This article was downloaded by: [University of Toronto Libraries] On: 25 December 2014, At: 02:18 Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society
Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
http:/ / www.tandfonline.com/ loi/ thed20
The rationalisation of the body: physical education in Hungary in the nineteenth century
Miklos Hadas3
a Centre for Gender and Culture , Corvinus University of Budapest , Budapest, Hungary Published online: 09 Jan 2009.
To cite this article: Miklos Hadas (2009) The rationalisation of the body: physical education in Hungary in the nineteenth century, History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society, 38:1, 61-77, DOI: 10.1080/ 00467600701529870
To link to thisarticle: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1080/00467600701529870
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the "Content") contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
History of Education
Vol. 38, No. 1, January 2009, 61-77
Routledge
Taylor fitFrancis Group
The rationalisation of the body: physical education in Hungary in the nineteenth century
Miklos Hadas*
Centre for Gender and Culture, Corvinus University of Budapest, Budapest, Hungary
This article highlights how turnen, the modernised form of earlier gymnastic exercises, emerged in Hungary in the second part of the nineteenth century. It is argued that although the advocates of the turnen movement are gradually squeezed from the spheres of modern competitive sports, their strategies of expansion are successful: earlier gymnastic exercises turn into compulsory turnen lessons in state schools. Due to the success of the movement, an intricate web of forces emerges, i.e. the field of turnen is born. As part of the expansion of modernity the obedient, disciplined, adaptable, publicly displayed rational young body becomes the precondition of a planned future.
Keywords: modernity; gymnastics; field of turnen; sports; disciplined bodies; Hungary; nineteenth century
The historical context
Although Hungary was more archaic and 'backward' in several respects in the nineteenth century than the majority of Western European societies, social changes moved in the same direction: towards modernisation. Michael Grant's formulation, namely that European civilisations are interrelated and 'no European can be a complete exile in any part of Europe',1 holds true as far as the Hungarian Kingdom is concerned in this period. Eric Hobsbawm might also be quoted in this context: 'the educational highway seemed more attractive than the business highway.... In a sense education represented individualist competition, the "career open to talent" and the triumph of merit over birth and connection quite as effectively as business, and this through the device of the competitive examination'.2 Needless to say: physical education based on an 'optimistic view of men's perfectibility together with the institutionalisation of a rational and rationalised body politics was also part of this educational highway in different parts of Europe - including Hungary.
The events of 1848 and 1849 were the product of mounting social and political tensions after the Congress of Vienna of 1815. During the 'Pre-March' period, the Austrian Empire moved away from Enlightenment ideas, restricted freedom of the press, and limited many university activities, including banning fraternities. The crescendo of discontent of the various ethnic groups inside not only Hungary but the whole Habsburg Empire would
* Email: miklos.hadas@uni-corvinus.hu
1 Michael Grant, The Civilizations of Europe (London: Weidenfeld andNicolson, 1965), 3-4.
2 Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1962), 190-91.
3 Richard D. Mandell, Sport: a Cultural History, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 160-61.
ISSN 0046-760X print/ISSN 1464-5130 online
© 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/00467600701529870
http://www.informaworld.com
62     M. Hadas
climax in the March 1848 revolution. In Hungary, a new national cabinet took power and the Diet (parliament) approved a sweeping reform package that changed almost every aspect of Hungary's economic, social and political life, giving the Magyar nobility and lower gentry in the parliament control over its own military, its budget and foreign policy that essentially created an autonomous national kingdom of Hungary with the Habsburg Emperor as its king. To suppress the Hungarian forces, the Empire asked for Russian intervention. Austria and Russia successfully defeated Hungarian insurgents by August 1849, bringing the revolutions of 1848 to an end.
After the revolution, the emperor revoked Hungary's constitution and assumed absolute control. German became the language of administration and higher education. The first crack in Franz Joseph's neo-absolutist rule developed in 1859, when the forces of Sardinia and France defeated Austria at Solferno. The defeat convinced Franz Joseph that national and social opposition to his government was too strong to be managed by decree from Vienna. Gradually he recognised the necessity of concessions toward Hungary, and Austria and Hungary thus moved toward a compromise. Negotiations resulted in the 'Ausgleich' (Compromise) of 1867, which created, on the same territory, the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary, the successor to the Austrian Empire (1804-1867).
Under the new arrangement the Magyar-dominated government of Hungary gained near equal status to the Austrian government based in Vienna. The Habsburg dynasty ruled as Emperors of Austria over the western and northern half of the country and as Kings of Hungary over the Kingdom of Hungary, which enjoyed a significant degree of self-government and representation in joint affairs (principally foreign relations and defence). Periodically, every 10 years, details of the compromise were renegotiated, invariably resulting in internal crisis as the Hungarian side escalated its demands. The Dual Monarchy established by the Ausgleich was intended as an interim solution, but it lasted for 50 years after 1867, and was destroyed in 1918 by the fallout from the First World War. As a multinational empire and great power in an era of national awakening, it found its political life dominated by disputes among the 11 principal national groups. Its economic and social life was marked by rapid economic growth through the age of industrialisation and social modernisation through many liberal and democratic reforms. Austria-Hungary was geographically the second largest country in Europe (after the Russian Empire) and the third most populous (after Russia and the German Empire).
The beginning of physical education in Hungary
Each turnen lesson develops the ability to struggle. Each exercise is an obstacle which must be overcome. And this struggle is a worthy one. It does not mean the use of easier or more difficult sports apparatus, but a struggle with the whole body. It is the body that has to be controUed and overcome and promoted to being able, together with the soul, to stand its ground in all circumstances of life. Turnen is not to educate competitors but to raise worthy Hungarian people, ... not so much for the sake of sport or entertainment as for work and struggle. And not for the short period of youth but for the whole human life. Turnen ...do not hold competitions week by week, as they do not want to distract one's attention from study, work and duty, (emphasis added)4
Although Maria Theresa's Ratio Educationis, issued in 1777, declared that 'maintenance of the learning youth's health' was important, it mentioned 'game' only as a 'necessary good
Jánoš Kmetykó, 'Torna [Turnen]' in A sport enciklopédiája [Encyclopaedia of sports] (Budapest: Enciklopédia R.T., 1928), 75-105.
