1   Community  Broadcasting:  Publics,  Participants  and  Policies     By  Henry  Loeser           Introduction     Overview   Community  broadcasting  is  an  established  worldwide  phenomenon,  with  thousands  of   terrestrial  radios  and  television  channels  operating  alongside  their  commercial  and  public   service  counterparts  across  the  world.  Association  Mondiale  des  Radiodiffuseurs   Communautaires  (AMARC),  an  international  trade  association  of  community  radios,  claims   nearly  4,000  members  from  110  countries.1  Europe  is  an  especially  robust  environment  for   community  broadcasting,  where  more  than  20  European  Union  (EU)  states  have  some  form  of   community  radio  or  television.  Community  Media  Forum  Europe  (CMFE),  estimated  in  a  survey   of  media  regulators  that  there  are  more  than  2,000  terrestrial  community  radios,  and  500   community  televisions  currently  broadcasting  in  Europe.2  The  rich  history  and  multi-­‐faceted   development  of  community  broadcasting  form  the  background  for  this  examination  of  the   phenomenon.     Nicholas  Jankowski  (2002,  6)  describes  community  media  as:  “a  diverse  range  of  mediated   forms  of  communication:  print  media  such  as  newspapers  and  magazines,  electronic  media   such  as  radio  and  television,  and  electronic  initiatives  (…)”.  Arne  Hintz  (2016)  lists  numerous   forms  included  in  research  by  members  of  the  International  Association  for  Media  and   Communication  Research  (IAMCR)  Community  Communication  Section3  including  "community,   alternative,  radical,  social,  citizen,  citizens',  activist,  grassroots,  DIY,  civic,  participatory,  social   movement-­‐oriented,  development-­‐oriented,  and  civil  society-­‐based  media".  While  community   media  is  a  term  often  used  in  describing  broadcasters,  there  is  an  important  distinction   between  broadcasters  and  other  community  media  forms  such  as  community  theatre,                                                                                                                   1 For more information on this claim, see About AMARC at: http://www.amarc.org/?q=node/5. 2 To view the report and methodology, see CMFE Community Media Mapping Project at: http://cmfe.eu/?p=864. 3 The IAMCR Community Communication Section can be referenced here: http://iamcr.org/leicester2016/cfp_coc.   2   community  press,  community  film,  and/or  community  telecentres4 .  Community  broadcasting   shares  many  of  the  same  philosophies  and  attributes  of  other  community  media  forms,  but  is  a   unique  linear  audio-­‐visual  broadcast  service  using  electronic  technology  to  deliver  programs  for   mass  audiences  to  consume  via  receiving  devices.  Community  broadcasting  in  this  volume   describes  community  broadcasting  entities  located  in  democracies,  generally  beginning  in  the   postwar  era  of  the  1940s  up  to  the  present.  The  discussion  generally  describes  those   community  broadcasters  that  are  either  illegally  operating  as  so-­‐called  “pirates”,  or  legally   authorized  and  licensed  entities,  who  typically  deliver  their  output  on  terrestrial  frequencies   and/or  wired  cable  delivery  systems.       Definitions  of  community  media  can  be  as  varied  as  the  many  scholars,  advocates  and   practitioners  that  offer  them.  Jankowski  (2002,  7)  offers  a  list  of  the  main  characteristics  of   community  media:     1.  objectives:  to  provide  news  and  information  relevant  to  the  needs  of  community  members,   to  engage  these  members  in  public  communication  via  the  community  medium;  to  empower   the  politically  disenfranchised;   2.  ownership  and  control:  often  shared  by  community  residents,  local  government  and   community-­‐based  organizations;   3.    content:  locally  oriented  and  produced;   -­‐  media  production:  involving  non-­‐professionals  and  volunteers;   4.  audience:  predominantly  located  within  a  relatively  small,  clearly  defined  geographic  region,   although  some  community  networks  attract  large  and  physically  dispersed  audience;   5.  