Russian Responses to Commercial Change in European Gas Markets 51 CHAPTER 3 RUSSIAN RESPONSES TO COMMERCIAL CHANGE IN EUROPEAN GAS MARKETS Jonathan Stern In volume terms, Russian gas sales to European customers reached their highest-ever level in 2005-8 (annual average of 168.4 Bern). In 2009-12 they fell back significantly (to an annual average of 155.5 Bern). A key cause of the change was the economic recession and its impact on European energy demand, but other factors were at work, including changes in the structure of European energy markets, and Gazprom's reaction to pricing trends. We have divided the discussion of Russian exports to Europe into two chapters: this chapter deals primarily with the commercial and logistical aspects of Russian exports and Chapter 4 deals mainly with the regulatory, political, and security issues. The conclusions relating to both chapters can be found at the end of Chapter 4. Russian gas exports to Europe since the mid-2000s The Soviet Union, and from 1992 the Russian Federation, have been exporting gas to the eastern part of Europe since the Second World War, and to the western part since 1967. However, in contrast to the near-constant growth of Russian gas exports to Europe up to the early 2000s, volumes peaked in 2007-8 and declined thereafter, returning to near peak levels only in 2013.° Table 3.1 shows Gazprom's exports to 25 European countries since 2005. These sales are of considerable financial importance to Gazprom, comprising just over half of the company's revenues over the past decade, although only 27-31 per cent of its sales by volume.7 An important statistical anomaly in Table 3.1 is that the 'Grand Total' is the volume that Gazprom delivers to European customers, which is not the same as volumes of gas delivered under long-term contracts to those customers (which we believe to be the gas that physically leaves Russia). Previous OIES publications (Stern, J.P., The future of Russian Gas and Gazprom (Oxford: OIES/OUP, 2005), Chapter 3) focused on exports to Europe in the 1990s and early 2000s.) Figures are for 2002 3 and 2011 -12, revenue figures are net of all taxes, ibid. Table 3.4, p.128; Management Report OAO Gazprom (2012), p. 35. 50 Table 3.1: Gazprom's exports to Europe, 2005-13 (Bern)* 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013** Austria 6.8 6.6 5.4 5.8 5.4 5.6 5.4 5.4 5.2 Belgium 2 3.2 4.3 3.4 0.5 0.5 0 0 0 Estonia 1.3 0.7 0.9 0.6 0.8 0.1 0.7 0.6 0.7 Finland 4.5 4.9 4.7 4.8 4.4 4.8 4.2 3.7 3.0 France 13.2 10 10.1 10.4 8.9 8.3 8.5 11.2 8.2 Germany Jli 34.4 34.5 37.9 33.5 35.3 31.1 34 40.2 Greece 2.4 2.7 3.1 2.8 2.1 2.1 2.9 2.5 2.6 Italy 22 22.1 22 22.4 19.1 13.1 17.1 1.7.1 25.3 Latvia 1,1 1.4 1 0.7 1.1 0.7 1.2 1.1 1.1 Lithuania 2.8 2.8 3.4 2.8 2.5 2.8 3.2 3.1 2.7 Netherlands 4.1 4.7 5.5 5.3 4.3 1.3 4.5 2.9 2.1 Switzerland 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.3 Hi 0.3 0.3 0.4 Turkey 18 19.9 23.4 23.8 20 18 21) 27 26.6 UK 3.8 8.7 15.2 7.7 11.9 10.7 12.9 11.7 12.5 Sub-Total 118.7 122.5 133.9 128.7 114.8 106.9 121 115.6 131.7 Bosnia and Herzegovina 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.2 Bulgaria 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.0 2.2 2.3 2.5 2.5 2.8 Croatia 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.2 1.1 1.1 (i 0 0 Czech Republic 7.4 7.4 7.2 7.0 7 9 8.2 8.3 7.3 Hungary 9 8.8 7.5 8.0 7.(i (i.O 6.3 5.3 6 Macedonia (i.l 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.04 Poland 7 7.7 7 7.9 9 11.8 10.3 13.1 0.8 Romania 5 5.5 4.5 4.2 2.5 2.6 3.2 2.5 1.2 Serbia 2 2.1 2.1 2.2 1.7 2.1 2.1 1.0 1.2 Slovakia 7.5 7 6.2 6.2 5.4 5.8 5.9 4.3 5.4 Slovenia 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 Other countries 0 0.4 0.5 0.6 1.2 2.1 1.3 14 n/a Sub-Total 42.9 43.9 39.9 43 38.5 44.5 40.7 40.2 34.4 Grand Total 161.6 166.4 173.8 171.7 153.3 151.4 161.7 155.8 177.1 Deliveries under 158.8 168.5 142.8 138.6 150.3 139.9 166.1 long-term contracts * These data differ from those provided in the original source because they show exports to the Baltic countries as 'European' exports whereas Gazprom counts them as 'exports to former Soviet Union (FSU) countries'. ** 2013 data are preliminary and are not consistent with previous years. Sources: Gazprom in Figures 2005-9, p. 56; Gazprom m Figures 2008-12, p. 63; 'UK, Italy, Germany had biggest Russian gas import growth in 