History of Education 63
based on everyday practice'. In 1806 the II. Ratio ruled this chapter out with other extra subjects - such as Greek language, geometry, local customs and journalism - to end students' overload.5 The credit for the introduction of organised gymnastic exercises into Hungary is due to a Frenchman, Ignacz Clair, a former captain of Napoleon's guard who arrived in Pest in the mid-1820s.6 In this period, there was only one similar institution in Hungary: the Fencing School, founded in 1824. In the early 1830s Clair held gymnastic lessons in his own Gymnastic Institute for both genders. The institute was converted into the Gymnastic Society in 1839. Between 1839 and 1851 the number of boys and girls who attended the training sessions were 1326 and 497 respectively, and 53 people were trained to become instructors.
The defining role in the introduction of physical education in Hungary was played by Protestant church schools and organisations. Jozsef Kritske, judge of Locse, a city in Northern Hungary, in charge of gymnastic education in the educational committee of the 1825 diet, suggested in his proposal that 'since during the past 25 years bodily education improved a lot not only in Europe but in the Habsburg Monarchy as well, bodily exercises should be given more space in the system of modern bodily education and it should also be introduced to schools'.8 The continuation of Kritske's concept was the plan by Karoly Zay issued in 1841 {'The school system of Lutherans of the Augustan confession in Hungary'), in which the author underlines the importance of 'body training' at schools and employing trainers, and also suggests the construction of sports halls.9 In 1842 his plan was accepted at the general meeting of the Lutherans of the Augustan Confession.10 Similar decisions were made by the Calvinist College of Debrecen in 1845 and by the Tallya Calvinist synod with reference to 'physical exercises' in the College of Sarospatak in 1858.
At the beginning of the 1850s, after the end of the 1848-1849 War of Independence, the Emperor's court considered it important that healthy and able-bodied youth appear before the recruiting committees. They urged the gutgesinnt cities of the Monarchy to found gymnastic societies substituting for physical education at schools. In 1850 the Organisations Entwurf of Hungarian secondary schools deemed 'gymnastics' an extra subject (together with writing, drawing and singing) 'to be introduced when need and possibility are available', stipulating that 'when it is advisable and feasible, the National Education Board may declare it compulsory in one or more classes in one or more secondary schools of the crown lands, in agreement with the teaching staffs'.11
In the freer atmosphere at the beginning of the 1860s there were those who were not satisfied with training their children only; they wanted to do exercises themselves. The reasoning of these young men was based on professionalism, rationalism and technical
Miklós Bély, A gimnáziumi testnevelés múltja [The past of physical education in secondary schools] (Budapest: no publisher named, 1940), 19-21.
6 Siklóssy, László, Széchenyi-Wesselényi és még egy nemzedék [Széchenyi-Wesselényi and another generation] (Budapest: Országos Testnevelési Tanács, 1928), 440.
7 Miklós Hadas, 'Gymnastic exercises, or work wrapped in the gown of youthful joy. Masculinities and the Civilizing Process in 19th century Hungary' Journal of Social History June (2007).
8 László Siklóssy, A modern sport elókészítése [Preparation for Modern Sport] (Budapest: Országos Testnevelési Tanács, 1929), 12. Though the committee refused the proposal, Kritske did not leave it at that; he begged to differ, and published his diverging opinion. It was the same Kritske who first proposed to train teachers of 'bodily education' at Pest University.
9 Ibid.
10 Bély, A gimnáziumi testnevelés múltja, 21.
11 Ibid., 23.
64     M. Hadas
knowledge. Their leader was medical doctor Tivadar Bakody, who, after graduating from the University of Vienna, became a private dozent at Lemberg. Here he set up a gymnastic hall according to Swedish principles. Later he travelled all round Europe. After returning to Pest he published his programme, entitled Nationwide Gymnastic Exercise in the Orvosi Hetilap {Medical Weekly) (!) in 1861, arguing for the state's role in gymnastic education:
The integration and harmonisation of gymnastics with the school curriculum would have the best possible impact on the education, manners and character of the youth. However, it can only be achieved if, besides individuals, the state itself supported the idea and secured its status and progress. In order to make it possible all material problems it incurs must be solved in the simplest way, and it can only be done gradually. First and foremost, the country should have a central institute for body exercise gymnastics, which is available all year long. This institute would be the centre for body exercises for the youth of the capital, and it would become the central school in which gymnastic instructors could be trained for major towns and later, if the state deemed the idea worth spreading, for smaller localities and villages as well'.12
Bakody and his companions' endeavour proved to be successful. In 1866, on the eve of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the NTTE (Nemzeti Torna es Tuzoltd Egylet [National Union of Turners and Firemen]) was formed in the Pest Lutheran School. Although at the beginning there was some confusion over the union's name, from the mid 1860s onwards, Bakody and his followers used the modern term of German origin, Turnen -translated into Hungarian as tornau - instead of the more archaic 'gymnastic'. According to its constitution, the aim of the NTTE was
(a) to practise and spread turnen, (b) to exercise boys and girls, (c) to train turnen instructors and practising firemen, (d) fire-fighting.... To make the body skilful, strong and enduring, to inspire courage and self-confidence in the students and to get pleasure, recreation and good spirits via physical work.... Each year, at least one turnen competition and parade will be held. In these competitions only those who have been members of the Union for at least three months can participate.15
According to Siklossy, the eminent Hungarian sports historian of the interwar period, there were some 80-85 people in 'Bakody's company'. The occupations of the members clearly prove that the NTTE was founded by lower and middle-class citizens and salaried intellectuals. Among the main occupations were 24 lawyers/solicitors: 22 merchants; 14 artisans (hairdresser, painter, upholsterer, glacier, coffee-man, goldsmith, etc.); 12 other professionals (physician, engineer, teacher, writer, librarian, freelance); five officials; three trainers' assistants. A mere two aristocrats (Baron Geza Puteany and Count Odon Szechenyi) and one manufacturer (Miliary Gschwind) were included in this company.16
Quoted in Siklóssy, Széchenyi-Wesselényi, 495.
13 The name of PTE - Pesti Tornaegylet [Pest Turnen Union] - was also in use but the generally accepted later name, NTE - Nemzeti Tornaegylet [National Turnen Union] - also cropped up.
14 Turnen in German means exercise. A Turnplatz is a place to exercise, Turnkunst is the art of exercise, Turnhalle is a gym, Turnfest is a gymnastic festival. In the following I will use the German term turnen as it is widely accepted in the English literature of sport history.
