Urban Anthropology (The Journal): A Personal History
Author(s): Jack R. Rollwagen
Source: Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic
Development , WINTER, 1991, Vol. 20, No. 4, Index of Urban Anthropology Volumes 1-
20, 1972-1991 (WINTER, 1991), pp. 361-372
Published by: The Institute, Inc.
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Urban Anthropology (The Journal):
A Personal History
Jack R. Rollwagen
Department of Anthropology
SUNY College at Brockport
ABSTRACT: A personal account of the twenty years between the establishment of the
journal Urban Anthropology in 1972 and its evolution up to 1991 through the eyes of the
journal's editor, Jack Rollwagen. This article discusses the professional context of the
evolution of the journal, and links the establishment of Urban Anthropology to the author's
career in anthropology. The journal expanded its scope of subject matter beginning in 1984,
which was expressed at that time in the change of the name of the journal to Urban
Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development.
When, in 1963, 1 chose a topic for my dissertation research, anthropologists
were just beginning to re-draw the boundaries of their discipline to
include as a major focus of their attention not only peasant villages but
also the migration of those peasants to cities. However, it was still not clear
that such studies were appropriate subject matter, at least in the eyes of
many anthropologists. Oscar Lewis had published A Wage in Mexico:
Tepotzlán Restudied in 1951, and had followed that with the article
"Urbanization without Breakdown" (1952) in which he discussed the
cityward migration of people from Tepoztlan, Mexico. I began to make
plans for fieldwork in Mexico on rural-urban migration. By the time that I
was ready to start fieldwork for my dissertation in 1964, the biographical
accounts on city life in Latin America by Lewis that were to establish him
to the larger audience of non-anthropologist readers in America were
beginning to appear with great regularity: Five Families (1959), Children of
Sanchez (1961), and, ultimately, La Vida (1965). The Robert Redfield Oscar
Lewis debate was at the center of attention of anthropologists
studying peasants, those studying Latin America in general, and certainly
those studying Mexico. However, it appeared curious to me that what I
saw as a important potential source for the transformation of anthropology
seemed to have very little impact upon the many journals published in
anthropology. To a great extent, at least in my view (and in my memory),
361
ISSN 0894-6019, © 1991 The Institute, Inc.
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362 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
anthropological journals of that time continued to be focused
ethnography and ethnology of primitives and the implication t
those topics had for anthropology. There was debate about to
were relevant to what was to come (e.g., the debate about "co
but there was no journal source in anthropology to which on
one's attention for the coverage of rural-urban migration, urba
urbanism. Similarly, there were at that time no books by anth
introductory to what was to become "urban anthropology
collection of readings Peasants in Cities, one of the first
anthropology to approach the topic of cities anthropolog
published in 1970.
In the fall of 1971, I decided to explore the possible public
journal on urban anthropology. There were no journals in anthr
specialized in the study of cities. However, I wanted to know
was a reasonable project. At that time, M. Estellie Smith was
of mine in the Department of Anthropology at SUNY College at
I spoke to her about my plans and asked her what she though
that she thought it was a good idea, and furthermore she said
would convince me to begin the experiment, she would co
article to the first issue.
I also began to explore the process of publishing, and th
publication. I reasoned that if I were able to generate enou
before I began to actually publish the journal that I could pay
out of the income generated by the sale of those journals. I r
idea of seeking institutional funding for the project or seeking
journal published by an academic publisher because I wante
control over the publication process. I chose the format, the
paper stock, and the cover design. I decided very early that I
high quality paper and cover stock, that I would pay for typese
than to use typewritten material, as others did at that time w
journals for their organizations), and that I would get the jour
bound. I also made the decision not to have anything other th
in the journal (e.g., a calendar of meetings, news items, book r
Also, there were to be no advertisements (and consequently
from those sources either). Having determined the costs, I th
consider how many people would have to subscribe in order to
expenses. My calculations were that if I could convince 10
subscribe to the journal at a per volume subscription cost of $7
pay the expenses for the first volume given the decisions I had
format, typsetting, and binding.
