Sports Spectacular: A Ritual Model of Power ALYCE TAYLOR CHESKA (U.S.A.) INTRODUCTION: THE CONCEPT OF POWER Socialized man has long used the collective gathering to express and preserve sociocultural concepts. One such concept is socially interactive power which encompasses a humans capacity to accomplish something and thereby obtain control of one’s environmental situation, nature, objects, or persons. As individuals and groups, people have struggled for control and their success in expressed ethnocentrically in status, goods, services, resources and value. This cultural code of power is expressed and communicated by, in and through ritual action (Munn, 1973:581). By means of iconic symbols (acts, words, or things) the ritual provides models of the power process in life situations. The ritual message condenses the varying power experiences of life and their meanings within a particular society into an objective vehicle which is understood and shared by individuals on a personal, subjective level. The ritual serves to filter, solidify, unify, imagize, and legitimize the power process in interpersonal relations. An elaborately colorful ritual ceremony which is found throughout the modern world is the sports spectacular. In sports spectaculars the concept of power is often objectified, thus illustrating the Leach (1961) contention that any form of secular activity, whether practical or recreational, can be stylized into dramatic performance and made the focus of a ritual sequence. A few examples of such events are the elegant New Year’s Day football Rose Bowl and the basketball tournament &dquo;March Madness&dquo; in the United States; the South American vibrant national soccer matches; the southeastern Asian colorful sepak takraw 1 1 Sepak Takraw (sepak means kick; takraw means ball in Thai) is a variation of an ancient circle ball game in which a 4—6" diameter light open woven bamboo ball was kicked by the inside foot area sequentially between players. The object was to keep the ball airborne. The modern game, reflecting five centuries of competition, is similar to foot volleyball. It is played with three players on each side of a net and a rattan (bamboo) ball weighing four ounces or about 113 grams. The object of the game is to put the ball over the net without it being returned. The successful side scores a point every time this is done, the winning point being fifteen. National and international sepak takraw (sometimes 52 contests; the eastern European elaborate sport Spartakiads;2 and the grandeous international modern Olympics. SPORT SPECTACULAR EXAMPLE In the north central region of United States there are ten large universities which compete against each other in athletic contests. These schools field sports teams in football, basketball, baseball, track and field, wrestling, among others. On Saturday several years ago this author attended a &dquo;homecoming&dquo; football game between two of these schools. On that crisp fall afternoon, the sports stadium was packed with sixty-six thousand brightly bedecked fans. They eagerly watched and cheered twenty-two player &dquo;priests&dquo; alternately carry, kick, and pass an elliptical leather ball toward opposing end lines of the oblong playing field. Each eleven-man team attempted to control the ball, advance it the length of the field, and score more goals than their opponents within a prescribed time limit. The crowd in the bleachers shouted and sang encouragement to their respective teams. The six-hundred member card section flashed in succession a multi-colored design of an Indian chief, their school’s name, and words &dquo;Go get ’em,&dquo; &dquo;Win&dquo;. During time-outs delightfully acrobatic cheerleaders led the rooters in praiseful chants of the young football players. The combined staccato of sixty-six thousand shouting voices clapped like thunder. At half-time, the mid-point of the contest, the players left the arena, but quickly the three-hundred foot long playing field was blanketed with a smartly uniformed band of one hundred and fifty expert musicians who, while harmoniously playing a rousing march, stepped rapidly into a large alphabetic pictogram &dquo;I&dquo;. The music stopped. From the far end of the stadium crept the leathered form of a Plains Indian who bent and swayed to the low muted tones of the band. As the dancer increased the tempo of his high rhythmic stomp, the music built to a mighty crescendo. At that moment the Indian leapt high into the air, called sepak raga) is held in Southeast Asia, and is one of the popular sports competitions in the Asian Games. 2 Spartakiads, competitive sports festivals, have been held in Russia since early 1900s. They were held in various republics, colleges, trade unions, and among school children; accompanying the sports competitions were gymnastics, calesthenics, dance, and mass formation displays. In 1956 the U.S.S.R. national Spartakiad, modeled after the Olympiads, was initiated; and competition was held in the year preceding each quadrennial Olympics. In 1970—71 national Spartakiad program approximately 18,000 competitors were involved progressively from sports collectives, district, city, region, territories, republics to the national events finals. 53 landing abruptly in a wide, strong stance with arms crossed, holding his feather crowned head proudly. Chief Illiniwek, symbol of great aboriginal strength, received the explosive applause of the fans. He slowly raised his arms high, entreating the Great Spirit’s blessing, while the stadium rang with the strains of Alma Mater. In my mind’s eye, the impact of that afternoon’s sports spectacular still remains today. Contemplation of the phenomenon of the modern sports spectacular leads to many questions to be addressed here. Why are these events found throughout the world? Can the sports spectacular be regarded as ritual? In these events what underlying symbolic messages are being transmitted? Can the sports spectacular be a condensed symbol of the process of power seeking in social interactions? Has the play form of sports spectacular become for modern man a communitas substitute for sacred ritual? To succinctly analyze the significance of the modern sports spectacular as a ritual of social power a commonality of focus is inferred. The next section is devoted to integrating the major terminology to this focus: sport, athlete, contest, spectacular, power, and ritual. i THE SPORTS SPECTACULAR AS A MESSAGE OF POWER DEFINED Clifford Geertz