15Elek Matolay, Tornazsebkönyv. A tornászat német-magyar mulszótárával [Turnen Almanac. With a German-Hungarian glossary of technical terms] (Pest: Rudnyánszky Béla nyomdája, 1869), 43-75. In the first few years, gymnasts or turners exercised together with firemen but in 1871 the firemen separated and founded the Budapest Voluntary Fire-fighters' Union.
16 Siklóssy, Széchenyi-Wesselényi, 510, 515.
History of Education 65
Despite most of the names of the members being of German origin the introduction of the Turnen Union took place among glorious Hungarian national symbols. The first turnen parade, during which free and prescribed exercises were performed, was held in the year of the historical Austro-Hungarian Compromise (as a result of which the dualist Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was founded), on 2 February 1867, in the National Riding Hall, in front of 1200 spectators. According to contemporary accounts, at the end of the show a formation, called 'apotheosis', i.e. a 'pyramid three people high' was formed, 'illuminated by coloured lights and the choir sang Kolcsey''s National Anthem' .18
In the same year, Minister of Education Baron Jozsef Eotvos was convinced by the protagonists of the turnen movement that physical education should be a compulsory subject in the re-forming secondary schools. The ministerial order, referring to the 'eternal truth stressed for decades', i.e. that 'a sound mind can only exist in a sound body', emphasised that 'especially with regard to recent social conditions it is necessary that maintaining a healthy body and improving bodily strength be given prime importance'. The order spelled out: 'Educational gymnastics as an ordinary subject must be introduced to each class as soon as possible, the costs to be covered by the maintainers of the schools. If no other way is possible, initially, at first it must be instructed in the summer months'.19
The considerations underlying this decision were in part the same as those that prompted the lower house in 1848, and the officials at the Emperor's Court issuing the Organisations Entwurf'two years later. In other words, in each consecutive new Hungarian political regime, the military-physical education act was one of the first to be passed20 (as it was to be after 1920, too). In 1868 the new Hungarian government ordered the compulsory introduction of gymnastic education in elementary schools, too, typically enough, 'with special regard to military exercises'.21 The same order prescribed 'bodily and armed
99
exercises' in higher elementary schools. In accord with this was the minister's promise to finance the Turnen Union from educational funds. He kept his promise: in 1870, the National Turnen Hall, the home of the Turnen Union, was opened, supported partly by ministerial assistance and partly by private aid.23
Exemplary in this respect is the career of assimilation of German-turned-Hungarian Ernó Bokelberg, the protagonist of the 'turnen scandal of Dresden'. He was born Ernst Bokelberg in Hanover in 1839 and was brought up in a military spirit, but, as a zealous admirer of German turnen, he did not feel like having a military career. After settling down in Pest he became turnen instructor of the NTE. The turnen scandal broke out in 1885 because as a member of the Hungarian delegation at the Turnfest in Dresden he placed a wreath adorned with the Hungarian national tricolour on the pulpit. When some fanatic schulvereinists removed it, Bokelberg, his Hungarian national sentiments deeply hurt, challenged them to a duel. The duel was forbidden and Bokelberg - to quote a contemporary Hungarian journal - 'felt compelled to leave his native German land'. The case was blown up into a huge scandal: a Hungarian MP demanded diplomatic retaliation but Prime Minister Tisza refused. Siklóssy, A modern sport elókészítése, 85-87.
18 Siklóssy, Széchenyi-Wesselényi, 508.
19 Bély, A gimnáziumi testnevelés múltja, 27. In Austria physical education was introduced as a compulsory subject in 1849 in the secondary schools and in 1868 in the elementary schools. C. W. Hackensmith, History of Physical Education (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 153.
20 In August 1848, during the War of Independence, the House of Representatives passed the resolution, after a one-month debate, that physical education be a compulsory subject in elementary schools, 'with special regard to military service'. However, the upper house turned down the bill. Bély, A gimnáziumi testnevelés múltja, 26.
21 Ibid.
Siklóssy, Széchenyi-Wesselényi, 536. 23 Ibid., 512.
66     M. Hadas
In this situation the importance of Bakody and his colleagues increased, and as there was no other appropriate place the National Turnen Hall and its parent (paternal, rather than maternal) organisation, the NT(T)E were able to monopolise not only the training of the students of the Pest schools but also of turnen instructors. Between 1868 and 1875, 449 candidates acquired certificates as turnen instructors in courses run by the Union, and in 1872 the Hall was used by 1125 students of eight educational institutions in Pest24
The success of the turnen movement25 initiated by Bakody and his friends can be illustrated by the fact that similar unions were set up in other towns in Hungary. The Sopron Turners' and Firemen's Union was formed, and a new turnen hall was built in 1866. The Debrecen Turnen Union and the Nagykanizsa Turnen Union were established in 1867, and in 1868 the Nyitra county Fencers' and Turners' Union, the Kassa Turnen Union, the Selmecbanya Turnen Union and the Satoraljaujhely Turnen Union. In the next decade dozens of other turnen unions were formed in the country 26
Strategies of expansion
Last Sunday I arrived at the 'beauteous shepherdess', the place of the excursion, at 10 in the morning. The sight of the glaring red shirts, visible from far away, indicated that I was at the right spot as the turners I wished to see were there.... About 50 turners wearing uniforms were ordered to come forward in an orderly formation onto the prepared ground, in front of which a good number of people were seated. They began with the so-called 'free exercises'. Then, ranged into teams by their strength and physical development, each group went to their own apparatus (e.g. horizontal bar, horse, vaulting buck, jumping rope etc.) and following their instructor, they did the exercises they usually do in their training sessions at school.... Finally came the competition. The competitors had to throw forward a 33-pound stone with their right hand and then make a long jump. The results of the shot put and the long jump were added up, showing who would win the prize. The winners were: a young man named Winter and the two Gutman brothers. The deserved wreaths were given to them by a lady of high rank.27
Both early gymnastic exercises and turnen implied considerable delaying and modernising potentiality; in the course of their practice repetition, exercise and a certain ability to tolerate monotony were of outstanding importance. Both were communal activities under the control of a 'foreman' (or instructor/teacher) which required self-discipline and adaptation. That is, the dispositions needed to practise them were more or less the same. A further common characteristic, similar to the other two contemporary new sports, fencing and rowing, was that their risk factor was low, hence their level of control over violence was high. Both were umbrella sports in the interest of physical investment for the future, which excluded not only fighting but later competition too. A lesson of gymnastics or turnen can be interpreted as the embodiment of disciplinary techniques, an area par excellence where, as Foucault would say, the 'microphysics of power' prevails. On reading '50 young
24 Ibid., 538.
The Hungarian turnen movement was modelled on the Turnbewegung initiated by Jahn (see the section on German and Swedish Turnen) aiming to establish a nationwide network of Turnplatze (exercise fields) and turnen unions.