2013; Turkey led in H2', Interfax Russian Oil and Gas Weekly, 16-22January 2014, p. 46.. I 52 The Russian Gas Matrix The difference is the volume which Gazprom sources from elsewhere, by means of swaps and trading. For example, most of Gazprom's exports to the UK are in fact gas sourced from elsewhere,8 This is not necessarily because the company does not have sufficient physical gas available -although during very cold winter periods this may be the case (see Chapter 4) but because transportation distances and constraints within Europe mean that it is cheaper and easier to source gas from elsewhere. While there is no completely consistent pattern in volume exports to individual countries, the trend is a general increase up to 2008 followed by a decline thereafter. By the early 2010s, Russian exports were significantly below the levels seen in the 2005-8 period. To some extent the data is misleading due to lack of temperature correction, which can account for substantial year-to-year differences, but the trend is clear: of 26 European countries importing Russian gas in the period 2005-12, two (Belgium and Croatia) have ceased imports entirely, 19 have reduced their imports during this period, and only five (Greece, Turkey, Poland, Czech Republic, and the UK) are importing larger volumes. In 2013 exports reached their highest levels since 2008 of around 166 Bern partly due to a protracted spell of unusually cold weather in the early spring, and partly connected with price reductions discussed below.9 Figure 3,1 shows the profile of major Russian long-term export contracts to Europe up to expiry in 2035.'° Contracted volumes peak during 2012-14 at around 180 Bcm/year and then decline gradually to around 140 Bcm/year until the late 2020s when they drop off substantially. The outlook for European gas demand and imports In historical perspective, the year 2005 may be seen as the end of the 'golden age of gas' in Europe.11 For around three decades from the mid-1970s 8 The company's 2007 Annual Report (61) states that, 'In December 2007, Russian natural gas started being supplied to the UK market through the BBL gas pipeline'. It is highly unlikely that this gas is physically sourced from Siberia - although there is no way to be certain. One source suggests that out of 11.7 Bern sold to the UK in 2012, 8.1 Bern was Gazprom's gas and 3,6 Bern was acquired from other companies {Russian Energy Monthly, July 2013, p. 22). 9 The figure of 163 Bern is a preliminary Gazprom figure and does not include sales to the Baltic states of 4-5 Bern, 'On Key Preliminary Results 2013', www.gazprom. com/press/miller-journal/ 14January 2013. 1(1 They do not include the Baltic States, Romania, Bulgaria, and former Yugoslav republics to which Gazprom delivered 12.5-13.0 Bern in 2012. 11 The 'golden age of gas' is a phrase coined by the International Energy Agency America (IEA) {World Energy Outbok 2011: Are We Entering a Golden Age of Gas?, Paris: IEA/OECD) to denote the possibility of a much larger share of gas in global energy demand following the shale gas revolution in North America. But it is used here simply to refer to an era of rapid market expansion. Russian Responses to Commercial Change in European Gas Markets 53 ■ Czech Republic ■ Hungary □ Slovak Republic rty riV rt> -V Figure 3.1: Russian long-term gas contracts with OECD European countries to 2035 Contracts with Baltic and some south-east European countries are not included. Source: research by the Energy Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences (ERI RAS) based on data from Cedigaz and Nexant. to the mid-2000s, European gas demand increased steadily, as did imports of (former Soviet now) Russian gas. The reasons for this form an important part of European energy history: from the mid-1970s, gas progressively replaced oil products in the stationary energy balances of most countries, first in north-west Europe and then in central and southern Europe. In the major European markets, substitution of gas for oil products had largely been completed by the end of the 1990s.12 Some sectors in individual countries (for example power generation in Poland and Germany which continued to favour coal), and some regions (notably the Balkans and southeast Europe where usage of oil products continued even in power generation), were resistant to this general trend.13 During the 1990s and 2000s, power 18 For a statistical analysis of these trends see the appendices to Stern, J.P., Is there a rationale for the continuing link to oil product prices in Continental European long-term gas contracts?', Working Paper NG19, OIES, 1 April, 2007, and Stern, J.P. 