At that point, I called a number of anthropologists who had
on topics which I considered to be appropriate for the subject
the journal. Over a period of several weeks, I accumulated a su
large number of individuals who had agreed to submit articles
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Rollwagen A PERSONAL HISTORY 363
begin the project. I then prepared a one-page, typese
project, including a subscription form. I took that with m
Anthropological Association (hereafter AAA) meetings
and arranged with the AAA to put them near the bo
time, the AAA allowed me to do that at no charg
Robert V. ("Van") Kemper (whom I had met in one of
the AAA and who seemed to have a great deal of ene
help me in another aspect of the project. I had decid
would contain nothing other than articles. However,
if I did not somehow publish book reviews and news i
would be less desirable to subscribers. After I had di
project with him, I asked if he would be interested in
the "news" items, on book reviews, and other "non-a
published in a separate newsletter. He agreed and thu
and collaboration that has continued to the present t
The first issue of Urban Anthropology (the journa
Anthropology Newsletter appeared in the spring of
sufficient subcription monies to pay for the costs of t
time that the first issue was published. Similarly, w
was published there were enough additional subscript
the costs of that second issue. Each of the two fi
comprised volume one) contained approximately
Anthropology continued to be published only twice a
By 1974, I had 350 subscribers, almost all of them in
Not everyone thought that the idea of an "urban a
good idea. The first issue of the Urban Anthropology
contained comments by several scholars who were w
work in urban areas. One of these, Anthony Leeds, c
idea of an "urban anthropology."[1] Fortunately, h
enough people interested in an "urban anthropology"
to continue.
In 1974, I was contacted by an editor from Plenum Publishing
Company located in New York City. Plenum was a "scientific" publisher,
specializing in the hard sciences, medicine, and foreign language
publications. They had seen Urban Anthropology and wanted to assume
publication, buying it if possible. Although I was beginning to feel that the
time that it took to edit and publish Urban Anthropology were taking its toll
on my own writing and research, I still wanted to retain control of the
journal. In my negotiations with Plenum, I was able to work out an
arrangement in which I would be able to continue to own and edit the
journal but they would assume all of the publishing, distribution, and
subscription functions. They were to pay me $1,000.00 a year as an
honorarium to continue to edit the journal. They also bought all of the back
issues of the journal. I agreed that Urban Anthropology was to become a
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364 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
quarterly, since Plenum could charge more for a quarterly an
quarterly journal in their eyes (and that of others) appe
"professional," more "substantial." Furthermore, they had no
publish the Urban Anthropology Newsletter. After due consider
possibilities (and after discussion with Van Kemper about his
new arrangements), I decided to incorporate only two elem
Urban Anthropology Newsletter into the journal published by
book reviews; and (b) a section that was to be called "Commun
Estellie Smith volunteered to take over the book reviews section of the
journal beginning with Urban Anthropology 4:3. She continued in this role
until the publication of Urban Anthropology 12:3-4 when DeWight Middleton
took over the book reviews. Van Kemper contributed frequent items to the
"Communications" section of the journal from UA 4:1 through 7:4 (at which
time he returned to Mexico City for a year of fieldwork and was, therefore,
not able to continue his contributions on a regular basis). With the demise
of the Urban Anthropology Newsletter, Van and Estellie were invited onto
the journal as associate editors. By that time, I also felt that Urban
Anthropology should have an editorial board, one which would help to
establish the journal more firmly. I therefore made a list of individuals
whom I hoped would agree to lend their names to this enterprise. The first
editorial board appeared in volume 4:1 and included the following
individuals: Douglas Butterworth, Wayne Cornelius, Richard G. Fox, John
Gulick, William John Hanna, Ulf Hannerz, Jennifer James, Anthony Leeds,
Kenneth Little, T.G. McGee, William Mangin, Richard M. Morse, Leonard
Plotnicov, Robert J. Smith, and Aidan Southall.
Plenum's first action (taken without consultation with me) was to raise
the subscription amounts from $7.50 for either individual or institutional
subscription for two issues a year (300 pages), to $60.00 for institutions
and $25.00 for individuals for four issues a year (400 pages). At that point,
almost all of the individual subscribers refused to renew their subscriptions.