26 It is worth mentioning that the first provincial turnen union was formed in 1861 (before Bakody's enterprise) in Brassö, Transylvania, by the members of the local Saxon community with a subsidy from the Schmerling government. Siklössy, Szechenyi-Wesselenyi, 525-35.
27 'Public turnen by the Pest Turnen Union in Zugliget', Vasärnapi Ujsäg [Sunday Journal], July 4, 1869 (signed: a supporter).
History of Education 67
men in a long line doing exercises with their arms or legs on command' we do not think, presumably, that what happened was something essentially different from gymnastic exercises of the 1830s and '40s. Similarly, it can be supposed that the children doing exercises at Clair's institute were also 'ranged into teams by their strength and physical development'.
When, however, this 'supporter' wrote that 'each group went to its own apparatus (e.g. horizontal bar, horse, vaulting buck, jumping rope etc.)', he recorded the signs of a differentiating process introducing radically new elements as compared with earlier gymnastic exercises. One of these features is that towards the end of the 1860s, during the reorganisation of the turnen movement, the practitioners were not children but adults. Furthermore, the horizontal bar, the horse, the buck and the jumping rope were the typical apparatus of German turnen. Another novelty in comparison with earlier exercises was that 'some of the turners from Buda wearing blue shirts joined the Pest gymnasts in red shirts and they performed difficult exercises in noble rivalry'.
It was apparent, then, that - similarly to rowing clubs28 - turnen unions expressed, both symbolically and institutionally, relevant social distinctions and differences (blue shirts/red shirts, Buda/Pest, city-centre/suburbs, middle-class/aristocracy, white collar/blue collar etc.). Turners from Buda and Pest not only competed in performing the exercises in the most organised and elegant way, but also vied in certain jumping and throwing events. (Note that the competition was between individuals and not clubs. Characteristically, the author mentioned the winners' names but not their clubs. )
At the end of the 1860s, when Bakody and his friends marched to the 'beauteous shepherdess' (as the Vasdrnapi Ujsdg reported concerning their Sunday excursion), their plans were rational and concrete: while they tried to monopolise the expertise needed for the training of gymnastic (or rather) turnen instructors, they also tried to engineer their union into the most influential position possible. Thus, their apparently aimless, recreational Sunday excursions could be interpreted as organised manoeuvres of an avant-garde group to establish a nationwide institutional network. Thus, the article in Vasdrnapi Ujsdg could be taken as a - far from innocent30 - strategic act. (It should be noted that Eotvos, the minister of education, had made his decision on introducing 'bodily exercises' in state schools a year before, and the Turnen Hall would be finished a year later.)
In this context we could attribute strategic importance to passages from the Turnen Almanac, issued in 1869, the first official yearbook of the NTTE. It contained the Union's statutes and a German-Hungarian glossary of the main technical terms written by one of Bakody's fellows, Elek Matolay. After defining the activity, the author distinguished between three kinds of turnen:
Turnen is a regular exercising of the body, a consistent system of all kinds of bodily exercises which aim at the adequate development of the body, making it strong, skilful and hardened, at maintaining health and, indirectly, contributing to a sane and sound, lively and firm soul.... According to the effect the training has on the individual, we can distinguish between (a) pedagogical, (b) health and (c) military turnen.... Pedagogical turnen is characterised by aesthetics, as it purports to give the appropriate bodily education of the youth, both girls and boys,
By then the Pest Rowing and Sailing Club and the Buda Yachting Club had already been active for some years.
A meaningful indicator is that all winners had German names. 30 The signature 'supporter' also suggests that the writer was not an outsider. This is also confirmed by some deliberately propagandistic, apparently strategic phrases, especially in the closing section.
68     M. Hadas
and instead of developing bodily strength it deals with exercises which render the body proportionately and aesthetically agreeable when stationary or in motion. Health turnen (not physiotherapy) or public turnen (Volksturnen) which is practised in adults' unions involves the full scope of turnen and it focuses on training and muscular exertion.... The specific purpose of military turnen is to strengthen the fighter, to train him to bear fatigue and pain, to enable him to carry out tactical movements skilfully and quickly.31
Presumably, Matolay did not make his list in a random order, as pedagogical turnen was the movement's most urgent, actual and feasible strategic objective. It is also obvious that the protagonists of the turnen movement did not want to abandon the remaining two types, but they saw clearly that, in the long run, both could better be achieved through the mediation of schools. (Remember: the ministerial decree issued in 1868 described compulsory gymnastic education as bodily and armed exercises^ Declaring these three types of turnen as desirable could be taken, then, as manifestation of a deliberate strategy of inclusion.
In the second half of the 1860s turnen (similarly to the other emerging new sports) appeared in a much more complex social setting than in the 1830s; more and more participants were interested in activities and organisations in connection with different bodily exercises. This way, citizens doing turnen had to distinguish themselves from the pursuers of other sports and from turners doing turnen in a different way. That is, in addition to defining the boundaries of their domain and defending it in a constantly differentiating social scene, they had to take care that different interests and aspirations did not squeeze them out of their recently acquired positions. Consequently, Bakody's union were compelled to apply conscious strategies of exclusion.
In this period, the practitioners of other sports did not appear threatening as they were relatively few; moreover, these sports were practised by the turners themselves. As the above account reveals, at the end of the 1860s jumping and throwing competitions, later branches of athletics, were considered as parts of turnen. (Typically, Matolay set apart turnen only from fencing and swimming, not suspecting that some years later they were to compete with the athletes for the inclusion and legitimate definition of a particular sport.) Of all strategies of exclusion, distinguishing themselves from other kinds of turners was the most important. They kept a distance from - mainly orthopaedic - home exercises33 but it was, first of all, Swedish turnen that irritated them:
I must touch on the so-called Swedish body-exercise. Its aim is practically the same as ours, that is, the German turnen, but it has different tools. It uses less apparatus and lacks the variety and liveliness of German turnen in general. The fundament of the Swedish system is passive movement carried out by another person on the turner, as well as the so-called duplicated movements which can only be performed with the help of a partner. These types of movements, however, have greater importance in therapeutic exercises than in the training of healthy people, (emphasis added)3
Matolay, Tornazsebkonyv, 8, 9, 13. 32 'We do not call work implying bodily fatigue, or movement for sheer entertainment, turnen, and neither are certain exercises of the body such as fencing, swimming, etc. called turnen.' Ibid., 13.
