DAVIS, FA.:Settlement Workers in Politics, 1890-1914. In: Mahaffey, M., Hanks, J.W.,Social Work & Political Responsibility, NASW, Silver Spring 1982
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Settlement Workers in Politics,
ALLEN P. DAVIS
ETTLEMENT workers during the Progressive Era were prob-1 ably more committed to poHtical action than any other_group of welfare'w^fRefsHefore or since. Charity organization workers also cooperated^n^ccasioirm political reform projects, but Robert Hunter, the itinerant radical settlement worker and charity expert, was probably right in 1902, even if he exaggerated, when he decided that the settlement worker and the charity worker had basically different temperaments. The charity worker was hesitant to get involved with reform, Hunter decided; he had a philosophy of "don't, don't" and was constantly troubled by the fear that his relief would destroy independence. The settlement worker, on the other hand, was more often the victim of unboundedLenjhijsjia^sm than of moral questioning. "He is constantly doing, urging; he is constantly pressing forward, occasionally tilting at wind mills, at times making mistakes, often perhaps doing injury, but filled with enthusiasm, warmth and purpose, without much question."1
Settlement workers were usually activists. The pioneer settlement workers in the United States haBVnthulsiasm and purpose as well as afew doubts, but they had no political theory in mind when they established their outposts in theslums. Indeed they had
From Review of Politics, 26:4 {Octobar 1964), pp. 505- 517. © 1964, Review of Politics. Reprinted with permission.
little interest in politics. Influenced largely by the British settlement and university extension movements, young men and women like Stanton Coit, Jane Robbins, Robert Woods, Ellen Gates Starr, and Jane Addams setout to solve th^pr^enTg of indu^trijUAmer-ica by ljyjng ini an^rb^n^^lon^l^s^iBtrict. They sought to re-create_a_ feeling,of neighbgrfjoQd in the sprawling, CTQwded city They wanted to share their lives and their learning with those less fortunate, but beyond that they were not sure. They were reformers, but not political reformersJiilh^ beginning.2 j
The early settlement workers, however, soon discovered that they had invaded a political world. When Jane Robbins, Jean Fine, and the other well-dressed, young Smith College graduates began the New York College Settlement on the Lower East Side in 1889, their first visitor was a local policeman who thought they were opening another house of prostitution. He stopped by to let them know that he would not disturb them as long as they made a regular monthly contribution to his income. The young settlement workers may have been shocked, but at least they learned that they could not reform the neighborhood without clashing with the existing political structure.3
Nearly every activity begun by the settlement workers was interpreted in political terms by the men and women in the neighborhood. Even the picture and art exhibitions that they fancied were bringing meaning and beauty into the drab lives of the work-ingmen seemed to one New York politician, "a cleverly disguised trick on the part of the eminent mugwumps in the University Settlement Society to get a grip on the district in the ante-election months." When the settlement workers moved from picture exhibitions and classes in Dante to attempts to improve the living and working conditions in their neighborhood, they became even more aware of the poHtical structure and of political realities. Jane Addams and the other residents of Hull House started a campaign to cleanupthe streets of the nineteenth ward soon after they moved~to the area. At first they thought that it was a lack of knowledge about the spread of jdjsease anjd a dearth of gride in the neighborhood among the citizens that,caused Jhejiithy streets. Jane Addams began a" campaign of education, but then an investigation by EdwarTBurchard, the firs!male resident of Hull House, revealed that Johnny Powers, the shrewd and powerful ward boss, used the position of garbage collector as a political plum. One of his henchmen collected the.money, but iittle_pf_tjie.garbage. Jane