has wisely observed, &dquo;Definitions establish nothing, (but) they do provide a useful orientation, or reorientation, of thought, ... such can be an effective way of developing and controlling a novel line of inquiry&dquo; (1969 :4). In this paper operational definitions of certain key words can increase understanding. Sport: One pivotal word is sport, and in this context it is defined as an institutionalized game (Loy, 1969:56). Basic elements of a game as suggested by Sutton-Smith (1973:5) are rules, opposition of forces, participants, and uncertain outcomes. A game can be considered a competitive activity involving skill, chance or endurance on the part of two or more persons who play according to a set of rules, usually for their own amusement or for that of spectators 3. Synonyms for game include contest, competition, sport. Contest : The Greeks used the word &dquo;agon&dquo; to denote a struggle or contest in which prizes were awarded in a number of public events, involving athletics, dramatics, music, and poetry. Words of protagonist and antagonist, derivatives of &dquo;agon&dquo;, identify the contenders, a classification to which athletes belong. Rooted in ritual, agonistic activities or contests of every description played a dominant part in the culture and daily life of every Greek. 3 See footnote 5. 54 The very structure of sport is a frame or vehicle for modeling the striving for power or control in its broad sense, for the outcome of a contest, as often in life, assures an uneven distribution of power. LeviStrauss has stated, &dquo;Games thus appear to have a disjunctive effect: they end in the establishment of a difference between individual players or teams where originally there was no indication of inequality. And at the end of the game they are distinguished into winners and losers&dquo; (1966 :32). Basically because one party loses and another gains, this type of contest is sometimes referred to as zero-sum game (Von Neumann and Morgenstern, 1944:641). Athlete : Persons who actively engage in sports are often called athletes. The Greek origin of the word athlete indicates a person who contends for a prize in the public games; hence, this early meaning has particular relevance in the modern world. The athlete, contending in a competitive act, endeavors to gain that for which another is also striving. The striving together for a prize implies a condition called association, an agreement to participate by opponents in a contest (Luschen, 1970). Factors influencing association are rules; spectators; identification by participants with other systems, such as schools ,communities; and adherence to cultural values of systems at large (Luschen, 1970; 27-28). Spectacular: The word &dquo;spectacular&dquo; or &dquo;spectacle&dquo; is defined as any thing presented to the sight or view, especially something of a large-scale, impressive kind, as a public show or display 4. MacAloon (1977) contends that spectacles institutionalize the bicameral roles of actors and audience, performers and spectators. Both sets of roles are normative, organically linked, and necessary to the performance. If one or the other is missing, there is no spectacle. Spectacular adds the dimension of being dramatically daring or thrilling; it is a dynamic form, demanding movement, action, change and exchange on the part of the human actors who are center stage, exciting the spectators in turn (MacAloon, 1997 :4). Seemingly the emotional conductibility of the mass may be intesified by the bodily contagion in the spectator crowd. Symbols of almost every conflict can be presented to consciousness, accompanied by all the allurements of light, color, rhythm, or sound (Howard, 1912). The sports spectacle has historically carried the stain of a vainglory display concept. Stone (1958) states that athletes as performers or entertainers exemplify the debasing, pre-determined, immoral, brutalizing spectacle rather than the unpredictable, dignified, moral contest. Petryszak (197 :38) argues that barbarism of the sports spectacle is epitomized by the Roman Colosseum fights between beasts and man. This author disagrees with Stone and Petryszak. Stone’s example of the modern pno- 4 See footnote 5. 55 fessional wrestling matches is an example of individual profit exploitation. Both Stone’s and Petryszak’s assumption that gladiator bouts are sport is incongruous with the commonly accepted definition of sports as an institutionalized game. The gladiator contests did not contain the essence of sport as a metaphor, symbol or comment on life, for they were not sports events, but elaborate staging of the death struggle. The sports spectacular to which this paper refers is an elaborate recurrent community event in which human and material resources are directed in a celebration of art, song, music, drama, and movement toward a sports contest. The festive atmosphere is shared by observers in attendance vis-a-vis or by mass media. Sports spectaculars usually call out extra-ordinary accumulation and excessive consumption of the community’s resources in a pageant of symbols on a periodic basis. Aspects of communitas (Turner, 1969) are much more apparent in this concept of sports spectacular than that of alienation as claimed by Stone (1958). Turner speaks of the spontaneity and immediacy of the spontaneous communitas as direct, immediate and total confrontation of human identities. Compatible people interact with one another, becoming totally absorbed into a single, synchronized, fluid event (1973:79). Turner (1969:132) is quick to point out that communitas can seldom be maintained for very long and soon develops a structure, in which free relationships between individuals become converted into norm-governed relationships between social personae. The word spectator identifies a person who views a spectacle or display. When a spectator observes a sports event, the individual is often called a ’’fan’’, one who is an enthusiastic devotee. Literally a fan is one who goes into a frenzy. This meaning was derived from the Roman times when priests sometimes became so inspired by the goddess who worshipped in the ’fane’ or temple, that they tore their robes and slashed their bodies in frenzied zeal. This was referred to as &dquo;fanaticus&dquo;. The literal meaning &dquo;inspired by the fane&dquo; or &dquo;fanatic&dquo; became shortened to &dquo;fan&dquo;. Inherent in the meaning of spectacular is the presence of spectators who look at, observe, see the public show or display. Power: Within the context of this discussion, power is interpreted to mean control of self and situation 5. The situation encompasses that which surrounds the individual, as nature and/or other people. The quest for control as an operational habit lends a chronic character to the flow of a person’s activity and the quality of one’s experience (Geertz, 1966:9). Colson (1977:376) summarized the opinions of anthropologists, 5 After reviewing specific writings, encyclopedias, and dictionaries to gain the essences of the words game, spectacle (spectacular, spectator), and power, the Random House Dictionary of the English Language College Edition, 1968, was used because of its precise terminology. 