Later, I was able to convince Plenum that they should reduce the individual
rate to $15.00. However, the damage had been done and very few
individuals re-initiated their subscriptions. However, under Plenum's
management the number of institutional subscribers rose significantly. This
put the journal on a firm financial foundation.
The arrangement with Plenum lasted six years. By the end of the fourth
year, Plenum had changed editors twice, and had inadvertently introduced
advertisements for their other journals into Urban Anthropology on one
occasion. By the end of the fifth year, Plenum had lost interest in the
publication of Urban Anthropology and the journal was falling further and
further behind publication schedule. I began negotiations to reassume
publication of the journal myself. The first step in the plan was to get
Plenum to release me from the contract that I had signed. They were quite
willing to do so. However, they retained all of the back issues of the
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Rollwagen A PERSONAL HISTORY 365
Journal, which they eventually sold to J.S. Canner
to recoup some of their "losses." (J.S. Canner
reached at 10 Charles Street, Needham Heights,
of volumes 1 through 9 are still available from Can
In order to prepare for the re-assumption of pu
Anthropology, I established a "for profit" corporati
on 7 June 1973. [2] The reasons for doing so were
(1) it limited my personal liability; and (2) it ma
journal more straightforward than any other mech
order to obtain a permit for bulk mailing the jour
annual fee (and the costs of the mailings, of course)
paperwork. Had I incorporated as a not-for-profit c
was extremely complicated and subject to review at
time by a diverse bureaucracy not inclined to favor
When I concluded that I wanted to continue
Anthropology and that I would not only continue m
I would also re-assume the role of publisher, I had
but very important decisions. One of the major prob
the same procedure that I had used during the
publishing Urban Anthropology was that I could no
schedule that was in any way predictable becaus
process of typesetting. However, other possibilitie
in the early 1980s which had not been available in
started the journal. I began to notice advertisemen
computer, one which was billed as a "personal c
seemed ideal! I could buy my own computer and th
worry about scheduling time for the production o
seemed to me, that if I owned the computer, I coul
out of the money that I would normally pay for ty
I decided that I would buy an Apple computer
since I would be taking over the business end of t
have to have a business letter quality printer, and a
formatted journal copy to a typesetter. Since I
arrangements at a local bank to borrow sufficient
computer, the software I needed, and the letter qu
came to more than $8,000.00. The bank sugges
additional $5,000.00 in order to insure that I have s
for other startup costs. I took out a second mortg
$13,000.00 on March 19, 1982 and started to lea
computer, and (2) how to manage a business, both
I also had to meet a quarterly journal publication s
was paid off on 18 May 1984.
Throughout the history of the journal, I had evol
practices about the editing of the journal as well. In
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366 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
mainly upon volunteered papers to provide the content of th
When Urban Anthropology was published only twice a year,
so much of a problem. However, when the journal expanded t
publication, I knew that I was going to have to find other op
policy, unconscious at first but more conscious as specif
arose, was:
(1) to review articles submitted for publication from anyone regardless
whether they had a Ph.D. in anthropology or not. I reviewed articles fr
graduate students and from emeritus professors (and everybody
between) at a time when there were quite clear separations between tho
journals which were "professional" journals (i.e., followed the policy o
publishing articles only after a review which would filter out graduat
student articles) and those journals that were published by students a
to a large degree were oriented toward the publication of student pap
(e.g., the Steward Journal of Anthropology).
(2) to review articles by professionals from other disciplines. As I began
realize that relying upon individuals to volunteer papers would not bring
enough high quality manuscripts, nor bring them in at the times wh
would be able to prepare them to meet my publication schedules, I beg
to look for other possibilities for papers. This resulted in the addition of tw
more policies:
(3) to be more active in contacting individuals who had presente
symposia at various professional meetings (or who were about to do so
on topics that I felt were important to the field of urban anthropology;
and
(4) to make arrangements with some of the societies within the Americ
Anthropological Association (or affiliated groups) who did not at that t
have their own journal to publish the papers from a particular symposi
as a special issue of Urban Anthropology.