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Addams's attempt to promote cleaner streets caused her to submit a bid for the collection of garbage in the ward, resulted in the mayor appointing her a garbage inspector, and led her eventually into two. unsuccessful attempts to unseat Pow.ers..from hjs posi-fe.Pkas alderman fofflfLfo*1. mneteefifli ward. In this instance of Jane Addams"the settlement idea led inevitaSly to political action.4 Other settlement workers discovered as they tried to "recreate a feeling of neighborhood" in the industrial city that the precinct and the ward already provided one form of neighborhood organization. But not all settlement workers could agree with Jane Addams that they had "no right to meddle in all aspects of a community's life and ignore politics." Mary K. Sirnkhovitch of Greenwich House in New York argued that political pardes_did_ngt express, in any_vital way, the reaTfnterest "of.the..a.ri^ns jifJJie neighborhood, and that The settlement therefore ought to remain aloaF from partisan politics. Robert Woods, "tHe tall and taciturn head'resident of South Erfd House in Boston, agreed basically with Mrs. Sirnkhovitch. He argued that the settlement lost more than it gained by a partisan stand in local politics. He maintained that it was_better__to cooperate with the ward boss tjan~to~frylo^eTeat Him. Of course, the situation in"Boston's ninth ward was somewhat unusual; James Donovan, the affable Irish boss, in part because he was badly in need of allies, seemed willing to cooperate with the settlement workers in making the ward a better place in which to live. Despite their statements, however, both Woods and Mrs. Sirnkhovitch on occasion to^_p^rt_jn reio^ whejojsyjjte^^
by a political organization.5
More" successful than Hull House, South End House, or Greenwich House in influencing the politics in their ward was QncagoCommons, founded in 1894 by Graham Taylor. After preliminary and unsuccessful_ajttemDjts tocoop^ra^witli^diehassjrt tfijT^lJiQi^ managed^to defeat him, and
then for nearly twodecades the settlement_effectively controlled ejections^w^^ Instead of running an inde-
perSent candidate, the_j£ttjeraent concentrated on^e^tin^good candidates nominate.Opm.the majpr._parties. The settlement workers controlled enough votes so that their endorsement was tantamount to election. The Commons had the advantage of being located in a ward where the local political boss had little real power. But Taylor alone could not have made his settlement into a
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successful political machine. He was aided by a group of young,. poUticjdlyjDr^^ pioneers, consciouslysought to make the settlement a base for joUti-cal reform in the ward and tj^city^Such men as Allen T. Burns! whoclune teethe settlement after graduate work at the University of Chicago, and Raymond Robins, who wandered into Chicago Commons in 1901 after he had been a coal miner, a fruit grower, a lawyer, and a minister, became ej^rijjiynar^gu^^ pjngns. They made surveys, filed reports, checked for_vo_ting frauds, organized political rallies _.and t^ch.jDarades, and distributed posters and handbills. Most important, they became acquainted with" the people and the politicians in the ward and the city. For Burns and Robins, Chicago Commons and the seventeenth ward provided practical jessons in political reform JJiat
they utiUzedjfo^yejujsjuiter
"Chicago had no monopoly on politically active settlement workers. James B. Reynolds, an ordained Congregational minister, gave up his work for the YMCA in 1893 to become head resident of University Settlement in NeaLYbrk. As early as 1896 he urged a gnjupof social workers to "Go into politics." "Be earnest, be practical, be active," he advised, "political reform is the great_moral QEEPdlUmty of our day." To Henry Moskowitz politics was more than a moral opportunity; it was away of life. Unlike most of the settlement workers, MoskowiU, a RumaniarfJew, had grown up in a tenement on the Lower East Side. He was inspired by classes at Neighborhood Guild and eventually became a settlement worker himself at Madison House. He baj^ejUhe boss in th^jvard, fought fQJlJ3££ter_cit:y_gp^ and dreamed of the day when there
would be a settlement jnjwerv neighborhood in the qtY_tojcounter-act thejnfljLience_of j£e_poUticaj.machines. LikeRaymondRobins, James B. Reynolds, and Graham Taylor, he believed the settlement could become .the., antidote to boss rule in ward politics and the baseforpolilticaljreformin tKeHtyJ
The politically minded settlement workers, whether they took an active part in local politics or not, learned a great deal about the nature of,politics in the downtown^waxds^pl.tfie^grfiaL industrial cities^Many of them, especially Roberts Woods and Jane Addams, contributed to a better understanding of city politics through their writings. They discovered, for example, that often the political machine depended on an elaborate structurejpj^oys' gangs that duplicated in miniature the political organization of the