56 &dquo;They saw power, not as an entity in itself, but as the ability to bend others to one’s ends. To fail is to be powerless&dquo;. The social code of power as variably and individually expressed in many lives is condensed within symbolic vehicle forms, thus focusing multiple, diverse, subjective meanings into more objective, simpler communicative messages. One of these vehicle forms, the sports event, enacts the concept of social power as maximization, achievement, control. Various themes of control are modelled. The control may be confrontal as dominance by physical qualities, manipulation, or confinement of others by players in the athletic arena. The modern Olympics motto, &dquo;swifter, higher, stronger&dquo; (Citius, Altius, Fortius) conceived by Father Didon in 1895, glorifies this kind of control (U.S. Olympic Committee, n.d.). Control may be sequential as making of a goal, winning a contest, or showing improvement over past individual or group accomplishments. Each of these intermediate outcomes or steps as part of the sequence of power toward more complete diachronic fulfillment may serve as separate as well as integrating symbols. Control may be adoptive as identification and involvement of spectators with participating athletes in the enactment of the confrontal or sequential power process. Within the sports event as a cultural vehicle, the associative and accumulative interaction and integration of symbols, whether person, act, process, or thing carry the message of ritualized power. It is to be noted that the sports spectacular can exist as a cultural entity: however, when the elements of ritual are fulfilled, a metasocial commentary is brought into circulation (Geertz, 19’72 :26).s In this paper power as a social concept is regarded in two phases: 1) processual episode of dyadic interaction, engagement, conflict, struggle, or striving for an outcome involving hierarchical differences between actors, and 2) the differential hierarchical state or position represented by prizes or rewards for achivement as status, goods, services, resources, or value. The social code of power is a statement of relative positioning between two individuals. It is the process of interaction in which one person/group is able to prove superiority in comparison to the other/ person/group. The author does not intend to imply that this is the only 6 The term "metasocial commentary" was used by C. Geertz in his classic article "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight", Daedalus, 101:1:1-37 Winter, 1972 in which he contends that the Balinese cockfight provides a mehasocial commentary or interpretation upon the whole matter of assorting human beings into fixed hierarchical ranks and then organizing the major part of collective existence around that assortment. The cockfight is a Balinese reading of Balinese experience; a story they tell themselves about themselves. The cockfight is saying something of something. In similar fashion the sports spectacular is a metasocial commentary on the individual striving for interpersonal control or power. 57 encounter process or outcome of interpersonal interaction; equivalency and integration are two other interactive potency concepts. , Another aspect of power is observed in the concept of opposition with its dichotomous conflict of forces; this may be associated with universal dualism: good/evil, order/chaos, man/woman, have/have not. The hierarchical morality value system is inherent in dualism, depending on the condition to which the adherent subscribes. This distinct separation of these categories is accentuated in the sports enactment. The moral interpretation of good/evil is played out in the ritual of &dquo;my&dquo; side as representing good and the opposing or &dquo;other&dquo; team as bad or evil. The concept of order/chaos is exemplified in verbal as well as non-discursive actions of spectators of a contest. Cheerleaders and rooters alike in United States shout &dquo;stomp ’em,&dquo; &dquo;knock ’em cold,&dquo; &dquo;kill ’em.&dquo; The assumption is that &dquo;my&dquo; team will be able through organized action. to disperse, route, destroy the &dquo;other&dquo; team, thus re-establishing or maintaining order. Another subtle meaning of the sports spectacular is inferred by the orderly, ruled progression of events toward one of two relatively definite statuses: winning or losing. The simplicity of a game stands in orderly contrast to the complicated, confused, chaotic real world of power transactions. In the real world of social transactions it is difficult to know if one has won or lost. The man/woman dualism is implied in the man’s appropriate realm of contact sports, such as football, soccer, wrestling (Schafer, 1975), while the woman’s realm consists of the &dquo;pretty&dquo; non-contact sports, such as gymnastics, skiing, swimming, ice skating (Metheny, 1972:277-290). The female role is frequently exemplified in cheerleader (Herkimer, 1967), pom pom girl or spectator. The exemplar male role is active, contending, achieving, rewarding; while the female role is passive, supporting, receiving. In United States this sports participation dichotomy is less distinct than a decade ago. Women are presently engaging in more vigorous and more contact sports situations. This sets up an interesting prototypical role dualism for the female. The have/have not dichotomy points to the reward system of sports with material (extrinsic) and non material (intrinsic) pay-offs to the winners (Von Neumann and Morgenstern, 1947), while the losers must be satisfied with &dquo;de-feat&dquo; which literally means &dquo;away from achievement.