(5) to encourage contributions from the widest variety of contributors.
editor, I solicited manuscripts from scholars throughout the world by letter
by personal invitation, and through colleagues. [4]
As a result of these activities, I began to get back onto publication
schedule. However, it took ten years (1981 to 1991) before the quarter (
"Spring, 19XX) on the cover of the journal matched the actual quarter
the "real" calendar year. It was not unusual during this period of time
me to be working on eight issues of Urban Anthropology at one time
fact, it was almost necessary to have that many issues "in process." Edit
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Rollwagen A PERSONAL HISTORY 367
on a quarterly publication schedule requires that an
in advance of its actual publication. Solicitation of a
presented in a professional meeting usually required
symposia paper to be rewritten in the style, formal
for journal publication. Also, a high percentag
presented papers in symposia either never comp
paper or had that paper accepted. In order to ha
papers that were acceptable for publication, I had to
least eight papers.
I had made the decision early in the process t
reviews, and that these peer reviews would be ano
of course, took time. When I sent out a paper for r
out to at least two individuals whose names I had culled out of the index
to the programs for the annual meetings of the American Anthropological
Association or the Society for Applied Anthropology. I decided upon a
"double blind" peer review process (in which neither the author of the
manuscript nor the peer reviewer were given the name of the other party)
because, it seemed to me, that it allowed editors more freedom in writing
critical comments.
By the late 1970s, the number of people who referred to themselves
as "urban anthropologists" was high enough to suggest that there be an
association for individuals interested in "urban anthropology" within the
American Anthropological Association. I was approached independently by
two anthropologists to found a "Society for Urban Anthropology." I made
all of the arrangements with the AAA to establish such a society during the
AAA annual meetings in 1979 and to publicize the meeting in which the
attempt would take place. During the meeting (attended by approximately
60 individuals, which indicated quite a bit of interest in such a society), the
Society for Urban Anthropology (SUA) was founded. I was elected the
founding president. I suggested that we have the policy of having the
president-elect work on the program for the symposia that the Society for
Urban Anthropology would present at the next AAA meetings. Leonard
Plotnicov was elected president-elect and not only took on the task of
program chair for the Society for the following AAA meetings, but also
established the Society's Newsletter.
At the same time, I decided to expand contacts with other professionals
in the international arena. The journal by now, of course, was being
distributed throughout the world, as it continues to be today. However, in
my own editing work I had the need to find reviewers to read manuscripts
on a wide variety of topics. Finding reviewers who were experts in the
topics of manuscripts was never easy. I wanted for myself (and I assumed
that others would also want the same) a convenient reference source in
which to locate anthropologists by (a) topical area of research interest, and
(b) by country. I began in early 1980 to compile a directory of urban
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368 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
anthropologists similar to the one which Van Kemper had publ
in Urban Anthropology (Kemper 1975). I gathered names (and
where possible) from a wide variety of sources, including the
to Departments, the programs for annual meetings of the AA
Society for Applied Anthropology, journal articles, personal ref
Then I attempted to verify the information by sending individual
anthropologists around the world for any changes or new inf
decided that I would not publish the entry unless I received a
my inquiry. I compiled the resultant information and publish
Summer, 1981 issue of Urban Anthropology (which appear
1983). By 1982, Urban Anthropology (the journal) had been est
ten years and the Society for Urban Anthropology had been est
three years. I had been at work on the worldwide director
anthropologists for two years.
The idea occurred to me that if I published a directory
anthropologists, I could help to create an organization of urban
gists which was worldwide. I searched for an appropriate n
would use when I would publish this directory of urban anth
worldwide. I would then use this name when I published the d
urban anthropologists in Urban Anthropology. I discussed this p
Van Kemper at the AAA meeting. I suggested that the organizat
'The World Congress of Urban Anthropologists. He coun
suggesting that I model the name for the worldwide associati
anthropologists upon the newly created worldwide association
pologists and ethnologists, the International Union of Anthrop
Ethnological Sciences (IUAES). He suggested the title "Worl
Urban Anthropologists." By doing this, the organization could b
to become a constituent member of the IUAES. The title of t
published in Urban Anthropology 10:2 became 'The World Unio
Anthropologists (WUUA) International Directory of Urban Anth
The integration of the WUUA within the structure of the IUAES n
about, although the idea behind the WUUA certainly served a
for the subsequent creation of a "Commission on Urban Anth
within the IUAES.