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city. It was from these .gangs that the ward heelers as well as_the bosses^got yieir leadership experience. The political boss often remained in power, they learned, through a combination of ruth-lessness and genuine neighborliness. There was an element of truth in Johnny Pawers's bald statement: "The trouble with Miss Addams," he announced on one occasion, "is that she is jealous of my charitable work in the ward." He was a friendly visitor all right; he gave away turkeys at Christmas time, provided free passes on the railroad, bailed men out of jail, and got the unemployed jobs. There was no charge, no forms to fill out (as there always were at the Charity Organization Society). The only thing expected in return was a vote cast in the proper way on election day. Despite the obvious corruption of the boss,.no. matter how he robbednffie^wafd7he~'w^lcn'6wn for his phi^thr^yjrather_than foFfiii'QTshonTsTyrThe^ however, learned from
tKe^filiaansTSfffiough they soon discovered they could not compete in "handing out favors ■, they could emmatethe politician's real concern for the problems_of his constitu^nt^^hey could be a little resstTffi^Tgf the^gresent situation, talk less a^ut^ejr elaborate plans for the future, and^ncentrate, asijhe: bosses did,.on.making Theirreforms "concrete and human.."H
In part''b~ecause'6r~tl:ieir"vantage point in a working-class neighborhood and their close observation of local politics, settlement workers often put less emphasis than some reformers on the revision of a charter or the defeat of a corrupt politician. They could appreciate the usefulness of the boss even as they were in despair at his lack rfJUyJg pjia^Jane'7ffla^im8^3fi53e?lt was not worTh^lTireTo oppose Powers after he had twice defeated her candidate. Most settlement workers soon realized that, even if it were possible to defeat the local boss.jt was impossible to accomplish m^Hjn^^jwar9TTor this reason they"wer^fteii^ctive, though somewhat cautious, partjHBanrs in~a variety of municipalj^fpjm campaigns, especially in Boston, New York, and Chicago.* ""'Settlement workers seldom ran for politicaLoffice in the city, rather they served as campaign managers, advisers on. pglicy, sta-HsHcsffatherers,aria^HinJrjMers'^orreform adnimi^^B^. In Boston in the 1890s Mayor Josiah Quincy often depended on the advice and aid of Robert Woods in attempting t£_pjoyidei_thecity with pubjic^alhhaus^es^gyjmiasium^^ Iii Boston
asmother cities, the settlementscbntributed to municipal reform by demonstrating the need for action, by initiating, kii^ergartens,
playgrounds, and bathhouses, and by then convincing the municipal authorities that it was was the city's responsibility to take them over and expand their usefulness. In the first decade of the twentieth century, Boston settlement workers played important roles in the nearly futile campaigns of the Good Government Association to bring honesty and reform into the city government. In the reform campaign of 1909-10, four young men closely associated with South End House virtually ran the unsuccessful campaign of James J. Storrow. One served as his campaign manager, another as his assistant campaign manager, a third as his personal secretary, and a fourth as the secretary of the Good Government Association. In the long run, the^e^lements^most important contributionjq a -be.t^.dty^y.ejr^ment may have been. througlTtnareaucation of a generation of young, men in the tac-. fcj|imnyapjlxefacni and. the^ajmng^ clty^mTuqist:ration.IQ
*     In New YqricTJames B. Reynolds was a prominent member of the C^izeris "Umon, and he was in part responsible for drafting Seth Low, the president of Columbia University and a member of the University Settlement Council, to run for mayor in 1901. Reynolds worked behind the scenes to_manage Low's campaign and enlisted the support of his settlement friends, especially Lillian Wald of Henry Street Settlement, Henry Moskowitz of Madison House, and Elizabeth Williams of College Settlement, in the campaign. When Low was elected, Reynolds..became his personal secretary and_dosest adyiser. Fpi^two.ye^s^e^ttiem^j^rk-ers^havinga directline to the mayor,used it_ to^pramp.te. _beUer housing laws, more piaygroundsij*nd a ..cityrsupported system.pi visiting nurses in the public schools... Lillian Wald and the others at Henry Street Settlement were primarily responsible for the latter innovation. They had been troubled for some time by the number of children prevented from going to school because they had eczema, hookworm, or some other disease. Doctors had been inspecting the students in the city for several years, but no one made any attempt to treatjjie ill children. Low's reform administration only complicated a difficult situation, for it made the inspection more rigorous but did nothing to treat the rejects. Because she knew Mayor Low and many other officials in his administration, Lillian Wald was able to suggest a solution. She offered to supply visiting nurses who could work with the doctors and treat the sick children. Before she began, however, she made
