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Beyond the mainstream versus extreme dichotomy: a cyclical perspective on
extreme sports
Article  in  Sport in Society · May 2014
DOI: 10.1080/17430437.2014.982540
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Beyond the mainstream versus extreme dichotomy: a cyclical
perspective on extreme sports
Jean-Charles Lebeau* and Ryan Sides
Department of Educational Psychology and Learning Systems, College of Education, Florida State
University, Tallahassee, FL, USA
Extreme sports have received a growing interest in the last decade (Dean 2012 [Young
Consumers 13 (1): 62–73. doi:10.1108/17473611211203948]). Researchers have
examined extreme sports in relation to mainstream sports at both the individual level
(e.g. Brymer 2005 [Journal of Emergency Medicine 28 (1): 63–68. doi:10.1016/j.
jemermed.2004.07.008]; Brymer and Schweitzer 2013a [Journal of Health Psychology
18: 477–487], 2013b [Psychology of Sport and Exercise 14: 865–873]) and by using a
social perspective (Balint 1987 [Thrills and Regressions. London: Karnac Books.
http://www.ebrary.com]; Honea 2013 [The Journal of Popular Culture 46: 1253–
1275. doi:10.1111/jpcu.12087]; Pearson 1979 [International Review of Sport Sociology
14: 51–60]). This article explores characteristics of both extreme and mainstream
sports to suggest that they are related and stem from one another. The main features of
extreme sports emerge from social and psychological theories. Five characteristics that
exist on a continuum between extreme and mainstream are discussed: the relation with
injury and death, the rationale for participation, the relation with performance, and the
connection with other cultures and with the natural world. The cyclical effect of
extreme sports or how after becoming mainstream an extreme sport tries to return to its
origins is introduced. Future research avenues are suggested.
Extreme and mainstream sports
The classification of a sport often varies depending on who participates and how the media
portrays the sport. Commercialization of the big four sports in the USA and soccer
worldwide has generally set the social norm for what is considered to be a sport. These
sports are commonly labelled ‘mainstream sports’ and are characterized by a large number
of participants and spectators, along with a widespread media coverage (Greenhalgh et al.
2011). Mainstream sports usually emphasize competition under strict rules, whereas
extreme sports allow more freedom and have less stress on competition. Despite having
less media exposure, the popularity associated with extreme sports is on the rise and it has
been reported to be the second favourite televised sport with boys after football (Amateur
Athletic Foundation of Los Angeles [1999] as cited in Messmer, Dunbar, and Hunt 2000).
There have always been marginal athletes who have attempted to create extreme sports
that lead to names such as downhill ice cross, parkour, wingsuits, trike racing, downhill
mountain biking, ice climbing, airplane races, and freestyle motocross. Extreme sports are
usually characterized by their differences with their mainstream counterparts (e.g. Kellett
and Russell 2009). The goal of this article is to investigate a different approach on extreme
sports by suggesting that both extreme and mainstream sports are not separated but are
related and stem from one another. After defining what is considered an extreme sport,
social and psychological theories are presented. The main characteristics of extreme sports
q 2014 Taylor & Francis
The authors declare no financial interest or benefit from the direct application of this research.
*Corresponding author. Email: jml11f@my.fsu.edu
Sport in Society, 2015
Vol. 18, No. 6, 627–635, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2014.982540
Downloadedby[FloridaStateUniversity]at12:2119September2015
are then developed with an emphasis on how they also apply to mainstream sports. Finally,
this article concludes with the cyclical effect of extreme sports or how after becoming
mainstream an extreme sport tries to return to its origins.
Definitions
Mainstream sports are commonly associated with the most popular sports. Their characteristics
include having ‘large fan bases, broad appeal, and widespread media coverage’
(Greenhalgh et al. 2011, 42) and they are typically commercialized in nature (Honea 2013).
On the other hand, extreme sports have been described as independent marginal activities
controlled and directed by the participants themselves (Honea 2013). Specifically, extreme
sport has been defined as ‘an independent leisure activity where the most likely outcome of a
mismanaged mistake or accident is death’ (Brymer 2005, 70). ‘Independent leisure activity’
and ‘death’ are two important features that usually separate extreme from mainstream
sports. The dangers associated with extreme sports are extensively present, especially from
the perspective of the uninitiated. Extreme sports are also defined in part by their rejection of
commercialism (Donnelly 2006). It is generally observed that extreme sports are
independent in that they are usually not part of a governmental body such as a league or
federation. The independence also relates to how the sport is organized: it is often an
individual sport played in an unusual setting and under fewer constraints (rules) than
mainstream sports. This includes not having a formal leader who is capable of passing down
knowledge about the sport. Finally, independence is closely related to a core feature of
extreme sports: freedom. This search for freedom has been shown to be a defining
characteristic of extreme sports and is a value frequently reported by the participants
themselves (Brymer and Schweitzer 2013a). Extensive danger, organizational independence,
and the search for freedom are core characteristics that appear to differentiate
extreme and mainstream sports. These features have emerged from both social and
psychological approaches. The next section will briefly summarize these approaches.
