b) crime and delinquency.
As used here, the word "causation" means simply the antecedent(s) of an event.
As in the case of most other sciences, we are concerned only with the proximate rather
thah the ultimate causes of the phenomena considered. One of the common mistakes
of everyday thinking about crime and delinquency, as with many other problems,
is the uncritical assumption that because one thing follows another, there must
somehow be a causal connection between them, thus illustrating the common fallacy,
post hoc, ergo propter hoc.
The usually accepted definition of a crime is that it is an act, either of bmission or
commission, specifically forbidden by public law. Definitions of delinquency, on the
other hand, are less explicit, for the reason, of course, that in most Western societies
the public takes a more charitable view of youthful offenders and their wrong-doings.
However, there is general agreement to the effect that a delinquent is a person who,
while under age, is nevertheless guilty of an anti-social act which constitutes an
infraction of public law.
For purposes of the theory advanced here, however, it would seem more appropriate
to define crime and delinquency in socio-psychological terms and say that Crime (or
delinquency) is, in effect, the violation of a group's legalized taboos (mores) by any
person who is presumed by age or status to be a more or less responsible member of
that group.
The central question then becomes clear, namely: Why do persons commit offenses?
First, we must distinguish clearly between the legal question and the behavioristic
one. The primary concern of society, as illustrated by the role and function of the
trial court, is to establish a single fact, namely: Is the defendant guilty or not? In sociopsychological
terms a criminal court then is an institution whose primary, if not
sole function is "to define the situation" in strictly legalistic terms. So that in the
common law and also in most statutory law, the question of "why" the accused committed
the crime is irrelevant. Only since about 1900, with the establishment of
juvenile courts, is the behavioristic question raised as to the offender's motivation
and the causative factors responsible for his misconduct. Herein lies the fundamental
difference between the approach of the criminologist and that of the jurist.
Pursuing the subject further, it is now necessary to make the following general
assumption regarding human behavior: human beings possess many native traits or
original tendencies, which, when uncontrolled or allowed free expression, are inimical
to the welfare of other human beings in the same society. In order, therefore, to
achieve what advanced societies regard as a civilized life for the greatest number, the
expression of these anti-social impulses must of necessity be curbed. These taboos,
or checks, ultimately take the form of our penal codes.
On this basis, therefore, the social conduct of a person at any one time represents
an equilibrium or balance between (1) the expressive force of his own impulses, and
1954] SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRIME 395
(2) the repressive force of social control. For the majority of law-abiding persons in
a given society, these two forces are in a positive equilibrium; but in the case of the
ofifender, a negative imbalance exists between (1) and (2). This division of all persons
into two such categories is admittedly hypothetical. On the theory of probability
it would, of course, be more exact to assume that the social behavior of human beings
ranges on a continuum, i.e., from the extreme of obedience on the one hand, to the
opposite extreme of lawlessness on the other. Obviously, there are all degress of conformity
and nonconformity to the rules of social living. What is implied in the hypothesis,
however, is the notion that there is a theoretical point beyond which a
society will not tolerate infractions of its laws. ,
The final question now becomes: What factors, singly or in combination, produce
this negative imbalance, and, therefore, constitute the antecedent causes of crime
and delinquency?
Assuming the plausibility of such a theory, the next step is to categorize the range
and variety of empirical factors into a simple, orderly scheme. The following plan is
proposed:
1. factors which enfeeble self-control.
2. factors which enfeeble social-control,
With this dichotomy as the framework, the etiological literature of criminology
was thoroughly re-examined and found to yield itself readily to the proposed clas-
sification.
The separate factors are grouped into general,categories, each one containing two
or more specific examples, as follows:
CLASSIFICATION OF THE CAUSES OF CRIME AND DELINQUENCY, ACCORDING TO THE AUTHOR'S
SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CAUSATION.
(N.B. The numbers in brackets () refer to pertinent, representative titles in the List of References
at the end of this article.)
1. FACTORS WHICH ENFEEBLE SELF-CONTROL
a. Inherited or acquired physical and physiological handicaps (13). e.g., in physique (35), stature,
deformities, and defects.
b. Physical injury or disease (10). e.g., accidents, occupational (or other), tuberculosis, syphilis.
c. Inherited or acquired mental handicaps, e.g., feeble-mindedness (40), psychopathic personality
(21), epilepsy.
d. Mental and psycho-somatic disorders, e.g., psychoses (11), psycho-neuroses, mental conflicts
(16, 25), emotional disturbances (1), (31).
e. Personal disorganization from excesses (17), (19). e.g., sex, alcohol (3), narcotics (26), gam-
bling.
f. Character structure (12). e.g., ignorance, naivete, inadequate life-organization.