'Continental European long-term gas contracts: is a transition away from oil product-linked pricing inevitable and imminent?', Working Paper NG34, OIES, 1 September, 2009. 13 For details of gas demand development in Europe up to the late 2000s sec Honore, A. European Natural Gas Demand, Supply and Pricing: Cycles, Seasons and the Impact of LNG Price Arbitrage (Oxford: OIES/OUR 2010), Chapter 1. 54 The Russian Gas Matrix generation in the form of combined cycle gas turbines (CCGTs) substantially increased gas demand, but by the middle of the decade, rates of growth had begun to slow. After 2005, demand plateaued and with the 2008 recession declined; by 2012 European gas demand had fallen to the level of 2002 - ten years of growth had been lost - and at mid-2013 this decline showed few signs of being reversed.14 The reasons for this decline are complex and cannot be explored in detail here.10 There are at least four major components of the problems which gas has encountered in European energy balances: * recession in Eurozone countries and slower than expected economic recovery; • a huge increase in renewable energy in many countries - greatly facilitated by subsidies - in order to meet national and EU targets in relation to those sources and also to carbon reduction targets; ■ a substantial increase in cheap imported coal - largely from the USA where it was displaced by shale gas production - made possible by the very low carbon prices produced by the EU Emissions Trading Scheme; ■ high gas prices - especially for gas sold under long-term contracts with oil-linked prices - created by the post-2008 surge in oil prices to above $100/bbl. These developments could be considered a short-term discontinuity caused by a coincidence of unusual events (recession, subsidized renewables, and cheap coal), or could be heralding the start of a secular decline of gas in European energy balances. An assessment of European gas supply and demand trends over the next decade is beyond the scope of this chapter; many different views and projections have been advanced.16 For our purposes, the most important issue is the difference between European and OECD projections, and Gazprom's view of how European gas demand and the continent's need for Russian gas is likely to unfold over the next decade. 14 In terms of temperature-corrected gas demand and excluding Turkey, which has been a rapidly growing market throughout the 2000s, the picture is even worse. Natural Gas Information (2012 Edition), Paris: IEA/OECD, Table 4, V8-9; ISA Monthly Gas S, January 2013, Paris: IEA/OECD, Table 1.1, 3. b For more details see Honore, A., 'Economic Recession and Natural Gas Demand in Europe: what happened in 2008-2010?', Working Paper NG47, OIES, 25 January, 2011 and Honore, A. The Outlook for Natural Gas Demand in Europe (Oxford: OIES/ OUP, 2014 forthcoming). "' For a range of esdmates see Sowemennie stsmarii razvitiia minim mergetiki: resultaty issledovanii 2009-12 gg, Insritut Energetiki i Finansov [Institute of Energy and Finance], 2012. Russian Responses to Commercial Change in European Gas Markets 55 The most widely quoted scenarios of European gas demand are those of the International Energy Agency (lEA)'s World Energy Outlook (WEO). The 2012 edition of the WEO projected OECD European gas demand as falling from 569 Bern in 2010 to 550 Bern, before recovering to 585 Bern in 2020." The Agency's 2013 WEO, was substantially more pessimistic, with the corresponding demand scenario reaching just 537 Bern in 2020 and not returning to the 2010 level until 2025.18 Despite this, Gazprom management continued to be optimistic, with its CEO claiming that 'Europe needs more gas and ... we are ready to supply as much as Europe wants'.19 However, even if these demand projections are directionally correct, this may not affect the volume of Russian gas which Europe will need to import. With declining European conventional gas production, and no significant unconventional gas production likely before 2020 (and perhaps substantially later), Europe will become