Theoretical approaches
In American culture, some extreme sports are deemed rebellious and dangerous (e.g.
BASE jumping, freestyle motocross). The origin of this attitude has been developed within
the social identity theory (Hogg 2006). The main point in this theory is that people want to
enhance the self-image of the group in which they belong (i.e. in group), and that this can
be accomplished by holding prejudices against groups whom they do not associate with
(i.e. out group). Thus, people who belong to the mainstream sports group may try to find
negative aspects of extreme sports in order to enhance their own group image (Bogardus
2012). By attempting to maintain the core characteristics of mainstream sports, this group
is following the model described by functionalist theory. According to the functionalist
perspective, extreme sports can be considered dysfunctional because they bring social
change by introducing new sports (Carrington 2013). An alternate assumption of the
functionalist perspective is that extreme sports are necessary for society to thrive. For
example, airplane races push the boundaries of avionics and the extreme nature of the sport
promotes innovation and knowledge to improve the society as a whole. Hence, it may be
more appropriate to envision extreme sports as being both dysfunctional and functional.
From this perspective, one could argue that there would be a cycle where extreme sports
bring social change until they become beneficial and accepted into society (mainstream),
and as a result new extreme sports are created to repeat the process. This cyclical effect of
628 J.-C. Lebeau and R. Sides
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extreme sports becoming mainstream, then leading to the creation of new extreme sports,
will be discussed in more depth later in this article.
Along with social perspectives, psychological theories have also been used to account
for extreme sport participation. Psychological theories are centred on the person and help
explain an individual’s motivation to escape the commercialization of the mainstream
sports and seek excitement through alternative forms. As mentioned by Brymer and
Schweitzer (2013b), a large majority of research on extreme sports focuses on danger and
deviance. These researches are grounded in three main approaches: the type T theory, the
psychoanalysis theory, and the sensation seeking theory (Breivik 1996; Hunt 1996; Self
et al. 2007). Type T theory explains participation in extreme sports ‘as the realization of a
deviant personality trait’ (Self et al. 2007). This deviant personality trait is the thrill-seeking
tendency for which extreme sports are considered a positive physical outlet. The
psychoanalytic approach suggests that participants in extreme sports have pathological and
narcissistic tendencies where they rationalize unacceptable behaviours and overestimate
their abilities (Hunt 1996). Sensation seeking theory, on the other hand, argues that athletes
in extreme sports are motivated by experiencing unique sensations and search for new
thrills to alleviate their boredom (Breivik 1996). A common aspect in these psychological
theories is that extreme sport athletes have personality traits that predict participation in
risky activities. This could help explain why some athletes deviate from mainstream sports
to seek more extreme sensations by creating new sports. Danger, deviance, and sensation
seeking are common perspectives used to describe extreme sports, yet some authors (e.g.
Brymer and Schweitzer 2013b) suggest a more holistic approach to include positive
outcomes. Motivations in extreme sport are larger than traditional images of risk-taking and
adrenaline; they also include an exploration of fundamental human values such as humility
and courage (Brymer and Oades 2009). Allusion to such values is often made in the sports
media and among extreme sports athletes, and from that perspective extreme sports are not
that different from the mainstream ones.
A continuum perspective between extreme and mainstream sports
This section explores how extreme and mainstream sports could be considered as related
by sharing five features which vary on a continuum. These features are the relation with
injury and death, the rationale for participation, the relation with performance, and the
connection with other cultures and with the natural world. These characteristics are
discussed as they vary along the continuum between extreme and mainstream. For
example, when characteristics become limited or expanded, the sport could either shift
towards becoming more extreme or more mainstream. The shifting on the continuum, in
turn, leads to a continuity between similar activities which are considered extreme or
mainstream sports.