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the city officials promise that, if the experiment proved successful, they would maintain it with city funds. After only one month |he Board__of £stitrate, appropriated die money to Jiire school nurses and sponJJiej^erir^^ Lillian Walcfand other settlement workers often accomplished much because they wererespected andlistened to by a^aat_sxirneaf_the pojitirianji. wfig.accusedpositions ofpower in city hall and the
state capital." .........'" "
Sometimes the settlement worker's entry into the arena of municipal politics was concerned with^orjnogitign to a proposed measure rather than with a positive ^j^alioriJoZrHbr^'Triis was the case in 1905 when the settlements on the Lower East Side banded together to defeat^ proposed elevated loop that would have connected the Brooklyn and Williamsburg Bridges. The settlement workers feared that the loop would cause needless bl^gjitjma^
th.e_cj.ty,- They favored a subway and suggested maldngTDelancey Street into a boulevarH. LilliarTWald, Florence Kelley, and Charles Stover, with help from housing reformer Lawrence Veiller, led the campaign_J±_it_h£lpe[L^ Stover, ■ who had
spenTa"'nfetime fighting for more playgrounds in New York, called the first meeting and enlisted tfie"su~pport''of many organizations on the Lower East Side. Sometimes the settlement workers had a difficult time convincing their immigrant neighbors of the need for opposing a ward boss or for supporting a reform bill, but this time it was easy to win their cooperation. The settlement workers organized massmeetings, sent out lgftgrg to. influential people, pejsuarJeH neyvs^ajermen to present their point of view, and bombardeH the city^council—with Jetters and petitions, Henry Street,"College, and University Settlements haliSiea mast of the clerical work, gathered most of the names for the petitions, and helped arouse their members and supporters to protest the measure. They had a lot of help during the campaign. One source of aid they never suspected. Only jifter the measure was defeated did they learn J.hat_a_n_ unjawwn businessman, who^iilMl^l^iSe: vated jp.op would-r.uin.his."business,, had spent fifty^^ lafs to oppose the,.measure. Whether it was bribe money or the aroused social conscience of the Lower East Side that caused the defeat of the elevated loop, the campaign illustrates how settlement workers could organize neighborhood opinion and bring that opinion to bear on public officials.1,1
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InjCWcago, Graham Taylor, Raymond Robins, and an energetic group of young settlement workers, who became experts at ferreting out the records of candidates, worked closely with the Municipal Voters' League and had some success in electing honest and well-qualified aldermen to the city council. Early in the twentieth century Hull House, which Henry Demarest Lloyd liked to call the best club in Chicago, served as the headquarters for a weUKjrganized but futile attempy;aprom^ sfiipof street.railways. Trie" settlement at its best became a clearinghouse for reform ancf a meeting place for reformers.13
Settlement workers plaverHmjDprj^ of murtjcipaj reforrn^_cam^ajgns. Many would have agreed with Jane RobbinsTWHen asked why she was so interested in politics, she replied, "I never go into a tenement without longing for a better city government."1*1 Most settlement workers, however, soon learned that to improve the tenements and the working and living conditions in the city, itwag^ilgcessary to_go beyond city hall to ih£_ita_£j^^iuj_^^ Much more important,
in the long run, than the settlement workers' attempts to defeat the ward boss or elect a reform mayor was their influence.on, stat;e andjiational reform legislation.
Robert Bremner notes the important role that social workers played in communicating to the public the great need for reform. This of course they did, but they also played a large part in the practical task of getting bills, passed^at Springfield, Albany, or Washington. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., describes the "subtle and persistent saintliness of the social workers." "Theirs," he says, "was the implacability of gentleness."15 But behind the gentleness many settlement workers, were tougjwninded realists whounder-stp^gLjjie-waxliigL^
course, that they were .also, idealists, who som^mes^came_p_er: ilously close to believing _that, if thevjjathered enough statistics andfound_Qut enough informjajjioj^
ica, the solution wou]d_foUgw ^ Yet a large number of
s^tOement workers'Tecame experts not only at collecting s_tatis-Jacj^but also at using them to mfluence public ojiimpri.ariaLelec gfficiais. TheyTTad learnea^n^irpolitics'ln the precinct and the ward, not from a textbook, and their experience served them well in Springfield and Washington.