increasingly dependent on imported supplies.20 As far as pipeline gas is concerned, Norwegian supply has probably peaked and will plateau, but will not decline significantly until after 2020.2' North African gas exports appear to have peaked, with Egyptian supplies in decline, and although transportation capacity exists (this could increase Algerian and Libyan exports), there is a lack of available gas due to delays in field development, rapidly rising domestic demand, and political turbulence.22 A maximum of 10 Bern of Southern Corridor gas from Azerbaijan will start to be delivered at the end of the 2010s (see Chapters 4 17 New Policies Scenario, World Energy Outlook 2012, Paris: IEA/OECD, Table 4.2, p. 128. For details of compatibility between Russian and international gas data see Units and Conversions (page xvi). 18 World Energy Outlook2013, Paris: IEA/OECD, Table 3.2, p. 103. 19 'Role of pipeline gas in Europe to grow: LNG overestimated - Miller', Interfax Russia & CIS Oil and Gas Weekly, 30 May-5June 2013, pp. 29-30. 20 Despite huge publicity about the prospects for shale gas in Europe, no substantial research study from any source sees significant quantities of unconventional (including shale) gas being produced in Europe prior to 2020, and many do not believe this picture will change substantially even by 2030. See World Energy Outlook 2013, Figure 3.b, p. 118; Unconventional Gas: Potential Energy Market Impacts in the European Union, JRC Scientific and Policy Reports, European Commission Joint Research Centre, Luxembourg: European Union, 2012; Gény, F. 'Can Shale Gas be a Game-Changer for European Gas Markets?', Working Paper NG46, OIES, 1 December, 2010; BP Energy Outlook 2030, (London: BP, 2014), p. 55. 21 We are treating Norway as an exporter to Europe rather than as an indigenous supplier. On its production outlook, seejohnsen, E. 'Norwegian gas update', paper presented at the FIAME Conference, Amsterdam, March 2013. 22 This was the conclusion of Fattouh, B. and Stern, J.P (eds.) Natural Gas Markets in the Middk East and North Africa (Oxford: OIES/OUP, 2011), Chapters 1-4, written before the 'Arab Spring' political turbulence which created considerably more uncertainty about future North African exports. 56 The Russian Gas Matrix and 14). If any pipeline gas from the Eastern Mediterranean reaches Europe, the volumes and timeframe are likely to be similar.23 This leaves Europe in the 2010s with two major sources of incremental gas - Russia, and LNG from a potentially large number of different regions, including North America. However, as we saw in the period after the Fukushima nuclear disaster in March 2011, and the progressive closure of Japanese nuclear power stations, LNG supplies apparently destined for Europe can very quickly disappear if demand and prices in Asia increase substantially.24 Changing European utility structures and competition To explain why Gazprom's European export outlook has changed, it is necessary to say a few words about the changing European utility landscape at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The post-war organization of European gas industries was that, with rare exceptions such as Germany, each country had a dominant - usually state-owned - utility which controlled virtually the entire gas market. The commercial strategy of these utilities was to segment their customer base, depending on the ability of the customers to access alternative fuels (and hence the relative value of gas for each customer group), and to price differentially between (and sometimes within) classes of customer, confident that without access to alternative gas supply at transparent prices, their customer base was essentially captive. The long-term gas contracts which the utilities signed with all major suppliers, domestic and foreign (such as Gazprom), reflected this relatively simple commercial model, but included sufficient flexibility to allow adaptation if and when market fundamentals changed. For the first several decades of European gas trade, they were largely successful in this task, greatly assisted by the fact that the dominant companies had a significant measure of control over market fundamentals, because they were mostly monopsony buyers and monopoly sellers to a customer base whose only alternative to buying their gas was to use a different fuel. The dominant price mechanism in European long-term gas contracts was the netback market value principle, the origins of which can be traced back to the early 1960s.25 According to this principle, the price paid by (he 55 Darbouche etal. 