There were other forces working on shaping Urban Anthro
journal). Under the management of Edward J. Lehman (executi
of the American Anthropological Association between 1970 an
Association began to be re-structured. As the population of ant
had expanded, and as new societies of anthropologists deve
within and outside of the AAA) the AAA Board of Directors b
concerned about the impact that such societies had on the fin
future of the AAA. Ed Lehman's position was that societies (ma
operated within the AAA and utilized its services) must pay th
the expenses. Lehman suggested to the AAA board that all soci
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Rollwagen A PERSONAL HISTORY 369
state (a) that they were going to be organized with
willing to pay for the services they received, or (b)
themselves from the AAA and, as a result, not rece
of being a member of the AAA (e.g., they cou
symposia at the annual meetings of the AAA, nor h
the AAA annual meetings, etc). Those societies whic
AAA "umbrella" which were large enough to fun
journal must have that journal published by the AA
I reasoned that if the AAA started another journal i
with Urban Anthropology that they would take eno
Urban Anthropology to cause it to flounder finan
Lehman and asked if the AAA were interested in bu
gy. After some months of discussions, the negotia
mutual agreement. However, I decided that if t
Anthropology were to begin the publication of a n
anthropology, it would be wise to refocus Urban A
it with my own changing interests and to reflect majo
in the profession at large. With the publication of t
13 of Urban Anthropology, the name was changed
and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Ec
(hereafter "I/AS"). In 1987, the AAA began the publicat
& Society on behalf of the Society for Urban Anth
With the change in name and direction of UA
important to change the editorial board to reflect
editorial board was announced in UAS 15:1-2.[5]
Kemper has rejoined UAS as Associate Editor. He
(a special issue on Bangladesh), and compiled the
(a Directory of Urban Anthropologists) as well as th
UA and UAS for the present issue. With Lawrence
organized UAS 18:1, a special issue on teaching ant
As UAS completes its twentieth year of publicatio
field of urban anthropology is well established, alth
unforeseen in the early 1970s. (One measure of th
individuals listed in the Directory of Urban Anthro
were self-stated urban anthropologists, or judged
It is not uncommon today to find references in so
Guide to topical identifications such as "urban ant
today many anthropologists conduct fieldwork in ci
themselves as "urban anthropologists" but rather si
doing what anthropologists do. Thus, in this way "u
become part of the mainstream in anthropology
played a major role in this process.
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370 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
NOTES
[1] In the first issue of the Urban Anthropology Newsletter, Anthony Leeds criticized the
founding of the journal Urban Anthropology in what has subsequently become a famous
programmatic statement:
"There is a serious question involved in creating a new journal and newsletter called 'Urban
Anthropology.' I consider such a field a spurious and retrograde one in that it tends to make
an excuse for maintaining a subject matter within a discipline which cannot and should not
handle it. Just because the work is done in cities in no excuse for creating another journal,
which likely will be devoted to too much emphasis on microstudies of limited import for
understanding cities. It will perpetuate through fossilization a thought approach which has
already proved itself stagnant and unproductive. Why not create, instead, a journal entitled
'Urban Society1 or The Journal of Urban Phenomenon,' open to the entire range of social
science approaches, specifically emphasizing inter-disciplinary work and insights, or better,
trans-disciplinary ones, needed to deal with urban problems. Why insist on continuing the
parochialism of the field of anthropology? What geographer, economist, planner, etc., is
going to publish in ajournai called 'Urban Anthropology' and thereby bury himself? Thus,
I fear that the creation of this new journal may contribute to furthering disciplinary sectarianism
which has made most of the anthropology done in cities so sterile with regards to the
nature of cities. The point is that 'urban anthropology' has usually been done as if (a) the
city were an isolated unit and (b) as if the thing studied in the city has some intrinsic
relation to the city. Neither of these assumptions is true, hence most of the work has ended
up being very limited. For example, most of the African network literature seems to me to
be completely bogged down in methodology because it has failed to attack important
questions of broader substantive theory. Cities are simply one form of population