financing:  essentially  non-­‐commercial,  the  overall  budget  may  involve  corporate  sponsorship,   advertising,  and  government  subsidies.       Apart  from  the  attributes  generally  associated  with  the  phenomenon,  the  context  of  its  location   in  society  is  also  important.  Howley  (2010,  2)  asserts  that  community  media:  “assumes  many   forms  and  takes  on  different  meanings  depending  on  the  felt  need  of  the  community,  and  the   resources  and  opportunities  available  to  local  populations  at  a  particular  time  and  place.”   Varying  philosophies  and  concepts  also  serve  to  illuminate  the  raison  d’étre  for  community   media.  Barry  Melville  (2007)  of  the  Community  Broadcasting  Association  of  Australia  (CBA)                                                                                                                   4 ICT (information and communication technologies) telecentres provide an open space for communities to access and deploy various technologies such as computers and telecommunication networks. You can see more here: http://www.telecentre.org/.   3   describes  community  broadcasting  as  being  “sustained  by  the  principles  of  access  and   participation,  volunteerism,  diversity,  independence  and  localism”.  In  supporting  and   promoting  community  media,  advocates  and  practitioners  abide  by  a  set  of  principles  encoded   in  the  articles  and  publications  of  their  trade  associations.  The  AMARC  Community  Radio   Impact  Assessment  (2007,  63)  states:  “Community  radio  should  not  be  run  for  profit,  but  for   social  gain  and  community  benefit;  it  should  by  owned  by  and  accountable  to  the  community  it   seeks  to  serve,  and  it  should  provide  for  participation  by  the  community  in  program  making  and   in  management.”     Government  institutions  offer  interventions  that  can  influence  the  decisions  of  legislators  and   regulators  in  policy  making,  and  also  provide  guidance  for  the  sector.  Peter  Lewis  (2008,  13)   cites  the  Council  of  Europe  (COE)  list  of  “shared  interests  and  common  principles”  of   community  media,  compiled  from  submissions  of  participants  at  the  2005  COE  Ministerial   Conference  in  Kiev,  Ukraine:     1.  freedom  of  speech  and  media  plurality   2.  public  and  gender  access   3.  cultural  diversity   4.  not-­‐for-­‐profit   5.  self-­‐determination   6.  transparency   7.  promotion  of  media  literacy     For  scholars,  theoretical  perspectives  of  community  media  approach  the  subject  from  varying   contexts,  attributes,  definitions  and  typologies,  contributing  to  understanding  the   phenomenon.  Still,  there  is  much  to  learn  about  the  publics,  participants  and  policies  of   community  broadcasting.         Publics   Much  like  their  media  counterparts,  community  broadcasting  organizations  are  typically   composed  of  departments  responsible  for  carrying  out  basic  line  functions  such  as   programming,  technics,  marketing,  and  revenue  development,  with  support  and  leadership   from  the  administration  and  management  functions.  Though  community  broadcast   organizations  are  known  for  a  commitment  to  democratic  principles,  these  organizations   commonly  are  formed  with  a  hierarchical  structure,  overseen  by  an  elected  board  of  directors.   The  board  members  are  typically  volunteers,  who  may  be  external  cooperators,  or  hold  regular   positions  within  the  organization,  whether  paid  or  unpaid.  The  board  represents  the  owners  of     4   the  legal  entity  and/or  license  holder  of  the  medium  and  has  autonomous  fiduciary   responsibility  for  its  successful  operation,  primarily  through  approving  strategies,  plans,  and   budgets  prepared  by  management.  Here  it’s  important  to  note  the  distinction  between  free-­‐ standing  “independent”  community  broadcasting  organizations  that  are  owned  and  operated   by  the  license  holder,  as  opposed  to  cable-­‐access  and  government-­‐owned  open  channel   models,  in  which  the  aforementioned  legal,  fiduciary  and  management  control  of  their   operation  rests  with  the  commercial  cable  system  owner  or  the  government.       