'East Mediterranean Gas: what kind of a game-changer?', Working Paper NG71, OIES, 19 December, 2012. 24 In 2012, European LNG imports fell by 27% compared with 2011. Asian LNG imports rose by more than 9%, Japanese imports by 11%. 'The LNG Industry in 2012', Brussels: GIIGNL, 2013, p. 8. 25 For details of this pricing structure and its historical importance in European gas markets see Stern, J.P 'The Pricing or Gas in International Trade - An Historical Survey', in Stern, J.P. (ed.), The Pricing of Internationally Traded Gas (Oxford: OIES/ OUP, pp. 40-84, 2012), especially pp.54-9. Russian Responses to Commercial Change in European Gas Markets 5 7 gas company to the foreign or domestic gas producer, at the border or the beach, is negotiated on the basis of the weighted average value of the gas in competition with other fuels, adjusted to allow for transportation and storage costs from the beach or the border and any taxes on gas. In continental Europe the competitive fuels were largely oil products - gas oil and (heavy or light) fuel oil. As gas expanded its market share, so the logic of the oil-linked price mechanism which had been established in long-term contracts began to disappear and, beginning in the 1990s, the pricing of internationally traded (and domestically produced) gas moved increasingly out of line with market fundamentals. However, this did not cause major problems because the commercial model of continental European gas utilities (described above) allowed them substantially to control national gas markets irrespective of these market fundamentals.26 But this control began to break down in the second half of the 2000s, when European energy regulation and competition law — sometimes reinforced, but often opposed, by national governments - created increasing momentum towards effective third-party access, ownership unbundling, and regulatory oversight. These developments, combined with the elimination of destination clauses (see below), completely transformed the regulatory and market context in which existing contracts were operating. Of fundamental importance were: the arrival of workable third-party access, and the emergence of hubs with transparent prices which could be readily accessed by any customer via the internet. By the end of the decade, most consumers in the largest EU gas markets increasingly had a credible choice of suppliers, and competition was spreading across north-west Europe under the twin influences of national regulators, and the network codes required by the EU Third Energy Package, which were aimed at liberalizing transportation across Europe and promoting the role of market hubs for price formation and trading.27 (See Chapter 4.) Other developments also had a significant impact on the long-term contracts of European gas utilities. The shale gas revolution collapsed North American gas prices from levels in excess of SlO/MMBiu in 2008, to $2-4/MMBtu for most of the period since 2009.28 In anticipation of gas shortages and high prices, nearly 200 Bern of regasification capacity had For a definition and discussion of the economic and market fundamentals of gas pricing see The Pricing of Internationally Traded Gas, pp. 486-9. For a discussion on the evolution of European market hubs sec Heather, P 'Continental European Gas Hubs: are they fit for purpose?' Working Paper NG63, OIES, 14 June 2012. For details see Foss, M.M. 'Natural Gas Pricing in North America', in The Pricing of Internationally Traded Gas, 85-144. 