'Finally, let me mention home exercises. One can also train one's body at home, with little apparatus such as dumb-bells.... It is, however, a deviation from the right road, which is no match to turnen pursued in company. Let us leave it to old gentlemen who are ashamed to show up among the youth, and to those who have no chance to do regular turnen.' Ibid., 14-15. 34 Ibid., 13.
History of Education 69
German vs. Swedish turnen
The founder of the German turnen, Friedrich Jahn, proceeding from Pestalozzi's gymnastic exercises, the philanthropists' work36 and Fichte's national idea, aimed at creating a physically well-trained, modest youth with body obeying the mind, educated in an ancient German way and who can be called to arms at any time. Accordingly, they did military exercises in the open air. Jahn and his followers, aiming to build a paradisiacal democracy on a patriotic-nationalist basis, freed turnen from the cosmopolitanism of philanthropists. They substituted steep boards for hills, horizontal bars for oak branches, hanging bars for trunks and climbing poles and ropes for living trees. In October 1813 at the Leipzig 'Battle of the Nations' Jahn commanded a battalion of 2000 turners, from which the first Burschenschaft in Jena in 1815, and the first German turnen union in Hamburg in 1816 were formed.37
Turnen was developed by the Swiss Adolf Spiess to satisfy the needs of school education. He supplemented free exercises with manual apparatus, compulsory figures, hanging and leaning exercises; he applied jumping events later belonging to athletics, and considered practically all kinds of bodily exercises as part of turnen. According to Spiess:
... [the] aim of turnen is to let people freely use their physical power, to build the body proportionately by exercising all parts of it in a naturally appropriate and competent way, and to gain mental control over it. But first and foremost, the turnen hall must become the school of order and discipline, where the active power develops in an orderly manner getting rid of wayward action, where citizens are trained to be ready to undertake work in peace and fight in war. (emphasis added)38
It is not surprising, then, that from 1842, after cancelling the 'turnen ban', the German government ordered the introduction of turnen in schools.
The origins of the Swedish turnen, its frame of reference and its whole philosophy are slightly different from the German one. The foundations of a 'rational' gymnastic system 'harmonised with the individuals' biological functions' were created by the Swede Per Henrik Ling (1776-1839), a follower of the Dane Franz Naechtegal and the German Guth-Muths. He claimed that bodily exercises should be based on knowledge verified by anatomy and biology instead of arbitrary exercises and fashionable trends. According to Ling gymnastic instructors acted correctly when they concentrated on certain muscle groups which contribute to proper posture and assist the proper functioning of body organs. For instance, instead of trying to achieve better results, he applied high jump to develop the muscles of the turner's lower limbs required by the technique of jumping. Similarly,
A devoted political agitator, poet and German patriot, 'Turnvater' Friedrich Jahn (1778-1752) arranged his work around four catchwords: frisch, frei, fröhlich, fromm [alert, free, merry, godly]. The four 'f s', i.e. the initials of his catchwords, decorated its badges and diplomas. His chef d'oeuvre is Deutsche Turnkunst (1816). John Goodbody, The Illustrated History of Gymnastics (London: Stanley Paul, 1982), 14.
36 'Philanthropists invented so-called games with elaborate rankings of the "players" in which children were required to respond quickly to their superiors. The games could be seen as models, perhaps mirror images, of the order, sobriety, and constructiveness that were the bases of the success of the bourgeois class from which almost all the pupils and teachers came.' Mandell, Sport, 160.
37 Jahn was imprisoned for seven years in 1819 for his political involvement and all the turnen unions were banned.
38Kmetykö, 'Torna', 78.
39 Prior to the First World War there were 9000 turnen unions in Germany. Kmetykö, 'Torna', ibid., Mandell, Sport, 158-67. C. W. Hackensmith, History of Physical Education (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 133-37.
70     M. Hadas
artificial situations were created for running and walking in which the toes had to touch the ground first.40
German turnen consisted of prescribed and free exercises, manual apparatus (dumbbell, wood, iron rod, club), floor and apparatus exercises. These latter exercises required horizontal and parallel bars, horse, buck, table, box, stool, board, springboard, rings, climbing pole, rope, ladder, wall bars, and horizontal bar. In contrast to German practice, Swedish turnen did not use instruments but grouped the exercises by the targeted muscles: exercises to develop leg, neck, arm, side muscles, abdominal muscles, back muscles or trunk, hanging, balancing, walking, jumping and breathing exercises complemented by light athletic exercises, target shooting, military drills and games. Apparatus known as 'Swedish' (wall bars, horizontal bar, box, bench) were developed by Ling's son, Hjalmar, and his pupils.41
These particular features of the German and Swedish traditions make it clear why in the 1860s the apostles of the Hungarian turnen movement preferred and promoted the former. In addition to the geopolitical endowment that the shorter distances and historical relations made German and Swiss initiatives more easily accessible for Hungarian specialists (for example, Bakody studied in Vienna and taught in Lemberg), the basic reasons for this preference lay in the nationalistic ideological tuning of German turnen. By a simple act of substitution, replacing German national features by Hungarian ones, German turnen became suitable for redefining body politics as a Hungarian national issue. There is no need to explain why in the newly formed dualist Austria-Hungary the liberal Hungarian ruling elite was responsive to such politics. (Typically enough, after his return to Hungary Bakody, who had equipped a gymnastic hall in Lemberg according to Swedish principles, realised that in order to play a leading role in an emerging movement he needed to join the majority and opt for German turnen instead of the Swedish model.)
Without being interested in the inside of the box the protagonists of German turnen saw the body as a black box which could be adapted to higher goals together with other boxes. This view conceived of the national community as a union of many small boxes. In this context it is worth referring back to the NTE's parade in 1868, during which turners displayed a metaphor of the nation, a pyramidal formation of human bodies rising towards the sky, to the tune of the Hungarian National Anthem. Body by body, shoulder by shoulder, body over body, shoulder over shoulder; more at the bottom, fewer in the middle, the fewest on the top. A hierarchy that would be inconceivable without intricate intertwining, interdependence and reliance. A hierarchy that is harmonious, organic, built from below.