A primary reported feature of extreme sports is the relation participants have with
injury or death (Le Breton 2000). Injuries are of great concern in both mainstream and
extreme sports, even if extreme sports’ athletes appear to be more at risk. However, limited
data cannot conclude if there are more injuries in extreme sports than in mainstream
sports. It is apparent that there is much more that could significantly go wrong which is
why life insurance companies classify extreme sport participation for higher premiums,
additional surcharges, or denial of coverage (Lifeinsurance 2012). Some authors have
examined the symbolic meaning of playing with death in extreme sports. For example, Le
Breton (2000) noted the paradox that the more intense the suffering of the participant, the
more personal significance the achievement has. This paradox is also present in
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mainstream sports, where success can only be attained after years of intense training. Risk
can also generate enough personal satisfaction for the participant to resist the temptation to
give up. The sensations generated by the activity override the perceived risk and the
athlete is continually pushing his or her limits. Extreme sports participants have been
typically considered high in risk-taking (e.g. Breivik 1996; Levenson 1990), but Albert
(1999) also found risk to be a constituent of more mainstream sports such as cycling. Using
data from interviews with racing cyclists, cycling publication, and Internet sources, Albert
reported that cyclists perceive risk-taking and the occurrence of injury as being part of
their sport. Risk of injury is thus present in both mainstream and extreme sports, the
consequences of a mismanaged risk are only more likely to lead to serious consequences
for extreme sport participants (Brymer 2005). Thus, on the continuum, activities that result
in a higher risk of injury and death are more likely to be classified as ‘extreme’.
A second defining characteristic of extreme sports is the aspect of ‘independent leisure
activity’ (Brymer 2005). This independence in the practice of the sport can also be
described as freedom. Previous studies have found that extreme sports athletes consider
their participation to reflect a desire to free themselves from the rules and limitations
imposed by the society (Yakutchik 1995). Bower (1995) built on this idea and suggested
that athletes in extreme sports are ‘looking for a sense of excitement and challenge that is
missing from their everyday lives’ (21), which suggests a willingness to escape from
boredom and routine. Athletes in extreme sports describe their participation in the activity
as a way to free themselves from everyday life and enter an independent environment with
no social and economic constraints (Shoham, Rose, and Kahle 2000). Along the same
lines, some authors describe the participation in extreme sport as an ‘aesthetic liberation of
life’ (Midol and Broyer 1995, 209) that transgresses traditional rules and obligations
imposed by societal norms. Even if mainstream sports might not share the transgression
aspect, it seems that sport participation in general is a way to enter a new environment and
temporarily free oneself from the everyday life constraints. From a continuum perspective,
it seems that freedom is more closely related to extreme sports, while constraints and rules
are associated with mainstream sports in which organizations regulate the activity
(Pearson 1979).
A third characteristic frequently reported in extreme sports participation is the relation
athletes have with performance. Extreme sports participants do not typically emphasize
competition (i.e. winning or losing) but are more interested in seeking sensations and trying
new ‘tricks’ (Thorpe 2009). In a study with skydivers, Willig (2008) reported the following
quote: You know, it’s the performance-based bit where you are linking up with other
people, achieving things, breaking records and achieving the goal that you set out to
achieve, that really interests me, and when you jump on your own, there’s nothing to judge
your personal performance by. (696) This quote highlights an achievement goal orientation
on the task rather than on the ego (Nicholls 1984, 1989) and emphasizes the relative lack of
interest in competitions and comparisons. Other quotes in Willig’s study confirm the focus
on the own standards rather than the willingness to defeat an opponent. Along this task-ego
continuum, it seems that extreme sports athletes are closer to the task extremity, whereas a
combination of task and ego orientations has been reported in more mainstream sports (e.g.
Eisenbarth and Petlichkoff 2012).
Another relevant aspect that characterizes athletes in extreme sports is their connection
with diverse cultures. The inspiration for new exciting sports often comes from societies
that are considered ‘exotic’ (Laviolette 2007). Exotic cultures often engage in risky
behaviour as part of hunting expeditions or rites of passage (Laviolette 2007), and some
individuals are eager to understand and even partake in their customs. The Dangerous
630 J.-C. Lebeau and R. Sides
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Sports Club, in the 1970s, went one step further by creating the extreme sport of bungee
jumping after viewing the Pentecost Islands earth dive rituals. Another example is the
legacy of mixed martial arts (MMA) in the USA which uses different fighting techniques
from around the world (e.g. judo, karate, and wrestling). A more extreme version of MMA
exists in Senegal where participants wrestle inside a ring until one athlete is thrown on the
ground. The Senegal wrestlers do not have regulations on their fighting techniques and are
allowed to use any means necessary even if it could lead to death. When the Ultimate
Fighting Championship (UFC) started in the USA, a similar no restriction of fighting
technique was used until the commercialization of the sport led to more restricted rules.