Community  Radio   The  current  paradigm  of  community  radio  features  a  galaxy  of  remarkably  similar,  yet  disparate   forms  of  radio  stations  around  the  globe,  often  identifiable  by  their  respective  commitments  to   various  ideals  of  community  broadcasting,  but  more  basically  by  their  technical  and   organizational  configuration.  The  term  radio  in  this  context  generally  refers  to  the  traditional   mass  medium  of  audio  production  and  terrestrial  broadcast  distribution  currently  found  on  the   FM  dial.  That's  the  starting  point  for  a  wide-­‐ranging  discussion  of  what  radio  is  now,  what  it  was   in  the  past,  and  what  it  will  be  in  the  future.  Physically,  a  typical  local  FM  community  radio   requires  a  simple  studio  for  production,  a  link  to  a  transmitter  mounted  on  a  mast,  and  the   requisite  office  space  to  manage  the  enterprise.  These  terrestrial  linear  audio  broadcasting   stations  typically  (but  not  exclusively)  transmit  on  the  FM  band  between  87  –  109  MHz,  and  are   received  by  FM  radio  receivers  in  homes,  offices  and  autos,  the  same  as  for  commercial  and   public  service  radios.  Depending  on  transmitter  power  and  height  of  the  antenna  above   surrounding  terrain,  standard  FM  signal  coverage  areas  range  upwards  of  100  kilometers  in   diameter,  making  it  ideal  for  local  broadcasting  to  cities  and  towns,  as  well  as  limited  rural   areas.  Low  Power  FM  (LPFM)  utilizes  the  same  technology  as  other  FM  configurations,  but  with   substantially  less  transmitting  power  designed  to  serve  a  much  smaller  broadcast  signal   footprint  (typically  less  than  10  kilometers  in  diameter).  For  regulators,  LPFM  offers  a  solution   to  the  problem  of  over-­‐allocation  of  FM  frequencies  because  LPFM  signals  are  able  to  fit   between  and  within  the  geographic  and  bandwidth  footprints  of  standard  FM  broadcasts,   without  causing  interference.  Whether  communities  are  identified  as  a  small  neighborhood  (or   even  a  small  group  within  a  neighborhood),  or  as  an  entire  city,  either  standard  FM  or  LPFM  can   be  configured  to  best  serve  the  constituents.     The  barrier  to  entry  for  technological  considerations  in  radio  is  quite  low,  which  has  greatly   contributed  to  the  development  of  community  radio  worldwide.  The  equipment  to  produce  and   transmit  audio  output  on  FM  frequencies  is  simple  to  use  and  cheap  to  buy,  as  are  the  receivers   used  by  listeners  to  capture  the  transmitted  signal.  Deployment  of  simple  antennae  mounted   on  a  mast  means  community  radios  can  be  located  in  a  myriad  of  locations,  and  are  especially   suited  for  urban  environments  comprised  of  diverse  communities.  In  Austria  for  example,  the     5   FM  spectrum  is  managed  to  provide  specifically-­‐designed  broadcasting  footprints  that  match   the  communities  they  serve.  Most  radios  are  “city-­‐wide”,  standard  FM  broadcasts  covering  a   whole  city  and  the  communities  within  it.  Radio  Orange  in  Vienna  has  an  FM  signal  covering   most  of  the  metropolitan  area  with  more  than  1  million  potential  listeners.  In  the  USA  and   Hungary,  LPFM  systems  are  deployed  to  cover  only  a  small  portion  of  a  city  or  town,  such  as   KALY-­‐FM  radio  in  Minneapolis,  Minnesota  (see  Figure  1)  which  serves  the  neighborhoods   containing  large  numbers  of  residents  in  the  Somali-­‐American  community  (Prometheus  2015),   and  Civil  Radio  in  Budapest,  Hungary  serving  the  neighborhoods  of  Buda  west  of  the  Danube   River.       Figure  1:  Broadcasters  at  KALY-­‐FM  in  Minneapolis,  Minnesota  USA     Community  Television   The  current  paradigm  of  community  television  can  be  viewed  on  the  whole  in  the  context  of   two  distinctly  differing  operational  models  each  having  their  own  separate  identities.  