58 The Russian Gas Matrix Russian Responses to Commercial Change in European Gas Markets 59 been built in North America during the 2000s, with LNG supplies arranged to fill it. By 2009, those supplies were no longer needed in North America and large volumes of LNG became available for Europe. This exerted significant downward pressure on spot prices as oil prices began to march upwards beyond $100/bbl, while recession collapsed European (energy and) gas demand. For European utilities this represented a 'perfect storm' of commercial problems: progressive loss of monopoly, surplus supply, falling demand, and sharply increasing long-term contract prices (because of the increase in oil prices). In 2009, European hub prices fell significantly, to levels as much as 50 per cent below oil-linked contract prices, and aside from short periods in particularly cold winters, have averaged 25-33 per cent below oil-linked prices since then (Figure 3.2). Monthly average of TTF day-ahead price (€/MWh) NWE GCI typical price for long-term gas supplies {€/MWh) 40 35 20 15 j£ jP „\° jO jO jo jo jo jo M- j^ (XI- J> j^ JV> „V> Jv> -ji? ^ V V V V>V Vs V V V V V>o*VVVV> <0 ^ _c& J? J> - J? ^ .C<> V Figure 3.2: European long-term oil-linked and spot prices of gas (monthly averages), August 2010-September 2013 Note: TTF is the Dutch gas hub. The NWE GCI (north-west European Gas Contract Indicator) is a price, calculated by Platts news agency, in a typical 'pure oil-linked' contract formula. Source: Platts European Gas Daily Monthly Averages lor respective months. Contractual - volume and price -problems One of the major problems of writing about prices in long-term European gas contracts - whether with Gazprom or any other seller - is the degree of confidentiality of contracts, which prevents any detailed assessment which can be independently confirmed or verified. This should be borne in mind when reading the rest of this section. When European demand crashed post-2008, many importing companies struggled to meet their contractual minimum take-or-pay (ToP) volumes. The impact of this on Gazprom was of special significance, because of the size and centraliry of its supplies to the European gas market. Traditional take-or-pay levels in Russian long-term contracts are 85 per cent of annual contract quantity (ACQ).29 Figure 3.3 shows the extent of purchasers' failure to meet ToP during 2008-10, which resulted in renegotiations between them and Gazprom. At the beginning of 2010, it was widely reported that a number of companies had demanded both reductions in contractual take-or-pay volumes, and reductions in prices.30 As a result, Gazprom agreed with many of its customers that minimum ToP quantities would be reduced to 70 per cent of ACQ, and would be paid for at the contract price, but that any volumes taken in excess of minimum ToP would be sold at hub-based prices for three years beginning in October 2009.31 Because we do not know how many customers received these concessions, Figure 3.3 shows an illustration of ToP commitments at both 85 per cent and 70 per cent; we believe that the actual level of ToP is at one of these levels. Although Gazprom sold nearly 9 Bern more gas to its European customers in contract year 2009/10 compared with 2008/09, the company's customers incurred take-or-pay liabilities (against a level of 85 per cent of ACQ) of 5 Bern in 2009 and around 10 Bern in 2010.32 However the reasons were different: in 2009 the take-or-pay shortfall was spread across a number of companies, while in 2009/10 it was concentrated on ENI and Edison (Italy) and Botas (Turkey). The sharp drop in 2010 imports with 'Take-or-pay' clauses require the buyer to take an annual minimum volume of gas, or to pay for that volume whether or not it is taken. The post-2008 period is probably the first time in history that buyers had to pay for substantial volumes of gas which they were unable to take; for details see Stern,J. and Rogers, H. 'The Transition to Hub-Based Gas Pricing in Continental Europe', op. eit. These included E.ON, Wingas, Botas, Eni, RWE and Econgas. 'Europe rethinking contracts with Gazprom', Interfax Russia & CIS Oil and Gas Weekly, 4-10 March 2010, pp. 4-5. Anecdotal evidence suggests that these concessions were given to buyers in northwest and some in Central Eastern Europe. 'Gazprom agrees to sell a portion of gas delivery- to Ruhrgas at spot prices', Interfax Russia and CIS Oil and Gas Weekly, 18-24 February, 2010, p. 20; Anton Doroshev, 'Gazprom adjusts gas pricing to defend market share', Reuters, 19 February 2010. http://uk.reuters.com/article/ idi:KLDE61IlM3201()0219?pagei\umbcr=2&vittualBrandCharmel=11700&sp=true. These volumes are for 'contract years' which in European gas contracts are usually 1 October-30 September, and are thus different from the calendar year data in Table 3.1 and Figure 3.3. 60 The Russian Gas Matrix Bcm 200 -i -Take or Pay 85% -Take or Pay 70% 50 s> £> ,> & &> A A & -» rt*. JX rt A a # -f#