nucleation, all of which are precipitates in localities of an extraordinarily complex system of
interactions which constitute a society. It is theoretically possible and interesting to develop
propositions as to how, when, and where nucleations will appear - and having done so,
necessarily also to designate their characteristics. What one has done, then, is to deduce
the structure of life for any given city (that is, the context in which anthropological microstudies
have been carried out) from general theory, a general theory which synthesizes work
coming from various disciplines. By way of final note, I teach an urban course in our
Department of Anthropology. I call the course 'Principles of Urban Analysis,' specifically to
avoid damning my students to continuing the trivia of network methodology, street-corner
studies, analyzing the rules for a fair fight, etc., and to get them to look at the city, city
systems, and society in evolutionary perspective. That is, they must generate hypotheses
and predictions with regard to the microstudy data as well as other kinds of data that urban
anthropology has not paid as much attention to. The texts are readers in urban sociology,
urban geography, and general systems theory. Lectures deal with a general theory of the
nature of society and population nucleations. From this broad framework, one can filter
down to the things one has classically seen done as 'urban anthropology.' But, instead of
being a starting point (and end), these data now become only one sub-set of things one can
do, carefully delineated in relation to variables which affect them, but which have not
ordinarily been treated by anthropologists. By not treating them, anthropologists have failed
to see the pressures and constraints operating on the systems that they study and have,
hence, at best given only particularistic explanations, or at worst wholly erroneous accounts.
From the broad framework, too, one can filter down to a great many other topics, which
anthropologists have not dealt with but are highly relevant and for whose investigations
anthropologists have some of the appropriate talents" (1972:4-5).
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Rollwagen A PERSONAL HISTORY 371
[2] The corporation's official name was initially "The Institute for
innocent enough name for a corporation in the late 1960s and e
but a liability in the mid- and late 1970s and early 1980s. The n
to "The Institute, Inc." on 7 April 1987. As an additional lega
trademark "Urban Anthropology" on May 7, 1974. I also had
establishment of the journal that I would copyright the jour
ISSN number assigned (ISSN 0363-2024), and when the name
UAS, a new ISSN number was assigned (ISSN 0894-6019). As o
to copyright, I decided that authors would have every right to
published in Urban Anthropology. The "transfer of copyright"
filled out before the article was published in Urban Anthropol
re-publish his/her own article in edited works, and (b) to reprint
in his/her own classes. This seemed to me to be an incentive
Urban Anthropology. As a benefit of publication, I prov
complimentary copies of the full issue in which his/her art
reprints of his/her own article.
[3] UA 8:3-4 was a special issue on "Social Urbanization in Latin
and Robert H. Lavenda, editors. This special issue was publish
Society for Latin American Anthropology (SLAA). Anothe
cooperation with that same society (from a period of time whe
co-chairs of that organization) was the issue on Mexican Urban
R. Rollwagen, editor. The last cooperation between UAS a
publication of "Directions in the Anthropological Study of Latin
R. Rollwagen, editor. UA also cooperated with the Society for
publication of a set of papers edited by Charlotte I. Miller: "Tea
and with the General Anthropology Division of the AAA in the
titled "Women in the Americas: Relationships, Work, and Powe
[4] Many of these attempts ended in failure, either because no
(in some cases) because manuscripts that were sent were no
efforts, UA published an issue with articles by Israeli schola
13:4) with articles from scholars in Eastern Europe, and a variet
volunteered papers from scholars outside of North America.
[5] The members of this current editorial board can be found o
contents page of this issue.
REFERENCES CITED
Kemper, Robert V. (1975) Directory of Urban Anthropologists. Urb
Anthropology 4(1):73-106.
Lewis, Oscar (1951) Life in a Mexican Village: Tepoztlán Restudied. Urban
University of Illinois Press.
Lewis, Oscar (1952). Urbanization without Breakdown. Scientific Month
75(1): 31-41.
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372 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL 20(4), 1991
Lewis, Oscar (1959). Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in th
Poverty. New York: Basic Books.
Lewis, Oscar (1961). Children of Sanchez. New York: Rand
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