First,  the   “access”  model  of  cable-­‐access  TV  and  European  open-­‐channel  TV,  and  second,  the   “independent”  model  of  free-­‐standing  owner-­‐operated  TV  stations.  These  typologies  then  serve   to  frame  development  of  the  form  with  regards  to  programming,  policy,  funding,  sustainability,   and  impact  in  the  respective  societies  in  which  they  operate.     As  their  names  imply,  the  access  TV  models  offer  access  for  people  to  the  facilities  for   production,  the  training  necessary  to  obtain  the  skills  for  production,  and  the  delivery  of  their   programming  output.  In  the  case  of  the  cable-­‐access  Public  Educational  Government  (PEG)   model  that  originated  in  the  United  States  and  Canada,  the  local  commercial  cable  operators,     6   as  a  condition  of  their  exclusive  distribution  franchise  contract  with  the  city  or  county,  are   required  to  provide  for  access  to  erstwhile  content  producers  from  within  the  cable  system   coverage  area.  The  PEG  moniker  refers  to  a  hybrid  combination  of  previously  separate  channels   on  disparate  platforms  for  standard  public  access  to  individuals  and  groups,  educational   services  delivered  over  broadcast  media,  and  local  government  output  of  information  and   coverage  of  government  activities.  The  inclusion  of  this  access  requirement  became  almost   standardized  in  cable  systems  contracts  in  the  build-­‐up  of  the  cable  TV  paradigm  in  the  USA  and   Canada  (Linder  1999).  The  funding  mechanism  for  this  cable  access  PEG  model  is  typically   included  as  a  provision  in  the  cable  system  operator  agreement  with  the  local  government  and   can  be  a  fixed  annual  fee  or  an  amount  based  on  a  formula  related  to  the  number  of   subscribers  and  revenue  for  the  commercial  cable  operator.     The  European  open-­‐channel  version  of  access  television  offers  the  same  opportunities  for   access,  training,  production  and  delivery  as  the  cable  access  model,  with  one  very  important   difference.  Open  channels  are  typically  owned  and  operated  directly  by  the  media  regulatory   agency  with  jurisdiction  over  the  distribution  area.  The  media  regulator  constructs  and   operates  the  production  facilities  and,  where  feasible,  also  the  delivery  systems,  either   terrestrial  or  cable.  In  other  cases,  the  regulator  will  reserve  channels  on  local  commercially-­‐ owned  cable  systems  for  their  open  channels.  The  media  regulator  in  the  case  of  open  channels   takes  full  responsibility  for  funding  all  aspects  of  the  open  channel  operations,  typically   contained  in  an  annual  budget  allocation.  The  open  channel  models  of  ownership  and  control   apply  to  both  radios  and  televisions  primarily  in  portions  of  Germany  and  Scandinavia.     The  independent  model  of  community  television  is  distinctly  different  from  the  access  model  in   that  they  are  owned,  operated,  and  licensed  independent  of  commercial  cable  systems   operators,  local  governments  or  media  regulators.  Independent  TV  stations  are  typically   founded  by  individuals  and/or  community  groups  for  many  of  the  same  reasons  as  their  access   counterparts,  but  in  these  cases  they  are  able,  due  to  favorable  circumstances  in  their  societal   environment,  to  establish  free-­‐standing  community  media  organizations  with  direct  access  to   available  terrestrial  broadcasting  frequencies  and  cable  channels.  These  broadcasters  typically   own  and  operate  their  own  facilities  for  production  and  training,  then  rely  on  the  external   operators,  such  as  commercial  cable  operators  and/or  commercial  terrestrial   tower/transmission  operators  for  distribution  of  their  output.  Access  to  these  external   distribution  systems  is  typically  mandated  as  a  provision  of  their  licensing  agreements  with  the   government  media  regulatory  agencies,  and/or  local  governments’  agreements  with   commercial  cable  systems  operators.         