As against this view, Swedish turnen was interested in the inside of the box. When arranging bodily exercises by muscle groups it was preoccupied by the micro structures, the smallest units. Hence, Swedish turnen looked at the body as a machine consisting of rationally organised and smoothly running parts 42 Nevertheless, the body machine is like a drop in the ocean: though its functions are inside, it models the larger whole. Hence, while
Hackensmith, History of Physical Education, 143. Laszlo Kun, Egyetemes testneveles- es sporttdrtenet [A general history of physical education and sports] (Budapest: Nemzeti Tankonyvkiado, 1988), 191-95.
41 Kmetyko, 'Torna', 79-89. Kun, Egyetemes testneveles- es sporttdrtenet, 195.
42 In this context, an article in Herkules, the leading Hungarian sport journal, entitled 'Man as machine' is significant: 'Chemists have found in strict chemical examinations that a person on a regular diet consumes 0.2514 kg coal without being aware of it. This coal is burnt.... If you burn 1 kg of coal, you produce 7050 calories and if you burn 1 kg hydrogen, you produce 34.500 calories.... Man is the best caloric machine in the world! Man is the crown of creation!' Herkules, 15 January 1888.
History of Education 71
German turnen conceives of society as a holistic unity, deducing the part from the whole and using the part to reproduce the whole again, the followers of the Swedish system go in the opposite direction: they focus on microscopic components from which they induce the whole.
The two views, however, were not irreconcilable because the protagonists of both conceived of the body as a rational instrument that is part of an overwhelmingly rational world; consequently the protagonists of both German and Swedish turnen thought that the improvement of the individual's physical capacities by systematic training was a legitimate aim in itself. Both had their ideological roots in a romantic educational messianism based on militant nationalism. Furthermore, both systems required strict obedience, promptness of action and mental alertness from turners. It is not surprising, then, that from the mid-1870s onwards when the turnen movement had to confront other forces, the rivalry between the two factions become less important,43 as they focused on the appropriate strategy to face the threatening power - emerging in the form of athleticism.
Turnen vs. athleticism
With the establishment of the Hungarian Athletic Club {MAC) in 1875, a major rival to the turnen movement entered the arena. There was significant overlap between the two umbrella sports. At first, it was up to the belief and intention of the practitioners to decide if a long-jumping or fencing contest held at a turnen union excursion or at an 'athletic tournament' was considered as part of turnen or athletics. The two decades after the appearance of athletics were characterised by conflicts between athletes and turners in the course of which both sides applied scores of exclusive and inclusive strategies against each other. What was at stake was the question of whether individual sports would belong to the competence of athletics or turnen.
The circumstances of the foundation of the MAC reflected the ambitions of the founders to mark themselves out in an elitist manner from the social groups of lower rank and prestige, as well as from the (sports) clubs rallying the members of these groups. Compared with middle-class turnen, athletics undoubtedly aimed to serve as the pastime of the aristocracy and the noble gentlemen. The logic of the MAC recruitment and running resembled that of the exclusive gentlemen's casinos: the select few could practically automatically be members on the basis of corporate criteria. This aristocratic individualism was sharply different from the plebeian collectivism of turnen unions.44
In the introduction of early gymnastic exercises in the 1830s ideological references were first of all made to the pedagogy and moral philosophy of the Enlightenment as well as modern medical science (with an emphasis on Rousseau, Pestalozzi, Hufeland and contemporaneous German physicians);45 in the second part of the century, as is known, the basic literature of the institutionalising turnen were the German and Scandinavian variants
From the late nineteenth century it holds true that they were equally included in the school curricula in Hungary. The New Curriculum of Boys Physical Education in Secondary Schools published in 1916 used both German apparatus exercises and exercises for groups of muscles in the Swedish system, allowing for the school use of games and other sports (skating, running, jumping, rowing, tracking) as well. In his cited work Jánoš Kmetykó gave practically equal weight to both, and spoke of a 'Hungarian turnen' as the synthesis of the two.
44 A good indicator of this plebeian attitude is that - similarly to Germany - all turners, regardless of social position, addressed one another with the informal 'Dw' instead of the formal lSie\ Mandeli, Sport, 164.
45 Hadas, Journal of Social History.
72     M. Hadas
of practical pedagogy, as well as medicine. The protagonists of athleticism, however, referred to the most recent social science of the latter half of the nineteenth century, sociology, particularly its materialist-evolutionist trends, by quoting such names as John Stuart Mill or Herbert Spencer.
One of the most decisive differences between athletes and turners lay in their attitude to competition. Turners plainly rejected competition, citing as the 'vocation' of their sport 'to help everyone to the free use of their physical power' in the gymnasia, which are ' schools of order and discipline' so that their 'bodies be proportionately built' and 'put under the control of the mind'. Or, to quote another passage: 'It is not good competitors but good Hungarian citizens that turnen wishes to rear.... Not so much for sport and entertainment as for work and struggle'.46 At the same time, the advocates of athletics set competition as the aim not only of their own sport but of every human activity claiming that 'competition
47
is the main driving force and it is the most effective lever of every undertaking'.
In turnen, the nameless, subordinated mass person within a community wishes to develop and strengthen his body in the interest of his long-term goals. These goals are not designed by him but imposed upon him by a superior will (this will may be of the parents, teachers or, indirectly, of the state or church). Athletics, by contrast, is the sport offree individuals each obliged to render an account of himself only, each pursuing the competition at his own risk and for his own success. In this regard, it is the continuation of hunting, duelling and horse-racing, that is, the pre-sports based on the aristocratic ethics of individual responsibility. At the same time, it is no longer a fight but a competition pursued by self-conscious gentlemen of their own free will, to earn the glory of winning the contest. In metaphoric terms, the freedom of the athlete is also manifested in the pursuit of his activity outdoors, in free (potentially unlimited) space as against the turner confined indoors, to the closed gymnasium. It is no accident that instead of athletics the term outdoor sport is often used in the contemporary press. In Hungary in the late nineteenth century, on the basis of the logic of relevant opposition (and the set of symbolic meanings attributed to it), turnen implies the social connotations of inside, closed, fixed and low, while athletics implies those of outside, open, free and high.