&dquo; Ritual: A ritual is defined as an established procedure for a religious or other rite (Winick, 1966); which encompasses a prescribed formal or customary ceremonial act. Succinctly, the rite is synonymous with the act and the procedure or format describes the ritual. In current usage, the words rite and ritual are frequently used interchangeably. In this paper, the sports spectacular is considered the symbolic context in which the secular act (rite) and procedure (ritual) of the social power encounter is enacted. The actual ritual serves as an important factor in preserving 58 and transmitting the emotional experience of non-verbal social values (Klapp, 1956:v) that we call expressive or non-rational. The use of actions rather than logic as methods of persuasion may be described as expressive behavior. In other words, ritual carries a symbolic message which communicates a commonly interpretive meaning to those involved. Through the utilization of symbols a unification of response is possible, but only if these symbols are perceived similar ly as important and elicit common mental images and, in turn, corresponding overt actions. The contention of this paper is to show that the sports spectacular does, in fact, carry the symbolic message of social interactive power procedure; it serves as a metaphor, model, or interpretable comment on the power process. To justify the use of the sports spectacular as a ritual of power, it is essential to show that it does fulfill the essential characteristics of ritual. O. Klapp’s (1956) elements of ritual are utilized here to show this relationship. Work of other ritual authorities .also employed include V. Turner, E. Leach, G. Bateson, G. Geertz, and E. Canetti. THE SPORTS SPECTACULAR AS FULFILLMENT OF RITUAL ELEMENTS AND FUNCTIONS A fundamental assumption of this paper is that the sports spectacular fulfills the basic elements of ritual. According to O. Klapp (1956:13) these elements are: 1) repetition, 2) regularity, 3) emotionality, 4) drama, 5) symbolism. The sports spectacular will be examined in light of each component. Assuming that the inherent features of ritual are validated in the sports spectacular, it is then to be assumed that specific ritual functions of this situation are also carried out. Repetition: A ritual is appropriate at specified times and is repeated then, and only then. Ritual can give a pattern to time, dividing it into recurring cycles, and hence providing a calendrical framework for society. All over the world men mark out their calendars by means of festivals (ritual), (Leach, 1958 :246). The period of ritual is determined partly by memory, because a thing must be repeated before it is forgotten. Ritual functions as an agency of society’s sentimental memory (Klapp, 1955 :11). In primitive agricultural peoples the planting and harvesting ceremonies mark important economic pursuits and provide community gathering points. Because technological cultures have acute consciousness of the passage of time, a decrease in the need for time-marking celebrations has been claimed. This may be exactly why periodic ritual events; such as the sports spectacular, are desirable; for the monotonous minutia of timeawareness actually blurs its passing and fails to provide societal punctuation marks. - 59 In modern society, historical-political, personal, religious and sports rituals are celebrated. Repeated rituals in United States include national celebrations as New Year’s Day, Independence Day (Fourth of July), Thanksgiving (Spicer, 1969); personal rites of passage as birth, marriage, death (Van Gennep, 1960; Turner, 1969); and holy days as Christmas, Easter, Sunday (Lee, 1964). Likewise, sports spectaculars often mark calendrical division of the year. Football bowls or play-offs come during the last of December and first part of January (near the winter solstice); basketball championship tourneys for schools take place in March (near the spring equinox); the baseball World Series is held in early October (near the fall equinox); and near the summer solstice two and four year summer celebration cycles occur, the biennial World University Games and the quadrennial modern and ancient Olympics; with the modern Winter Olympics celebrated in January-February. These events permeate the consciousness of participants and spectators alike as important to them. Peg2elarit~: A particular procedure in ritual is usually considered the correct, acceptable or best. Culturally this consensual standardization insur es that group norms and sanctions are accepted as inherent in L~&dquo;l2 ritual pattern. Frequently a particular ritual’s authenticity and potency are judged on exact replication of past rituals. One needs only examine the duplication of the modern Olympic rites with the ancient Greek Olympics to recognize this belief. Pierre De Coubertin, founder of the modern Olympics, fashioned its ceremony after the Greek festival. It appears that ritual itself begets its own authenticity. In various sports spectaculars a specific format or order persists over time and change is &dquo;unthinkable&dquo;. Within the contest, for example, the procedure is set; the actual regulations or rules of play, once stylized. are repetitive and adhered to fixedly. The sports rule book, with- official &dquo;ritual&dquo; for handling any contingencies is considered absolute. Huizinga (1955) considered that the rules of a game are absolutely binding and allow no doubt. Interpretation is prescribed, not left to whim. Breaking of the rules or format by not following the official ritual is not tolerated. The offender, by enforcement of penalties or sanctions. loses advantage or power; therefore, compliance is essential. The organized rules help determine who is the legitimate winner of the contest; winning by any other methods is not acceptable by participants or spectators of the event. A sport event probably represents one of the most remarkable displays of fair play known today. That sports are idealized make-believe versions of the real world may be the reason for this insistence on morality. This appears overwhelmingly true. even though strategy of contestants includes pushing against the &dquo;legal&dquo; edge of regulation. The spectator and participants insist on morality in the game; officials function to enforce this code. This acting out in a rela- 60 tively pure form the agreed upon moral code is symbolically displaced reality. Care must be taken to prevent intrusion of reality, which will break down the transformation rules (Goffman, 1961:33). Inoue (1978) calls the fragility and procariousness of