The passage of a series of amendments to the child.labor law iliJB97Jr£lllinois^may serve as a case in point. The amendments
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were drafted by Florence Kelley who, more than anyone else, led jlTej^rusj^^ai^^ There was little publicity or fan-
fare in the beginning. Florence Kelley remarked to Henry Dema-rest Lloyd: "We want to get them out of committee before the editorial column raises its voice, in defense of the infant newsboys and the toddling 'cash' who will both come under its provisions." Persuasion was more important than publicity in the beginning. Jane Addams led a.contingent of social^ workers^la^pjLleaders^nd_ enlightene^^sjn^men tb~ffie "state capital to testify before the Senate Committee on Labor, to display Impressive sjajis^icsj^and to tell human^sto^_afaQu£th"gj:esults of child labor. Alzina Stevens, a Hull House resident and also a member of a labor union, got workingmen and women to write to the members of the Semite committee. George Hooker, a settlraenFwdrlceTancl arffained min-ister, gofThe support of various members of the clergy in Chicago. When the amendments were reported out of committee, the settlement workers made sure they got the.proper publicity in the newspapers^ They also prepared pamphlets and scrapbooks filled withdippings demonstxadrigthe needToFbgto^EffllaborJaws and sent than_to^Yjgrxjh^ber of the state legislature. The amendments passed; they did noTenH the problem of child labor by any means, but their passage illustrates the way settlement workers operated realistically in state politics.16
In New Ybr.k. a committee of settlement workers led by Robert Hunter organized in 1902 to prote§t_against the incredible conditions of labor among children irL-the-xitv. Florence Kelley, now in New York as general secretary of the National Consumers' League and a resident of Henry Street Settlement, along with young men and women like William English Walling, Ernest Poole, and Lillian Wald, took on the task of collecting .information, ar^sir^^W^op^on.and loJbbying-for--better.Jaw^£A|gSry. J.G. Phelps Stokes, a wealtKyyoung Yale graduate and resident of University Settlement, used the staff in his father's uptown office to turn out propaganda in favor of jnore.effective; child labor.laws. The New YoTEXEild~LaBor~Committee played an important part in the passage of a better child labor bill for New York in 1903; it also became the nucleus of the National Child Labor Committee.17 Just as the child labor reformers in New York began to realize in the first decade of the twentieth century that reform to be effective would have to be organized on the national level, so set-UejneniLWorkers in_seyeral cities.beganitodeyote more andjnjre"
time to national organizations and national legislation. In addition to the JNationaranTon^ tBelTneIpea*to organize
the National Women's Trade Union League, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a national investigation of women and children in industry, and a national Industrial Relations Commission.18 Men like William English Walling, Henry Moskowitz, and Paul Kellogg became experts at bringing the right people together and getting a program of reform organized. They. worked behind fop scenes and so hayejiever_rem from historians.thaLtfie^esebte. They used much the same tactics on the national level that they had perfected in the ward, the city, and the state. They gathere^sja^tics, cojlecte^jr^nnation, andljLhejgjusedJ^ electedogiciafe.
' InTS06when James Reynolds was in Washington lobbying for the passage of a bill that would provide for federal inspection of meat packing plants, he wrote to Jane Addams asldng her to "wi irpash^m^^r^ionof publicsentiment in Chicago favor-ing passageo! the Beveridge Amendment." Sometimes public sentiment could be effective, but often more direct tactics were needed. The next year Mary McDowell was in Washington Jotiby.-ingior a bill to provide a federal investigation of. women and children in industry. She~wrote'fo"Anfta McCormick Blaine, the daughter of Cyrus McCormick, asking her to get letters from "conservative employers who have good conditions and are willing to have this significant subject of women in industry freed from confusion." Again in 1912 when Allen T. Burns and Graham Taylor, Jr., were coordinating a social work campaign for the passage of a bill in Congress providing for an Industrial Relations Commission, they asked.the setUement j/^ri^jto_get p^injedj^tter^a^reised tomemfeejsjiil^^
businessmen as_well_as_ fro.m_soda£^ professors P*-
*'"   Despite the realistic political tactics on the local, state, and national level, most settlement workers were disturbed by the I sl(iwandjiaj£ingjia^ hnmani7f.-1iie4nd53-tnaTot)TKmmi aa^inisjratwnswer^j^rely reelectedj^and^ fornxbffls wereoften Bypassedprlgnored. They talked sometimes of the need of a great cause toj^iitia^ In 1912 when
Roosevelt bolted the" Republican convention, a group of social workers led by Paul Kellogg and Henry Moskowitz were ready
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with a platform of industrial minimums. When the Progressive party adopted their platform, they convinced themselves that this "waiTthe great cause for which they had been waiting. Primarily because of the Progressive platform, Jane Addams, Raymond Robins, Henry Moskowitz, and many other young social workers |tocked_to the new party and threw themselves into the political campaign. They contributed to the religious enthusiasm; they also Kd^edin the realistic task of organizing a new party.20 Edward T. Devine of tfte^ewYo rirctu^ Society could warn
that it was "the first political duty~oTsaaal workers to be persistently and ag^gressiyely_ non-partisan, to maintain such relations with men ofs oci aT*gooii""wiir rrPall parties as will insure their cooperation in specific measures for the promoting of the common good." But Jane Addams felt differently. "When the ideas and measures we have long been advocating becon^rjaxtxtt^paliiiCAl campaign...would we not be the victims of a curious self-consciousness if we failed to follow them there?" she asked.21 To Jane Addams the settlement idea led inevitably to political action even on the national level, and there were a large number of settlement workers who agreed with her.