These differences were at the forefront in the arsenal of arguments and applied strategies of the athletes in confrontation with the turners. The desire to monopolise the market of leisure-time sports was paired with strategies of expropriation, which simply aimed to reduce turnen to a part of athletics, stressing its 'too soldierly' character, 'the quenching of the joy of playing', the 'rigid adoption' of German models, and the lack of Hungarian and English ball games. What is more, they compared turnen to the 'dead languages', defining its role simply as 'preparation' for athletics.48
Turners took up any of four strategies in response to the threatening moves of the athletes. First, they tried to exclude the athletes with administrative rules.49 Second, they
4bKmetyk6, 'Torna', 103.
47 'Athletics, part V, Vaddsz- es Versenylap [Hunting and Racing Magazine], May 28, 1874.
48Mikl6s Hadas, 'Gentlemen in competition: Athletics and Masculinities in Nineteenth-century Hungary', International Journal of the History of Sport 24, no. 4 (April 2007): 478-98, 490-91.
49 'The athletic clubs form a separate caste, professing a system that is contrary to the turner unions. It would be desirable that only perfectly trained and acknowledged turners went in for athletics or for various branches of sport. So long as our athletes are not produced in this way, by distillation, and so long as our regular turners are not united and ennobled by more extensively fostering the games and the singing of patriotic songs, there will be no real unity among the Hungarian practitioners of bodily exercises and there will be no athlete among the members of the Federation of Hungarian Turnen UnionsV Erno Bokelberg, in an 1885 issue of Tornailgy.
History of Education 73
regarded athletics as backward, inferior, 'barbarous' as compared with turnen. Third, they created new institutions such as national associations, federations and journals: for example in 1881, in the fencing room of NTE, the Hungarian Turnen Teachers' Association (MOTTE) was founded, with 700 teachers nationwide. MOTTE demanded that 'turnen teachers be regarded as proper teachers, and the youth at secondary schools get regular turnen education three times a week'.51 From 1883 they published the periodical Tornaiigy52 (Turnen Issues), and in 1885 (again in the NTE's hall) they established the Federation of Hungarian Turnen Associations (MOTESZ). These organisations constantly echoed their objectives, and criticised the deficiencies in the education of turnen. Their most important aim was the promotion of physical education, mainly in its quantitative aspect:
A report by the minister of education dated 1884/5 reveals that in 6477 of the 14,235 educational institutions obliged to instruct turnen there is no instruction at all, in 490 institutions teaching is not in line with pedagogical rules; turnen is properly instructed only in 7268 schools. That is, in nearly half the schools there are no body exercises! Where the teaching of body exercises would be perhaps most imperative - in teacher training institutions - it is the most neglected, as only 26 of the 70 teacher training colleges have adequate gymnasiums.... A mere 90 of 177 secondary schools of Hungary have gymnasiums. There is free space for gymnastics in 143 secondary schools, but, as the minister's report says, only 122 are equipped.54
Fourth, they were also ambitious to be seen in prestigious public areas featuring as vehicles of legitimate national connotations, as opposed to the other camp depicted as illegitimate because it was alien to the nation. This may be one reason why increasing weight was placed from the early 1880s on national (and regional) turnen festivals. In 1885 NTE 'summoned' its first national turnen festival on the precincts of the National Exposition, where members of a dozen turnen unions marched onto the turnen ground, displaying free and apparatus exercises as well as pole vault, rope climbing and obstacle course exercises under the baton of Erno Bokelberg, the hero of the 'turnen scandal of Dresden', to an audience of the commander-in-chief, lord mayor and other notables. The next national turnen festival took place two years later in Arad, and the third in 1889 in Budapest at Heroes Square, a location of distinguished symbolic importance. In the latter 2800 students from 95 secondary schools participated. In the first part of the 1890s, territorial turnen competitions were organised in different towns, with the participation of 3-4000 students.55 In
50 'The uniform and rapid spread of turnen is also hindered in our country by a new institution which is a pathological excess of turnen and is based on human vanity and frailly: this is athleticism, which threatens truly educative turnen in the same way as the barbarous fight of pancrators suppressed pentathlon in ancient Greece.' Jánoš Maurer and Ernó Bokelberg, 'Defects and hindrances of teaching turnen', Tornaiigy (1890).
51 Siklóssy, A modern sport elokészítése, 127.
52 Tornaiigy, launched in Budapest, existed from 1883 to 1922. It was monthly until 1910 and fortnightly later. Its publisher was MOTTE, then MOTESZ, then the Federation of Hungarian Turnen Unions and finally the Association of Turnen Teachers.
53 Siklóssy, A modern sport elokészítése: 126-27.
^Herkules, 14 March 1886. Although the instructors were complaining, their complaint also reveals that in the mid-18 80s in the larger part of Hungarian schools there was regular physical education and in the majority of schools there was adequate room for turnen, and in more than half the schools there were gymnasiums as well. It is a most momentous achievement in 15 years! Of course, it is quite understandable that turnen instructors wanted more in terms of equipment, prestige andpayment.
5 Siklóssy, A modern sport elokészítése, 140.
74     M. Hadas
1896, on the occasion of the millennial festivals, the organisers tried to surpass all previous events:
The climax of the three-day contests was June 2, the day of the king's visit. That day, 4811 students representing 122 institutions gathered in the courtyard of Charles barracks at 2.30 p.m., marching from there in military order to their own drumming and trumpeting and accompanied by three military bands to the venue of the competition.... When all teams were positioned, first they sang Kolcsey's Anthem, then gave the king three cheers, which appeared to move His Majesty. Then the teams began the so-called free exercises, performing various standing, posturing and dashing movements.... After the free exercises, one team did apparatus work, another played games, the third did shot put, the fourth presented high jump, etc. In short, each tried to demonstrate a branch of turnen in which they excelled.56
By appropriating symbolic urban spaces, turners tried to appear to be the carriers of Hungarian national identity, and all that means, compared with the 'English-maniac' gentlemen. In this regard, they acted in the same way as the athletes who claimed that 'by rigidly adopting German models' the turners failed to take into account 'the Hungarian spirit' and 'put an alien plant into Hungarian soil'. The appropriation of national attributes on both sides is therefore rightly regarded as mirror strategies.
Conclusion
Apparently, the turnen movement had partial success in achieving its purposes: although it was squeezed from the fields of modern competitive sports within a generation, its strategies to conquer school education were successful. By the mid-1880s the division line between the two umbrella sports more or less crystallised: the activity pursued within the school was principally categorised as turnen, what was practised outside the school was mostly - not always and not necessarily - considered as athletics. By achieving that, and turnen became a compulsory subject in state schools, turners created the conditions for nationalising the human body. This process could be taken for part of the expansion of modernity in the course of which the institutional framework of self-control, self-discipline and the disposition to obey superiors was consolidated.