UFC has now a large media coverage and this example highlights how an extreme sport
can undergo modifications to become more mainstream.
Finally, another facet of extreme sports is the importance of the athletes’ connection to
the natural world (Brymer and Gray 2009). Extreme sports such as windsurfing, mountain
biking, kayaking, cliff jumping, rock climbing, and skydiving all involve a connection
with the nature. As seen in the case of bungee jumping, the origins of some extreme sports
are based on nature-inspired rituals. A study on extreme sports participants has shown that
they see nature as an extension of the self and humanity rather than something to conquer
and master (Brymer and Gray 2009). Brymer and Gray also found that nature is not seen as
a foe but rather as a partner with whom participants can fulfil their intrinsic motivations.
On the extreme end of the continuum, those who connect with the natural world value
intense experiences; this connection is lost as the sport focuses on conquering nature
which is more indicative of mainstream commodity and consumption (Wheaton 2007).
The five characteristics commonly attributed to extreme sports could then also be seen
in mainstream sports. More media coverage and some modifications in the rules can easily
transform a sport and move it along a continuum from extreme to mainstream. The next
section will expand on this idea and introduce the cyclical perspective.
A cycle between extreme and mainstream sports
The adventurous and extreme nature of sports from around the globe has been appealing to
people, even during the nineteenth century when British colonists began to globalize sport.
Many of the mainstream sports we enjoy today started with Britain taking radical ideas in
sport from around the world and creating games such as soccer (Markovits 2010). Modern
globalization and technical advances have allowed for a new cycle of extreme sports to
emerge and possibly take over the mainstream sports. Sports such as snowboarding and
mountain biking, which were once considered extreme, are now part of mainstream sports
with their large number of participants and commercial features. Society is responsible for
creating the language as to what is considered mainstream sports. As Markovits (2010)
mentioned, ‘One could go even further and argue that these very sports languages, which
were, after all, creations of a specific time and space, and are thus random, need not
persevere forever’ (507). Those who create new extreme sports might be hindered by the
preconceived languages of mainstream sports, although new sports may begin to gain
more attention due to the inherent characteristics that make them appealing (Markovits
2010). Snowboarding is a good illustration of this process, now considered a mainstream
sport after enduring resistance from the popular sport of skiing (Heino 2000).
As they become more popular, there is a natural process for extreme sports to become
more mainstream. As Delaney and Madigan (2009) mentioned, ‘the longer any sport is in
existence, the more likely it is to become standardized and commercialized; many extreme
sports have been unable to escape this inevitability’ (53). An example of a modern
Sport in Society 631
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tradition sport is the rise of British soccer which could have been considered an extreme
sport due to the aggressive, disorganized, and impulsive nature of the game. Originally, it
was considered ‘mob football’ and usually was a contest between entire towns with vague
rules. In some cases, there were a limitless number of participants and the objective was to
get the ball to the target by any necessary means without slaying down others. Soccer did
not become standardized until the nineteenth century when it was integrated into the
school system (FIFA, n.d.). Today, the best examples of extreme sports becoming part of
the mainstream are the inclusion of activities such as snowboarding and bicycle motocross
(BMX) in the Olympic Games (Honea 2013).
In 1995, ESPN launched the X Games which gathered together for the first time
several extreme sports in the same place. Marginal sports such as skateboard and freestyle
BMX were then suddenly exposed to the general public with several hours of live
coverage. Two years later, the winter X Games were created and the popularity of this
event is constantly growing. Along with this increasing popularity, these extreme sports
attract more sponsors and this commercialization movement accelerates the assimilation
of these sports as part of the mainstream (Crissey 1999). However, some sports have
experienced a movement to propagate new extreme sports and return commercialized
extreme sports back to their roots. A good example is skydiving, which will be developed
in the next section. Some extreme sports could then be considered as moving through a
cycle between becoming part of the mainstream culture and then attempting to remove
themselves from that culture to return to an extreme status. This movement can be
presented as a cyclical process, as depicted in Figure 1.