2. FACTORS WHICH ENFEEBLE SOCIAL CONTROL
a. "Sick" societies, e.g.. Great Britain and its mining community (14).
b. Inherent defects in the economic order, e.g., poverty, unemployment (42), depression (32),
exploitation (37).
c. Urbanization (7). e.g., mobility, anonymous life in cities (36).
d. Changing mores and group conflict (43). e.g., with regard to sex, use of alcohol, tobacco.
e. Family disorganization (20). e.g., death of parent, divorce, non-support, faulty discipline
(24), incompatibility, internal conflict (23).
f. Community and neighborhood disorganization, e.g., depressed areas, poor housing, unwholesome
companionships (34), lawless gangs (39).
396 ARTHUR L. BEELEY [Vol. 45
g. Overlapping and conflicting governments (29). e.g., municipal, county, state, federal.
h. Inherent limitations of the criminal law, substantive and adjective (30). e.g., obsolete, unenforceable,
and conflicting laws.
i. Maladministration of criminal justice, e.g., the breakdown of law enforcement (27), prosecution
(4), and the courts (8), incompetent prison administration (2), corruption in parole administration
(6), (41), organized crime and racketeering (22).
j. Inadequate educational activities, e.g., amount, quality, and rigidity of secular (18), religious
(9), and vocational instruction.
k. Inadequate avocational facilities (28). e.g., unwholesome leisure interests, commercialized
amusements.
1. Opinion-making and control, e.g., press (15), film (5), radio, television.
m. Interpersonal and intergroup conflict (33). e.g., ethnic (38), religious, economic.
C. SoMK IMPLICATIONS OF THE THEORY
The implications of this theory are many and far-reaching. A few of the more
pertinent inferences are briefly formulated, as
The validity of a socio-psychological theory of crime causation stems from the
currently accepted view as to the nature and scope of social psychology itself. While
there is by no means complete agreement on all points as to just what contemporary
social psychology encompasses, there is, nevertheless, a general consensus on three
important points: (a) that the central problem is the human personality, its structure,
genesis, dynamics, patterning, pathology, etc.; (b) that from theviewpoint of etiology,
the environmental factors are, theoretically, equal in importance to the biological
ones; and (c) that human behavior is a function of interaction, not alone between
the organism and its environment, but also between persons, groups, and cultures.
Since all offenders are persons, the analysis of their behavior is, therefore, most
effectively approached from the standpoint of social psychology; that is, in terms
of the integrated knowledge drawn from all the behavior sciences. Dr: Bernard
Glueck, formerly psychiatric consultant at Sing Sing Prison, once observed profoundly:
"The criminal act in every instance is the resultant of the interaction between
a particularly constituted personality and a particular environment." This
generalization by an eminent criminologist is, of course, an etiological principle
couched in socio-psychological terms.
—2—
Some of the prolific lines of further study and investigation of crime and delinquency
will no doubt have occurred to the reader already. Six suggestions, however,
are offered here and grouped under (a) studies of offenders, (b) the criminogenic
environment, and (c) the machinery of crime control.
(a) Studies of Offenders. The primary and most fruitful scientific approach is, of
course, the comparative case-study of the offender. What empirical criminology needs
is more personality studies by all the behavioristic disciplines working together, in
order to determine the etiological relationship between crime and such specific conditions
as the psychosomatic disorders, epilepsy, narcotic addiction, and the compulsion
neuroses, e.g., pyromania, kleptomania, dipsomania, etc. Ideally, such studies
1954] SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRIME 397
could be made while the ofifender is in custody, although they could be made even
while he is on probation.
Likewise, there is need for more intensive studies of hostility and aggression in
young and old ofifenders, especially during the early stages of their incarceration
in a prison or a reformatory, in order to reveal in mangification the dynamic interpersonal
relationships afifecting the human personality.
(b) The Criminogenic Environment. It has been repeatedly proved that the social
environment, when in a state of rapid social change, tends to become criminogenic.
A recent case in point is the exposure of a new pattern of lawlessness with far-reaching
ramifications, namely: syndicated racketeering, as brought out in a nationwide investigation
by the Senate Committee to Investigate Organized Crime in Interstate
Commerce. Similarly, the new and virulent forms of gangsterism recently manifested
on the New York City water-front.
Another illustration of potential criminogenesis in the social environment is the
accelerating gravitation of persons to cities and urban environments. In such a
milieu the person tends to become anonymous, losing his status, and with it, a sense
of social responsibility. It is an axiom of social psychology that intimacy in a small
group is the most effective system of social control, and that personality thrives best
in the matrix of normal family life. To what extent then are law-breakers persons
who have never had or may have been prematurely deprived of normal family life?
Here is an admirable problem for further controlled experimentation, comparing
ofifenders and non-ofifenders identically.