existence a matter of contingency. The chronological patterning of a sports spectacular shows a set form. Customarily the audience or spectators fill the arena before the appearance of the opposing participants; then the warm up of both the participants and spectators follows. Participants warm up physically by repeating anticipated actions of the event while the spectators warm up communicatively, interacting while they eat, drink, chat, cheer, sing, and chant. The sport arena’s seating arrangement usually divides the opposing spectator groups so often they face each other. En masse behind its team, each group sits in rowed bleachers. Persons who physically mix with opposing fans, and make this fact known, are often jeered and sneered, or even bodily ejected.7 The temporal division of time is ritually regularized. Part of the pre-contest ritual in the United States is the flag salute and singing of the Star-Spangled Banner. This, followed by officials, the regulators of the event, moving to a prominent place in the arena, signifies commencement of the contest. The game is succinctly divided into equal time parts during which the participants contend for the prize. The end of the contest is clear as a time count down or the completion of a prescribed number of attempts to attain a. higher performance level. Emotionality : Ritual includes emotional feelings regarding a situation,, thing, idea or person. Emotionality is not used as a substitute for practical or rational control, but as another level of behavior in which personalized feeling is elicited by involvement. Large scale sporting events create a dramatic atmosphere where conflicting opposition is met head-on in a very emotional setting (Klimer, 1976:3~-35). In sports spectaculars the feelings run &dquo;high&dquo;, anticipation and immediate involvement represent a commitment to the striving toward control or the symbolization of power. Huizinga (1955) talks of the element of tension as meaning uncertainty, chanciness, a striving to decide the issue and so end it. The player wants something to &dquo;go&dquo;, to &dquo;come off&dquo;, he wants to &dquo;succeed by his own exertions (Huizinga, 1955:10-11). Uncertainty as an unsatisfactory state needs to be resolved; the intensity cannot be tolerated for long periods of time: it calls out for resolution. A resolution, who is in power or control, is acted out in the game situation. Another aspect of emotionality, the expression of individual energy, unites with other persons toward a common focus. The ritual response of energy arousal and canalizing toward power is part and parcel of 7 The concept of stranger in the group is worth further investigation, but space prohibits. 61 the emotional excitement of the event; this can be termed communal participation or group unity transcending individual existence. Canetti (1962:30) refers to the sporting groups as &dquo;quick&dquo; crowds, alive, excited, enthusiastic. He describes the arena crowds, &dquo;The seats are arranged in tiers around the arena, so that every one can see what is happening below. The consequence of this is that the crowd is seated opposite itself. Every spectator has a thousand in front of him, a thousand heads. As long as he is there, all the others are there too; whatever excites him, excites them, and he sees it... Their visible excitement increases his own&dquo; (Canetti, 1962:28). Contributing to this communal effect are the symbolic cues found throughout the arena. Entertainment is interspersed during, the game at prescribed moments of non-contest. During non-play activities may be provided, such as music, marching, acrobatics, awards for outstanding past performance. The presence of pom pom girls and cheerleaders is unique in United States’ football and basketball sport competition. In performing their roles these &dquo;exciters&dquo; or cheer leaders direct the audience’s aggregate emotional power, while providing an aspect of titilation (Ferril, 1974). The transfer of the collective energy from spectator to spectator and to participants is an unfathomed phenomenon. Individuals and groups in sports contexts report that such transfer seems to take place either physically or psychically, but logical explanations are lacking. To date scientists do not know if the nebulous concept of fan power might have a physiological as well as a psychological base. Could the emission of separate physio-electro-chemical force fields of each fan cumulatively result in transmission of collective energies? A starting point might be the determination of the cohesive qualities in differing group types. Blumer (1951) suggested that some crowds are &dquo;acting&dquo;, purposeful and instrumental, while other crowds are &dquo;expressive&dquo; and autistic. Turner and Killian (1957) pointed out that a crowd is determined &dquo;active&dquo; or &dquo;expressive&dquo; by its objective. In an &dquo;acting&dquo; crowd, as a sports crowd. the objective in such that the criterion of its attainment is some action upon an external object, such as some physical object, person or persons not part of the crowd (opposing team). This action need not be a direct, physical assault. It may be indirect. In contrast, an &dquo;expressive&dquo; crowd has as its objective the subjective, gratifying internalization of the process, such as a religious service or a dance festival. This line of thought moves the discussion into the phenomenon of collective behavior which is beyond the scope of this paper, but worthy of specific investigation. The dualistic contention for the prize is the paramount symbol of the sports event. The fundamental social phenomenon, binary opposition, as symbolized in the context of the sports contest, can be understood as a cultural code with condensed meaning in particular societies. The ritual game exemplifies clearly the state of opposition and the process of 62 striving between groups (Munn, 1973:581). Contributing symbols include the spatial organization of the arena into opposing areas beside the participants’ meeting ground, interstices, boundaries and barriers; the temporal sequence of playing time, time-out, intermission, and termination; visual and auditory cues of color, shape, direction, focus, sound, sequence, and climax. Visual perception is heightened by the display of each team’s color schemes throughout the arena, such as contestants’ uniforms, spectators’ attire, cheerleaders and band costumes, banners, painted surfaces. The game