7   Jankowski  (1998)  in  his  examination  of  community  television  delineates  between  the  pure   access  model  philosophy,  and  the  more  community-­‐oriented  independent  model.  In  some   states  (for  example  Australia,  Denmark,  Norway,  Switzerland  and  Austria),  these  independent   channels,  while  not  owned  or  operated  by  units  of  government,  are  funded  primarily  from  the   local  city  governments  in  which  they  operate,  bolstered  by  additional  funds  from   regional/national  government  funds  supporting  arts  and  culture.  Where  government  funding  is   not  typical,  these  televisions  (like  their  radio  counterparts)  must  rely  on  sponsorships,   advertising  (where  permitted),  donations  from  supporters,  and  project-­‐based  funding  grants  for   their  financial  sustainability.         Figure  2:  Broadcasters  at  OKTO  TV  in  Vienna,  Austria         Participants   For  participants,  community  media  can  be  understood  simply  as  a  space  where  they  are  able  to   express  themselves  to  their  community,  or  as  complex  as  a  method  of  response  to  issues  of  the   larger  world  around  them.  Carpentier  (2011,  355)  notes:  “Participation  occurs  (or  can  occur)  in   a  variety  of  social  realms,  which  generate  a  multitude  of  interconnections  of  discursive  and   material  practices.”  In  a  typical  community  broadcasting  organization,  the  main  source  of  labor   is  volunteer  participants,  mostly  part-­‐time  workers  in  their  free  time  apart  from  personal  and   professional  commitments  elsewhere.  These  participants  are  primarily  producers  of  programs,   but  they  also  can  fulfill  unpaid  duties  in  the  other  functions  of  the  organization,  as  their  skills     8   and  experience  warrant.  Volunteers  are  the  engine  that  powers  the  community  broadcasting   phenomenon,  and  without  them  the  model  would  be  fundamentally  changed  and  likely   unsustainable.       Beginning  with  perhaps  the  simple  goals  of  access  and  participation  in  media  spheres,  the   motivations  and  interests  of  these  participants  can  also  include  individual  development,   community  development,  promotion  of  local  arts  &  culture,  political  ideology,  alternativism  to   mainstream  channels,  and  promotion  of  their  group  identity,  just  to  name  a  few.  The  views  of   the  participants  generally  construct  the  philosophy  of  the  independent  community   broadcasting  organizations,  and  in  some  cases,  also  the  policy  that  governs  them.  In  the  case  of   cable-­‐access  and  open  channels,  participants  may  have  similar  interests  and  motivations,  but   the  owners  and  managers  are  merely  service  providers,  albeit  with  a  directive  to  fulfill  many  of   the  aforementioned  objectives,  but  not  necessarily  connected  philosophically  to  the   participants  and  their  communities.     Regardless  of  why  they  come,  volunteers  remain  the  driving  force  of  the  sector.  OFCOM  (2015)   reports  that  in  the  UK  in  2014,  more  than  20,000  volunteers  worked  a  total  of  more  than  2.5   million  hours  participating  at  230  local  community  radios.  This  computes  to  an  average  of  87   volunteers  per  channel  working  10  hours  per  month.5  Large  organizational  examples  from  the   enclosed  case  studies  include  TV  OKTO  in  Vienna,  Austria,  that  claims  more  than  500  volunteer   participants  and  100  programming  groups  (OKTO  2015),  and  student  Radio  R  in  Brno,  Czech   Republic,  which  reports  more  than  150  active  volunteers  (Radio  R  2015).  Small  examples  of   community  broadcasters  include  Radio  Ypsilon  in  Hollabrunn,  Austria,  and  Radio  Bomba  in   Plzen,  Czech  Republic,  each  estimated  to  have  fewer  than  30  volunteer  participants.       Audiences   The  burdens  carried  by  commercial  and  public  service  broadcasters  mentioned  above  are   symbiotically  dependent  on  attracting  and  maintaining  large  audiences  to  their  output.   