(c) The Machinery of Crime Control. It is argued here that if and when the institutions
of crime control are inefifective, as they too often are, the decrepit machinery
of criminal justice administration is per se a contributory cause of crime and delinquency.
Especially is this true on the state and local levels, as illustrated by the
overlapping and uncoordinated machinery for the apprehesion, trial, imprisonment,
and parole of offenders. A specific example of the clumsy machinery of local law
enforcement is the case of Los Angeles County, with its 46 separate bodies, most of
which function independently. This same anomaly exists in Cook County, Illinois,
and in many other metropolitan areas.
Another instance is the obsolescent county jail system and the need for a re-examination
of its role in crime control. The county jail is the prototype of all American
prisons and exceeds in number and influence all other prisons put together. Its continued
use in its present form is self-defeating, to say the least.
The theory here advanced amply attests the scientific soundness of the current
trend in penology, namely: the principle of individualization in the diagnosis and
treatment of the offender.
Perhaps the most far-reaching implication of this theory of crime causation is
the conclusion that we can no longer hope to find a universal panacea or a palliative.
Crime cannot be dealt with intelligently en bloc any more than disease can be effec-
398 ARTHUR L. BEELEY [Vol. 45
tiyely treated or wholly prevented en bloc. Progress in treatment and prevention will
probably be achieved in much the same way it was achieved in the field of medicine
and public health, that is, by the isolation and control of specific patterns or symp-
tom-complexes.
REFERENCES: REPRESENTATIVE TITLES
1. AcKERLY, SPAFEORD, Rebellion and Its Relation to Delinquency and Neurosis in 60 Adolescents,
AMER. JOUR. ORTHOPSYCH., 3: 147-60, April, 1933.
2. AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, Prisons of Tomorrow. T H E ANNALS,
Vol., 157, Sept., 1931 (Ed. by E. H. Sutherland and Thorsten Sellin).
3. BANAY, RALPH S., Alcoholism and Crime, QUART. JOUR. STUDIES IN ALCOHOL, 2:686-716, March,
1942.
4. BEELEY, ARTHUR L., T H E BAIL SYSTEM IN CHICAGO, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1927.
5. BLUMER, HERBERT, AND HAUSER, PHILIP, MOVIES, DELINQUENCY AND CRIME, New York, 1933.
6. BRUCE, A. A., BURGESS, E . W . , AND HARNO, A. J., T H E WORKING OF THE INDETERMINATE
SENTENCE LAW AND THE PAROLE SYSTEM IN ILLINOIS, Springfield, n . , 1928.
7. CuNARD, MARSHALL B., The Process of Urbanization and Criminal Behavior, AM. JOUR. SOCIOL.,
48: 202-13, Sept., 1942.
8. CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN CLEVELAND, Part III, T H E CRIMINAL COURTS, Cleveland: Cleveland
Foundation, 1922.
9. DoDSON, DAN W . , T H E ROLE OF INSTITUTIONALIZED RELIGION IN ETHNIC GROUPS OF DALLAS,
M. A. Thesis, So. Methodist Univ., 1937.
10. FERNALD, MABLE R., HAYES, M . H . S., et al., A STUDY OF WOMEN DELINQUENTS IN NEW YORK
STATE, New York: Century Co., 1920.
11. GLUECK, BERNARD, A Study of 608 Admissions to Sing Sing Prison, MENTAL HYGIENE, Vol. 2:
85-151, 1918.
12. GLUECK, SHELDON AND ELEANOR, UNRAVELING JUVENILE DELINQUENCY, New York: Commonwealth
Fund, 1950, Chapter XVIII, Character and Personality Structure.
13. GORING, CHARLES, T H E ENGLISH CONVICT, A STATISTICAL STUDY, London: H. M. Stationery
Office, 1919.
14. HALLIDAY, JAMES L., PSYCHOSOCIAL MEDICINE (A Study of the Sick Society), New York: Norton
& Co., 1948.
15. HARRIS, FRANK, T H E PRESENTATION OF CRIME IN THE NEWSPAPERS, Hanover, N. H. Sociological
Press, 1932.
16. HEALY, WILLLAM, MENTAL CONFLICTS AND MISCONDUCT, Boston: Little, Brown, & Co., 1917.
17. HEALY, WILLIAM, THE INDIVIDUAL DELINQUENT, Boston: Little, Brown, & Co., 1915.
18. HEALY, WILLIAM, AND BRONNER, AUGUSTA, HOW Does the School Produce or Prevent Delinquency?
JOUR. EDUC. SOCIOL., 6: 450-70, April, 1933.
19. HEALY, WILLIAM, AND BRONNER, AUGUSTA, Judge Baker Foundation Case Studies, Series No. 1,
New York: Knopf, 1929.
20. HEALY, WILLIAM, AND BRONNER, AUGUSTA, NEW LIGHT ON DELINQUENCY AND ITS TREATMENT,
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936.