Of course the Progressive campaign of 1912 seemed in some ways more like a crusade than like politics, and the collapse of the Progressive party and the outbreakofWorld War I alter ed.Tfitturi joFenJ, the political interests oLthe_settlement workers. After 1914 there was a little less optimism, a little less confidence that evils could be righted by gathering statistics. It was perhaps more important that after 1914 settlement workers and other reformers became more interesterTin international affairs and a little less concerned with domestic reform and politics. In the twenties it was not so easy for settlement workers to have confidence in reform, and.a new kind of social worker emerged who seemed to be more canceTTfijT^^
action. Somethingof the settlement workers' interest in political reform, something of their realistic tactics remained, of course, in the twenties and thirties, and something of that tradition survives even today, but it was in the Progressive Era that settlement workers were most concerned with political action—it was a concern that developed from their experience." They could not always agree among themselves, but if they took the settlement idea seriously, they became involved one way or another in politics, first in the ward, then in the city, the state, and the nation.
Notes and References
1. Robert Hunter, "The Relation Between Social Settlements and Charity Organizations," Journal of Political Economy, 11 (19D2), pp. 75-88; and Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1902, pp. 302-314.
2. Robert- Woods, "The University Settlement Idea," in Philanthropy and Social Progress (New York, 1893), pp. 57-97; Cannon Barnett, Practicable Socialism (London, 1915); and Jane Addams, "The Objective Value of the Social Settlement," in Philanthropy and Social Progress, pp. 27-56.
3. Heien Rand Thayer, "Blazing the Settlement Trail." Smith Alumnae Quarterly (April 1911), pp. 130-137; and Jane Rabbins, "The First Year at the College Settlement," Survey, 27 (February 24,1912), p. 1,802.
4. A.C. Bernheim, "Results of Picture Exhibition on Lower East Side," Forum. 19 (July 1895), p. 612. See also Allen F. Davis, "Jane Addams vs. the Ward Boss," faur-nal of the Illinois Stata Historical Society, 53 (Autumn 19B0), pp. 247-265.
5. "Are Social Settlers Debarred from Political Work?" handwritten MSS, undated. Mary K. Simkhovitch MSS, Radcliffe Women's Archives, Cambridge, Mass.; and Robert Woods, "Settlement Houses and City Politics," Municipal Affairs, 4 (June 1900), pp. 396-397.
6. "Minutes of the Seventeenth Ward Council of the Civic Federation, 1895-97," Graham Taylor MSS, Newberry Library, Chicago, 111. See also Allen F. Davis, "Raymond Robins: The Settlement Worker as Municipal Reformer," Social Service Review, 33 (Tune 1959), pp. 131-141.
7. James B. Reynolds, "The Settlement and Municipal Reform," in Proceedings of the National Conference of Oiarilies and Correction, 1896, pp. 140-142; J. Salwyn Schapiro, "Henry Moskowitz: A Social Reformer in Politics," Outlook, 102 (October 26,1912), pp. 446-449; and Henry Moskowitz, "A Settlement Followup," Survey, 25 (December 10,1QIQ), pp. 439-440.
8. See especially Jane Addams, "Ethical Survivals in Municipal Corruption," International Journal of Ethics, 8 (April 1898), pp. 273-291; Robert Woods, "The Roots Df Political Power," in City Wilderness; A Settlement Study (Boston, 1B9B), pp. 114-147 (probably written by William Clark); and "Traffic in Citizenship," in Americans in Process (Boston, 1902), pp. 147-149.
9. Jane Addams, interview in the Chicago Tribune, February 19, 1900; and Addams, "Ethical Survivals."
10. Eleanor Woqds, Robert A. Woods (Boston, 1929), pp. 119-123; George E. Hooker, "Mayor Quincy of Boston," Review of Reviews, 19 (May 1899), pp. 575-578; and South End House Report, 1910, p. 6.
11. "Reformatory Influence of Social Service Upon City Politics," Commons, 6 (March 1902), pp. 3-4; Lillian Wald, House on Henry Street (New York, 1915). pp. 46-53; and Wald to Dr. Abbott E. Kitteredge, October 29, 1903, Wald MSS, New York Public Library, New York, New York.
12. James H. Hamilton, "The Winning of the Boulevard," University Settlement
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