officials’ distinct uniforms and body signals set them aside as special from all others. The auditory display is conducted by the musical bands, singers, cheerleaders, fans, participants, and officials. The dress and gyrations of the pom pom girls and cheerleaders at football games dexterously suggest sexual symbolism (Ferril, 1974:71) as do the actions of the players (Arens, 1975).8 The close relationship of fertility and power in the sport event is fascinating and needs further study. Caillois’ theory of festival (1959) in which he proposes that fertility is born of excess may provide a reference point. An intriguing area is the intensification of power by the spectatorss in food and alcohol consumption. The excessive ingesting of these substances at sports events (and other festival-type celebrations) can be construed as showing consummation power. One has these objects in one’s control. This type of power might be analyzed as an &dquo;expressive&dquo; crowd behavior which would be in disagreement with Blumer (1951) and Turner and Killian (1957). Drama: The primary actors involved in the sports spectacular are the players and the spectators. Each actor realizes that role-taking in this recreational performance is not reality; therefore, a quality of pretense, mimicry, identification with other than self pervades. This is especially true of sports spectators who vicariously become absorbed with the athletes as performers of feats beyond .ordinary men. When these &dquo;super-men&dquo; show mundane or real human qualities, through role errors, the making of mistakes or playing mediocre performances; the dramatic aura is shattered and the realm of reality enters. The disappointment or incongruency of role playing jerks the observers back to reality and the imperfection is felt sharply. The &dquo;play&dquo; is marred (Goffman, 1961:80-81 ). It is to the credit of spectators that quality performance of athletes is anticipated, recognized, and acclaimed. The demand for stellar rendition of roles provides motivation or incentive for athletes to excel. Athletes are human, but some appear to approach the superhuman ideal or image of excellence, overcoming self and others to reach high level~~ .of, Ia pe:r-, 8 The almost sardonic treatment by T. H. Ferril (1974) of the American football game as rites of fertility along with Arens (1975) description of ritualized avoidance by participants of sexual contact with females point up the importance of sex in the football "ritual". 63 formance which most persons do not achieve. This is the stuff of folk hero athletes. The spectator may utilize the sports spectacular to personally act out one’s concept of control, mentally fleshing out drama of achievement as exemplified in the sports arena. However, this role-playing is much wider in significance; it is the actual trying on of success-or failurerelation to power as a base of an individual’s interpersonal operational methodology. This is a model of a mode of behavior in other roles the individual assumes in life. The drama of power or control played out in the magic circle of the stadium, arena, field or court between two opposing forces carries with it the personally significant symbolic message of ritual of power. The potential for reflexivity is overwhelming. Sym,boli.s~n: A social idea which can be shared by people can be communicated by ritual. In the sports spectacular the meaning or symbol metaphorically describes the social relations of actors in the interpersonal struggle. it is the message of power. It is here where the myriad of unique personal experiences of power become reorganizecl. simplified. condensed, and nar r owed into creative images shared by many. The meanings of power or control are iconically symbolized, and in turn communicated through the collective synthesis of the sports spectacular. The nodes of meaning of power, compressed into a particular image, are then transferred back to the individual as conscious, objective meanings. The message or encultural code is communicated through ritual and iconic metaphor; in this instance the carrying vehicle is the sports spectacular. The sport event is a simulated striving for power. However, the message of the sport event is that the conflict is like the real world, but the actual game is not the real world (Bateson. 1972:183; 1977:3); therefore, the consequences are not ,as serious as in real life situations. Involvement in the sports spectacular with its encompassing emotional expression is appealing to the individual because of the low cost or investment or practice of handling control of power. The sports spectacular is a superb &dquo;play-ground&dquo; for use and display of power. This participation in simulation is very appealing to a great majority of people. In United States the annual vis-a-vis attendance at sports spectaculars (plus secondary level observation via the mass-media) exceeds that of any other public event. Recently an estimated seventy-six percent of the total population of the country observed the first professional football super-bowl. In 1976 a total of 314 million spectators attended sporting events in) United States (U.S. News and World Report, 1977). In 1976, the World Cup soccer match was observed by approximately 400,000,000 persons. It has been estimated that one out of every three persons alive on the earth read about, watched, or listened to the proceedings of the 21st Olympic Games (1976) at Montreal, Canada. 64 In summary, the basic elements of ritual which are encompassed in the sports spectacular are repetition, regularity, emotionality, drama and symbolism. Accompanying the fulfillment of these aspects of ritual is the completion of the functions of ritual within each element. Therefore, the sports spectacular structurally and functionally may be considered ritual. In other words, the sports spectacular fulfills the specific elements and functions of ritual. FUNCTIONS OF RITUAL IN SPORTS SPECTACULAR The apparent fulfillment of ritual functions in the sports spectacular may help show why there appears to be such great interest in this enter tainment ceremo.ny. Radcliffe-Brown (1948) postulated that human beings always manipulate their thought categories consistently; therefore, what a ritual symbol means can be discovered by observing the diverse uses of that symbol in both sacred and profane contexts. Ruth Benedict (1937) has proposed that in most civilizations certain dominant and intensively developed themes are