21. KARPMAN, BEN, CASE STUDIES IN THE PSYCHOPATHOLOGY OF CRIME, Washington, 1933.
22. Kefauver's Crime Committee Report, SPECLAL COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE ORGANIZED CRIME
IN INTERSTATE COMMERCE, Third Interim Report, U. S. Senate 82nd Congress, Report No.
307, Washington, 1951.
23. LEVY, DAVID M . , Studies in Sibling Rivalry, Monograph Series No. 2, AMER. JOUR, OF ORTHOPSYCHIAT.,
1937.
24. LEVY, JOHN, A Quantitative Study of Behavior Problems in Relation to Family Constellations,
AMER. JOUR. PSYCHIAT., 10: 637-654, 1931.
25. LEWIS, NOLAN D . C , AND YARNELL, HELEN, PATHOLOGICAL FIRESETTING (Pyromania), New
York: Nervous & Mental Disease Monographs, No. 82, 1951.
19541 SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRIME 399
26. LiNDESMiTH, A. R., A Sociotogical Theory of Drug Addiction, AMER. JOUR. SOCIOL., 43: 593-609,
January, 1938.
27. NATIONAL COMMISSION ON LAW OBSERVANCE & ENFORCEMENT, NO., 14, 1931, The Police,
Washington: U. S. Govt. Printing Office.
28. NEUMEYER, MARTIN H . , AND ESTER S., LEISURE AND RECREATION, New York: Barnes & Co.,
1936 and 1949.
29. New York Legislature, REPORT OF JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE GOVERNMENT or THE CITY OF N E W
YORK (Hofstadter and Seabury Committee), 5 Vols. in 2, New York, 1932.
30. POUND, ROSCOE, CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN AMERICA, New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1930.
31. REDL, FRITZ, AND WINEMAN, DAVID, CHILDREN WHO HATE, Glencoe, III.: The Free Press, 1951.
32. SELLIN, THORSTEN, CRIME IN THE DEPRESSION, New York: Social Science Research Council,
1937.
33. SELLIN, THORSTEN, CULTURE CONFLICT AND CRIME, Bulletin 41, New York: Social Science Research
Council, 1938.
34. SHAW, CLIFFORD, AND MCKAY, HENRY, Social Factors in Juvenile Detinquency, NATIONAL
COMMISSION ON LAW OBSERVANCE AND ENFORCEMENT, NO. 13, June 26, 1931, Report on the
Causes of Crime, Vol. II, Part II and III, Washington: U. S. Govt. Printing Office.
35. SHELDON, WILLIAM H . , VARIETIES OF DELINQUENT YOUTH, An Introduction to Constitutional
Psychiatry, New York: Harpers, 1949.
36. STUAKT, JOHANNES, Mobility and Delinquency. AMER. JOUR. ORTHOPSYCHIAT., 6: 486-493,
October, 1936.
37. SUTHERLAND, EDWIN H . , WHITE COLLAR CRIME, New York: Dryden Press, 1949.
38. THOMAS, VV. L, AND ZNANIECKI, F., T H E POLISH PEASANT IN EUROPE AND AMERICA, New York:
Knopf, 1927, Vol. II.
39. THRASHER, FREDERICK M . , T H E GANG: A STUDY OF 1313 GANGS IN CHICAGO, Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1927.
40. TuLCHiN, SIMON H . , INTELLIGENCE AND CRIME, A STUDY OF PENITENTIARY AND REFORMATORY
OFFENDERS, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939.
41. U. S. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Parole, SURVEY OF RELEASE PROCEDURES, Vol. IV, Washington,
D. C:, 1939, pp. 545-659.
42. WiNSLOW, EMMA A., Relationships Between Employment and Crime Fluctuations as Shown by the
Massachusetts Statistics, NATL. COM. ON LAW OBS. AND ENF., NO. 13, Vol. I, 1939, pp. 257-333,
op. cit.
43. WiRTH, LOUIS, Culture Conflict and Delinquency, AMER. JOUR, OF SOCIOL. FORCES, 9: 484-492,
June, 1931.
Note: Some of my contemporaries have made admirable contributions to the etiological theory
of crime and delinquency. The following are noteworthy:
SELLIN, THORSTEN, A Sociological Approach to the Study of Crime Causation, CULTURE CONFLICT
AND CRIME, Bulletin 41, Chapter II, New York: Social Science Research Council, 1938.
SUTHERLAND, EDWIN H . , A Theory of Criminology, PRINCIPLES OF CRIMINOLOGY, (4th Edition),
Chapter 1, New York: Lippincott Co., 1947.
TAPPAN, PAUL W., The Problem of Cause, JUVENILE DELINQUENCY, Chapter III, New York: McGrawHill
Co., 1949.—The author.