Skydiving as an illustration of the cyclical process
As with traditional sports, it is not realistic to provide a common analysis for all extreme
sports. As a consequence, skydiving will be used as an example to illustrate the cyclical
process. Skydiving emerged in the early twentieth century when performers parachute
jumped during air shows (Poynter and Turoff 2007). This new sport reached an extreme
status by meeting the core characteristics of eminent danger, lack of overruling
organization, and the search for freedom. Moving into the next stage of the cycle, skydiving
started to become mainstream due to a rise in popularity when returning soldiers from the
Second World War wanted to continue the thrill of jumping out of airplanes. As the demand
Figure 1. Visual representation of the cyclical process from extreme sports to mainstream sports.
632 J.-C. Lebeau and R. Sides
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for skydiving increased, organizations were developed to teach skydiving for the general
population (Poynter and Turoff 2007). These organizations started to set rules about proper
parachute rigging and taught consistent techniques to decrease the risk of injury. For
example, the organization that oversees skydiving in the USA is the United States
Parachute Association (USPA). The USPA has a set of basic safety requirements and
techniques that are taught by certified coaches (Poynter and Turoff 2007). Skydiving
became also more popular due to technological advances that allowed the sport to become
more accessible (Barrows, Mills, and Kassing 2005). The parachutes became lighter and
allowed for slower, more controlled falls, providing a broader appeal for newcomers,
especially women who were more comfortable with lighter parachutes (Celsi, Rose, and
Leigh 1993). Additionally, freedom was reduced by the introduction of USPA hosted
competitions that constrain skydiving athletes to focus on selected challenges. Ciomaga
(2013) explains that rules allow for the game to be safe and fair but take away from the
athlete’s autonomy as seen in the skydiving competitions. Even if skydiving does not enjoy
a media coverage as large as some mainstream sports, the combination of
commercialization, accessibility, broad appeal, and loss of freedom makes skydiving
eligible for being part of the mainstream sports.
With the increase in popularity, the third stage of the cycle began when some athletes
pushed to regain the extreme status of the sport. Wingsuit pioneers began their push
around the same time when skydiving organizations were becoming established. The first
wingsuit dives began in 1912 through 1961 (Abrams 2003), while skydiving became
organized in the 1930s (Poynter and Turoff 2007). Variations of skydiving such as BASE
jumping and wingsuit diving (or a combination of both) introduced new dangers, were not
part of an organization, and provided new freedom for the participants. Specifically, the
danger is particularly salient in BASE jumping due to the absence of the reserve parachute
and wingsuit divers flying extremely close to the ground at high speeds. Weed (2003) also
revealed that during the emergence of wingsuit diving, 96% of people died trying to
develop a safe suit. It was not until 1998 when the first modern wingsuit was created that
safer dives and the commercialization of the sport were possible (Weed 2003).
The cycle appears to already be repeating itself due to the increased popularity of
wingsuit diving and BASE jumping. Within the last decade, there is evidence that wingsuit
diving could be categorized as a mainstream sport in a near future. Manufacturers set
guidelines for new safer wingsuits that are available for the public to purchase (UPSA
2008). The USPA has detailed information for coaches and students in preparation for a
wingsuit first flight course. Other organizations worldwide are creating competitions and
rules that will limit freedom for both BASE jumping and wingsuit diving (e.g. ProBASE
World Cup). As the cycle continues, new extreme aerial diving sports are already
emerging. The sport could evolve to reach new heights such as when Felix Baumgartner
dove from the stratosphere (128,100 feet) in 2012. Other examples include dives into
volcanoes, diving out of one plane to land in another flying plane, and throwing one’s
parachute out of plane while diving to catch it. These small, yet extreme steps, could
possibly change the sport for years to come.
Conclusion
Previous research on the dynamics of extreme sports typically examines its specific
characteristics as compared to mainstream sport (Mawson 2002; Zhu and Yu 2002). This
article is grounded in a more holistic approach to suggest that both mainstream and
extreme sports can be classified along a continuum. Several key characteristics commonly
Sport in Society 633
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attributed to extreme sports are also shared by mainstream sports. The example of
skydiving was used to introduce a new perspective to suggest a cyclical process of extreme
sports towards mainstream ones, and back again to marginality. Future research should
further investigate this cyclical thesis. In particular, other sports should be analysed to
examine the potentiality of a generalization across different sports. Limitations should also
be investigated, specifically as it relates to the categorization of a sport as part of the
mainstream. The cyclical perspective offers a new framework for studying extreme sports
as they relate to mainstream sports. It is hoped that this new perspective will contribute to
the expansion of the knowledge base in extreme sports.
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