repetitiously elaborated in ritual after ritual. One such theme is power. Edmund Leach (1968:523-526) lists the functions of ritual as communication, power and belief. The first two will be examined regarding the proposition that the functions of ritual are elaborated in the sports spectacular. Belief as a function of sport ritual is treated elsewhere (Cheska, in preparation). Ritual as Communication: Actions that occur within the magic circle of sporting events are full of symbolic meaning. The whole event may be read as a way to distinguish social relationships between people attending and within the process.9 9 G. Bateson in his article: "A Theory of Play and Fantasy," Steps to an Ecology of Mind. N.Y.: Ballantine Books, Inc., 1972, pp. 177—193 refers to two concepts essential to this paper: play as communication and play as message. Bateson states, "play marks a step forward in the evolution of communication—a crucial step in the discovery of map-ternitory relations. In the primary process, map and territory are equated: in the secondary process, they can be discriminated. In play, the map and territory are both equated and discriminated (185). In other words, the map or secondary communications carries inherent in it translatable likenesses of the ’real’ situation (territory); however, the distinction lies in the elements included/excluded from the, ’play’ situation." He further theorizes, "a frame is metacommunicative. Any message, which either explicitly or implicitly defines a frame, ’ipso facto’ gives the receiver instructions or aids lin his attempt to understand the messages included within the frame (188)." In the sports spectacular the metacommunication of "real" interpersonal relations or encounters is like play or like a game whose elements are agreed upon procedures of two or 65 How ritual messages are actually communicated is little understood. Why does the presence of the colors blue and orange bring to mind in many differing individuals a similar concept, the image of ,a specific university? Such internalization can be considered as a collection of past referent experience of these colors to the university and the directivity of the present context, cues in the sports arena. It is known that , each person’s perception and subsequent interpretation of an event is unique, yet to share meaning there must be an integrative image that carries enough similarity in all involved individuals to be mutally identified in a specific concrete situation. In the game context teams are distinguished from each other and from officials by position, color, costume, actions; opposing sides are identified among other factors by selective seating and color combinations. The auditory collectivity of the players, ,musical band, cheerleaders, and spectators in tribute to their team is very powerful communicative ritual. These are perceived as identification symbols. They communicate the ’belongingness’ of each distinctive group and ’separateness’ between groups, and serve as boundary markers. The illusive product of this process is akin to communitas (Turner, 1974:84) or flow quality whose features Csikzentmihalyi (1975) has identified as an experience of merging action and awareness; the centering of attention on a limited stimulus field: the loss of ego as in religious ritual, artistic performances, and games; in control of personal actions and of the environment; non-contradictory demands for action and clear, unambiguous feedback to actions; and no need for goals or rewards outside itself. Turner (1974) points out that in societies before the Industrial Revolution, ritual could always have a flow quality for total communities (tribes, moieties, clans, lineages, families, ect.), but in post-Industrial societies, when ritual gave way to individualism and rationalism, the flow experience was pushed mainly into the leisure genres of art, sport, games, pastimes (Turner, 1974:90). The apparent shift of ritualistic flow (feeling of integration) from the total community to leisure situations may indirectly point out a methodological survival process or a paradigmatic shift. What actually happens, claims Turner (1976:40) is that the participants in a ritual are sharing communicative experiences through many different sensory channels simultaneously; they are acting out an ordered sequence of metaphoric events within a territorial space which has itself been ordered to provide a metaphoric context for the play acting. Verbal, musical, choreographic, and visual-aesthetic ’dimensions’ are all more sides who are competing or striving to achieve a defined outcome. The winner receives the prize or reward (Roberts, Arth, Bush, 1959:397). Conversely the loser gives up from former rewards, receives less or no reward. 66 likely to form components of the total message. When we take part in such a ritual we pick up all these messages at the same time and condense them into a single experience which we describe as ’attending a wedding’ (or ’attending a game’). Turner further contends that although the receiver of a ritual message is picking up information through a variety of different sensory channels simultaneously, all these different sensations add up to just one message. The thematic social message of conflicting forces is dramatically ritualized, for in the game there is a tenseness of victory and defeat communicated within the compressed arena of time and space (Kilmer, 1976:37). In the contest, the relative hierarchical power relationship is played out, showing who wins and who loses. Observing the behavior of individuals at the conclusion of a sporting conflict conveys the message of which group is in ascendancy. The subtle blending or interdependence of mental states and bodily states is revealed; pleasurable emotions build up and increase energy release; disagreeable emotions tear down and diminish energy release. Jubilative, effervescent, expansive behavior easily marks the winners; while a dejected, subdued, withdrawing attitude readily identifies the losers. These kinds of behavior have become ritualized in the North American sports scenes. The emotion of pleasure is a feeling of power; that of displeasure is a feeling of impotence (Howard, 1912:42). The sport spectacular with its symbolic pageantry conveys dramatically the social theme of power and its converse, impotency. The distinct message of hierarchical winner/loser paradigm differs in clarity from life, where lines are not as discrete. The game is a simpler, more