Commercial  broadcasters  cannot  survive  in  a  competitive  marketplace  without  substantial   audience  figures  they  can  offer  to  prospective  advertisers,  and  public  service  operators  will  face   substantial  questioning  of  their  efficacy  if  they  fail  to  deliver  large  audiences  from  every  corner   of  their  country.  Community  broadcasters  typically  have  a  much  smaller  remit,  mandated  only   to  reach  the  communities  they  serve.  These  third-­‐sector  broadcasters,  whether  large  or  small,   radio  or  television,  are  programmed  mostly  by  amateur  volunteer  participants,  and  simply  not   held  to  the  audience  delivery  expectations  of  their  professional  counterparts.  Furthermore,                                                                                                                   5 OFCOM conducts an annual survey by requiring each licensed media organization to produce a standardized report of their operation.   9   because  the  ethos  of  community  broadcasting  begins  with  the  philosophies  of  access  and   participation,  community  broadcasters  are  often  judged  not  by  the  audience  they  deliver,  but   the  level  of  participation  by  their  community  members.         Programs   Free  from  the  burden  of  profit  that  commercial  media  must  provide,  or  the  constraints  of   serving  governments  like  public  service  media,  programs  on  community  broadcast  channels  can   be  as  varied  as  the  people  who  produce  them.  Following  the  general  categories  of  information,   opinion  and  entertainment,  programs  then  can  be  seen  to  serve  the  interests  and  fulfill  the   motivations  of  the  volunteer  producers.  From  political  ideology  to  gardening,  the  range  of   program  subjects  and  ways  to  present  them  is  limited  often  only  by  the  producers’   imaginations.  This  variety  of  outputs  also  fulfills  key  elements  of  the  community  media   philosophy,  including  access  and  participation,  freedom  of  expression,  diversity,  and  media   pluralism.  Similar  to  the  dynamic  of  the  relationship  between  why  volunteers  participate  and   the  characteristics  of  their  media  organizations,  this  same  dynamic  is  common  between  the   characteristics  of  the  broadcasting  organization  and  the  programs  it  transmits.  Some   independent  broadcasters  have  a  singular  philosophy  promoting  their  specific  cultural   representation  or  political  ideology,  while  many  others  are  a  mixed-­‐model  of  encouraging  a   diverse  array  of  programs  from  many  parts  of  the  community  it  serves.  Similar  to  this  latter   model,  most  cable-­‐access  and  open  channels  are  committed  to  a  pure  access  philosophy,   simply  providing  the  facilities  for  transmitting  whatever  participants  produce,  with  limited   curation.     Policies   While  the  ethos  of  free  expression,  the  human  right  to  communicate,  and  diversity  of  program   content  are  the  bedrock  of  community  broadcasting  philosophy,  content  produced  by   participants  and  transmitted  by  community  broadcasters  is  not  without  constraint.   Governments,  as  stewards  of  the  public  communications  and  broadcast  infrastructure,  have  a   responsibility  to  adhere  to  the  mandate  of  responsibilities  given  them  by  the  citizens  of  their   nations.  Those  responsibilities  are  encoded  in  the  law,  managed  through  the  rules  and   regulations  enforced  by  media  regulators,  and  apply  to  all  users  of  the  public  terrestrial   airwaves  and  cable  systems  rights-­‐of-­‐way.  Community  broadcasters  as  license  holders  are   subject  to  penalty  from  media  regulators  just  as  their  commercial  and  public  service   counterparts  for  violations  of  policies  regarding  pornographic  content,  hate  speech,  slander,   and  incitement.  Codes  of  practice  and  organizational  ethics  also  preclude  many  types  of   content,  including  certain  forms  of  advertising,  religion,  and  even  politics.  