Due to the partial success of the movement, an intricate web of forces evolved in which the accumulated expertise became legitimately reproducible, and where the allied and rival positions were crystallised. Briefly, in a few years the field of turnen was born.57 It was a completely novel phenomenon in the sphere of organised sports in that period. Earlier activities such as horse-racing, fencing, rowing or gymnastic exercises had not reached this level of institutionalisation and differentiation as they had a relatively peripheral significance in their practitioners' lives. In this way, the comparison of earlier sports and turnen shows at a micro-level how modern society developed via differentiating and separating strategies.
In an earlier discussion, examining the dispositional rivalry between the men of the aristocracy and the middle classes, I have argued that the dispositional features of the rowing race supported the bourgeoisie 58 In nationalised turnen, carrying on the tendencies of earlier gymnastic exercises, the obedient, disciplined, adaptable, publicly displayed young
Vasdrnapi Ujsdg, 14 June 1896.
571 use here Bourdieu's concept offield. As is known, fields, in a Bourdieusian sense, are social microcosms in which there is a symbolic struggle for the monopoly of the reproduction of professional knowledge, defined as capital, among experts. See Pierre Bourdieu and Loic Wacquant, An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992).
58 Hadas (June 2007).
History of Education 75
body becomes - as a kind precondition of a planned future - the subject of state policies turned into educational curricula. The scene of dispositional competition shifts from the racing field into the gymnasium, and from adults to children. From the last third of the nineteenth century, however, adult males became less and less willing to give up the libidinous experience of free and direct competition. That explains why from the 1870s the movement of the followers of a new collective sport, athletics, positioning themselves primarily against turnen, gains momentum; among them there are not only aristocrats but also representatives of the middle classes open to novelty. But that is another episode.
Notes on Contributor
Miklos Hadas is one of the founder members of the Centre for Gender and Culture at the Corvinus University of Budapest where he is professor of sociology and gender studies. Between 1990 and 2003 he was also the founding editor-in-chief of Replika, a leading Hungarian journal of social sciences. His main fields of interest are masculinity studies, sociology of sport and sociological theory. His main book, The Birth of the Modern Man, published in 2003 by a major Hungarian publisher, was awarded the Polanyi Prize, i.e. was considered, by the Hungarian Sociological Association, to be the best sociological book of the year. Articles based on this book have been published in International Journal of the History of Sport and Journal of Social History.
76     M. Hadas
Appendix: Characteristics of turnon and athletics
Turnen
Athletics
Sociocultural
background
Social basis of
practitioners
Cultivation - promotion
Reference
Organisational form Accessibility
Sport socialisation
Financing
Attitude to nation
Political orientation
Audience Collectiveness
Beginning/end of activity
Spread, frequency Ideology, scientific references Gender roles
Reproduction of competences Basic disposition
Characteristics of manliness Body politics
Specificities of sport activity
Venue of cultivation Sport field
Competition time
Middle classes of mainly German origin
Directly involved in activity
German, Swedish
Unions, schools
Open for the protagonists of
turnen, athletes excluded
Learning it as children, practising
it as adults
Donations by union members, later by the state via schools At first nationalist, later variable
At first radical liberals, later conservative
At first many, later negligible
Collective organisation, collective exercises
From 1860s in unions, from 1868 in schools to this day Weekly, later daily Medicine, pedagogy, didactics
Men in turnen unions, boys and girls in schools
Journals, field of turnen
Disciplined, obedient, goal- and future-oriented, looking for harmony
Collective spirit, obedience, solidarity
Own body exposed to future-oriented efforts, regular training, body-as-machine, discovery of corporeality
Mainly in closed gymnasia Towards standardisation, public is not important
Not fixed
Hungarian aristocracy
Carried out directly and personally
English
Clubs
Closed, only for aristocrats and Christian gentlemen
For young men, by training
Donation by club members, state subsidy
National character patterned on English models
Conservative liberals Rarely
Individuals in a corporate context, later more emphasis on the community From 1875 to this day
Annually, later more frequently Philosophy, evolutionist sociology, pedagogy
Only men with emphasised ideology of manliness
Books, articles, lack of professional field
Rivalry, prowess, virtue, sense of mission, sense of responsibility
Competitive, victorious, individual, hard, honest, liberal, democratic 'Sound mind in a healthy body', seasonal training, unity of the body, individual and national body in harmony
Outdoors
Towards standardisation, no need to accommodate towards standardisation (see note 6)
Towards standardisation, commensurability
Appendix: (continued)
History of Education 11
	Turnen	Athletics
Need for instruments	Increasingly important, toward standardisation	Increasingly important
Means/function/aims	Individual as part of the	The select few may compete freely, the
	community	best should win
Collectiveness /	Individual as part of the	Virtual community is the frame of
individuality	community	individual competition
Rules/measuring	Learning, repetition, exercises	Increasingly sophisticated, standardisation, principle of fair play, more and more accurate measuring
Supervisory body	Instructors'/educators' authority	Competition committee
Degree of risk	Low	Low
Physical contact of	No direct contact, working side by	No direct contact, starting side by side
competitors	side	
Professionalism/	Not to be taken into account	Club amateurs as individuals
amateurism		
Qualities required	Discipline, concentration,	Endurance, strength, persistence,
	obedience, endurance,	competitive spirit
	perseverance	
Betting	No	Exceptionally
Degree of violence	Low, no direct fight	None, pure competition under identical conditions
Character of sporting	Obedient and disciplined	Individual rivalry (running, jumping,
activity	individual as part of the (school)	walking - sometimes with
	community,	instruments) outdoors, on sports field
Direct aim of activity	Overcoming own weaknesses, preserving health, strengthening the body	Overcoming the other, glory of victory
Source of pleasure	Training of will, successful exercises	Overcoming the other, glory of victory
Weight of activity in	At first minimal, later growing	At first minimal, later competitor must
way of life	importance	train
Physical/mental/moral	Physical qualities are important;	Importance of physical goals, dressed
character	moral of self-discipline, 'sound	up in social scientific and evolutionist
	mind in a sound body'	ideology
Required costs	Moderate, growing with the	Initially small, growing with the
	construction of gymnasia	construction of sports fields