distinct model of control. The steps in a game toward and the gaining of the prize are stated in non-comprising terms, such as meter, seconds, points. In many life situations one is not always sure who has won, what has been won, or how this was accomplished. In this light, the sport event is more interpretable or &dquo;real&dquo; than reality. Ritual as Power: In this paper the dilemma of profane vs. sacred ritual has not been previously addressed. Ritual as power can be considered as a statement of interpersonal relations, but also as relations ranging from a superb human that is able to perform feats beyond that of an ordinary human to a super-human or super-natural agency which can perform feats not attainable by humans. The extraordinary or superb human is considered a hero/heroine, while an extraordinary super-human or super-natural agency is considered a god/goddess, spirit or force. The sacred ritual involves entreaty and/or demand by humans to supernatural or superhuman powers for help in accomplishing some significant act (Ember and Ember, 1973:270-273). The profane ritual involves entreaty and/or demand by humans to extraordinary humans for help in, accomplishing some significant act. One is called sacred; the other is called profane. In this author’s mind the distinction is erroneous, for the rela- . 67 tionship between sacred and profane is rather one of continuity than category. This point is confirmed by Leach (1968) who states that ideas about the relations between supernatural agencies and human beings or about the potency of particular ritual behaviors are modeled on firsthand experience of real-life relationships between real human beings. Further, Leach suggests that every act by which one individual asserts his authority to curb or alter the behavior of another individual is an invocation of metaphysical force. The submissive response is an ideological reaction. The power of ritual is just as actual as the power of command (Leach, 1968:525). When this is acted out in sacred ritual, it may be seen in the efficacious power of the cross in the Christian religion or of the mana in objects in the Malayan-Polynesian cultures. Each symbol carries the power of the original in its perception by the believers. In the Western countries the erosion of the church ritual has taken place over recent centuries; the ritual symbols of supernatural power have diminished. (This does not imply that the supernatural potency, or belief in such, have necessarily diminished, but that their ritualistic representation has decreased.) However, because humans seem to need significant symbolic ritual to synthesize social themes, including the ritual of power, profane examples of this have increased. A shift from the sacred to the profane ritual can be seen in the ritual trappings of power developed by the nations of the world, both within their own populace and between nations. The increase of the pageantry of nationalism can be noted in the modern Olympics, as the raising of the flag and playing of the natio.nal song of the winning athlete’s nation. Successful establishment of national Spautakiad (athletic games) by U.S.S.R. and promulgation of the Asian Games by China have intensified the model of nationalistic power in athletics. The use of profane ritual for personal profit has led to a general distrust of ritual. The specific benefit of the &dquo;ritual makers&dquo; is in violation of the common benefit of ritual performance. Examples of the profit motive can be seen in ma,ny ways, such as scapegoating ritual of secret societies; the sense of success promised during ritualistic shinanigans of politicians, palm readers, and faith healers. The ritualized cults of enigmatic prophets is yet another. Interestingly, in spite of mistrust of certain practices, ritual’s ability to re-create conditions of powerful emotional experience and to dramatize or personify certain vital ideas on which society is based makes ritual essential to people (Klapp, 1956 :12- 13). Increasingly in profane rituals the fundamental hierarchy of power as a pan-human theme seems to be played out. Among these is the sports spectacular. As a celebrative ritual enactment of power, the sports 68 spectacular seemingly has become for common man a substitute for sacred ritual enactment of power. The use of sports spectaculars in the tr ansf er of ritualization of power f rom the sacr ed to the pr of ane is histor ically consistent. for in the past the playing of ritual games was used to influence the supernatural agents. For example, Homer recorded the early Greek f uneral games honoring Patroclus as competitive events related to death (Gardiner. 1910); the eastern North American woodland Indian tribes played lacrosse to gain the Great Spirit’s help in curing the sick (deBerbeuf. 1897); and the captain of the losing team in the preColumbian Aztec rubber ball court game, tlachtli, was sacrificed to the gods (Kemrer, 1968). Power, either entreaty for or transfer of it, wax the theme in these game rituals. As seen by earlier examples, the sports spectacular is a logical vehicle to carry the symbolism of power. The sacred and profane ritual enactments are both symbolic messages of power, the sacred representing the super-human and the profane representing the superb human. This ritual re-enforcement of the cultural code of power seems to be needed by humans; therefore, when one method of symbolization diminishes, another method increases. Currently the profane ceremony of the sports spectacular has become an acceptable vehicle. The message-carr ying symbol may change over time, as one can observe in the decrease of sacred and increase of secular ritual. Sharing of the cultural code of power as a viable human interactive concept is continually imperative. One vehicle for communicating the cultural code of power is the sports spectacular as a ritual model of power. CONCLUSION The sports spectacular embodies the basic essentials of ritual: repetition, regularity, emotionali-ty, drama and symbolism. The functions of ritual, communication and power, are also fulfilled. The modern sports spectacular through symbolic ritual dr amatically conveys the social message of power. &dquo;Many Americans worship at the church of sports. Services are held for each personal belief, whether it be football, racing, golf, or diving. One is thrilled by the splendor of the occasion and the beauty of the surroundings. 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