In  discussing  the   separate  but  interconnected  roles  of  community  radio  and  television,  the  policy  and  regulatory   requirements  for  electronic  broadcasting  places  them  in  relative  competition  with  commercial     10   and  public  service  broadcasters  for  finite  delivery  capacities,  and  plays  a  major  role  in  their   development  (or  lack  thereof).  This  “third  sector”  context  of  comparison  to  commercial  and   public  service  broadcasting,  and  how  it  affects  the  development  of  community  broadcasting  is   perhaps  the  most  common  frame  for  examining  and  understanding  the  phenomenon   (McChesney  2004),  and  challenges  policy  makers  to  serve  the  interests  of  communities  as  well   as  commercial  and  state  interests  (Girard  1992).       Funding   Funding  is  a  key  element  to  the  success  and  sustainability  of  community  broadcasters,  and  one   of  the  most  difficult  challenges.  The  social,  economic  and  political  environments  in  which   community  broadcasters  operate  greatly  influences  funding  opportunities  and  strategies,  as   does  the  policy  that  governs  them.  Independently  owned  and  operated  broadcasting   organizations  commonly  aspire  to  maintain  a  mix  of  revenue  sources,  including  one  or  more  of   the  following:  annual  government  funds,  government  project-­‐based  and  fee-­‐for-­‐service  funds,   community  donations,  memberships,  sponsorships,  advertising,  special  promotional  initiatives,   and  more.  Government  funding  schemes  are  usually  competition-­‐based  by  the  respective   media  regulator,  who  disburses  the  allotted  funds  based  on  an  assessment  of  annual   broadcasters’  proposals  for  performance.  Funding  levels  can  range  from  adequate  (Austria,   South  Africa,  France,  Ireland,  Australia),  to  inadequate  (UK,  USA),  to  virtually  non-­‐existent  (Italy,   Spain,  Central/Eastern  Europe,  most  of  Latin  America,  Africa,  Asia).  In  the  case  of  cable-­‐access   and  open  channel  models,  funding  is  commonly  not  an  issue  for  communities,  because  they  do   not  own  or  operate  the  media,  which  are  funded  by  the  respective  owners  of  the  channel  as  a   service  for  the  community  users.                                     11           Carpentier,  N.  (2011).  Media  and  Participation:  A  Site  of  Ideological-­‐Democratic  Struggle.   Bristol,  UK:  Intellect.     Hintz,  A.  (2016).  Correspondence  8.2.2016.     Howley,  K.  (2010).  Understanding  Community  Media.  London:  Sage  Publications.     Jankowski,  N.  (2002).  “The  Conceptual  Contours  of  Community  Radio”.  In  N.  Jankowski  and  O   Preen.  (eds.).  Community  Media  in  the  Information  Age:  Perspectives  and  Prospects.  Cresskill,   NJ:  Hampton  Press.  Pp.  3-­‐16.     Jankowski,  N.  (1999).  “The  Netherlands:  Regional  Television  Comes  of  Age”.  Proximity   Television  and  the  Information  Society  in  Europe.  M.  de  Moraga  (ed.).  London,  UK.:  Libbey.     Lewis,  P.  (2008).  “Report  on  Promoting  Social  Cohesion:  The  Role  of  Community  Media”.   Strasbourg:  Council  of  Europe.  http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/standardsetting/media/doc/H-­‐ Inf%282008%29013_en.pdf  Accessed  21.12.2015     Lindner,  L.  (1999).  Public  Access  Television:  America’s  Electronic  Soapbox.  Westport,  CT.:   Greenwood  Publishing.     Melville,  B.  (2007)  “Taking  Community  Media  to  the  Next  Level”.  Editorial.  Community   Broadcasting  Association  of  Australia.  https://www.cbaa.org.au/article/editorial-­‐taking-­‐ community-­‐media-­‐next-­‐level  Accessed  17.12.2015     OFCOM  (2015).  “Ten  Years  of  Community  Radio  in  the  UK”.  Report.   http://media.ofcom.org.uk/news/2015/ten-­‐years-­‐of-­‐community-­‐radio-­‐in-­‐the-­‐uk/    Accessed  18.12.2015     TV  OKTO.  (2015).  “OKTO  Lesen  FAQ”.  http://www.okto.tv/lesen/faq   Accessed  18.12.2015       12   Prometheus  Radio.  (2015).  “Somali  Community  Gets  on  the  Air  with  KALY  in  Minneapolis”.   http://www.prometheusradio.org/somali-­‐community-­‐gets-­‐air-­‐kaly-­‐minneapolis  Accessed   14.12.2015     Radio  R.  (2015).  “O  Nas”.  http://www.radio-­‐r.cz/o-­‐nas/   Accessed  18.12.2015