Chapter 4


THE SEVEN-SYSTEM MANAGEMENT: INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE AND TRADITIONAL PRACTICES OF THE KOLLIHILLS


Introduction

TEK: Traditional Managerial Practices of the Kollihills

The 7-System Management

Slope (Terracing, Hedging)

Soil (Prevention of erosion, enriching soils, tillage and field forms)

Water (Ayacut principle of irrigation, traditional lifts)

Microclimate (Shade, surface geometry, tillage and wind management)

Plant-Vegetation (Crop selection, mixtures, intercropping, agro-forestry, predation management)

Animal (Domestication)

Space (Spatial arrangement of fields in relation to homes, distance minimisation and crop care
maximisation)

Conclusion

Notes and References


Introduction


Agriculture is the primary source of livelihood for a vast majority of the tribal population,
though a large proportion of the area under agriculture has been, and is still to an extent, in
shifting cultivation. These are the tribes some of whom are in the primitive stage of food
gathering and hunting while others are, at the same time, in advanced farming. There are excellent
farmers among them whose lives are being investigated in this analysis to understand the impact of
transformation from shifting cultivation to plantation agriculture over their ways of living.


Tribal Economy and Change


The important development in the area of tribal research in the Indian context over the last
century is the gathering of data regarding 'continuity and change'. Extensive as well as intensive
studies in tribal economies and their transformations have revealed that there are several tribal
economies which are getting integrated with the national market economy.


Majumdar (1961), in his attempt to classify the various types of economies, lists the following
categories:


1.         A good number of Indian tribes are dependent upon the forests and they have similar
types of economy.


2.         There are tribes who have their economy midway between food gathering and primitive
shifting agriculture.


3.         There is the bulk of tribal groups depending on some forms of agriculture with forest
produce as a secondary support.


4.         The last category of the tribal economy is based on wage labour following the growth of
industry in India.


The entire tribal India is now undergoing a transition due to induced changes or internal changes.
The history of the tribal people shows that, during the past, they lived on bare subsistence and
self‑contained economies. The early changes in tribal life were due to their contacts with the
Hindu civilisation. Roy (1925)  reported that changes took place among the Chotanagpur tribes due
to the demands of surrounding Hindu economy. Later, the tribals'  contact with the outer world
increased, which in turn facilitated more changes  either by their visits to the outside world or
by the penetration of aliens into their homeland.


More serious attempts to establish contacts with the tribes had started during the British period
and the intention behind it was a part of their effort to consolidate their position in India.
"British policy was, in short, a hotch‑potch of segregation, often unnecessary and harmful, and
lack of discrimination in administration, both of which hit the tribes hard." (Majumdar, 1950). The
changes during the British period have changed the economic base and socio‑political structure
(Baily, 1979; Haimendorf, 1979; Pathy, 1984; Sharma and Prasad, 1982) because of the superimposed
economic and political structures over the existing one. The British rulers during the
pre‑Independence period followed a policy of segregation and attempted to keep the tribals away
from the rest of the population. After India's independence, it was realised that the tribal people
would not have different fortunes than the rest of the population of the country. The result was
the manifestation of the Government of India's Tribal Policy. Indian constitution itself in one of
its provisions committed to improve the social and economic standards of these people. The
constitutional safeguards provide a useful and very broad framework for tribal development.


A number of Commissions, Committees and study teams were formed from time to time to evaluate the
socio‑economic conditions of the tribal groups and also the different welfare measures attempted to
develop the tribal communities. Reports of the Committees brought out both the positive and the
negative impacts of the programmes implemented. Singh (1985) has  made it very clear that many of
the development programmes have not benefited tribal communities in the past. Sometimes,
development has been at the cost of tribal interests (Sing, 1982).  The failure or negative impact
on the economic and social life of the tribals is mainly because of the ignorance of the tribal
socio‑cultural economic system (Chaudhury, 1992).


Insisting the same, Ratha (1982) says that planning and formulating any tribal policy requires
clear a priori understanding of the social organisation and cultural values through sustained field
investigation and collection of adequate information.


Agricultural Development of the Hill Areas


The tribal areas are generally characterised by undulated terrain, dense forests, lack of
communication network and low population density. Each tribal group, with its own social customs
and dialects, lives in a compact area.  The geographical conditions and social and cultural
background make the introduction of modern agriculture a difficult task in these tribal areas. Many
tribal communities, who live in certain compact areas of the plains, have lost many of their
original characteristics due to their contact with non‑tribal people in the plains.  The problems
of agricultural development in the tribal areas of the plains are more akin to those of the other
plains than to purely tribal areas in the hills. Almost all of the indigenous populations in the
hilly areas still maintain their own identities.


Characteristics of Tribal Culture


Agriculture in the tribal areas of the Kollihills, for example, varies greatly with plough farming
in the plains.  Tribes in the hills once practised shifting cultivation.  Social anthropologists
believe that, after the hunting and gathering stage of human civilisation, the technique of raising
crops was learnt and due however to nomadic character of the people at that time there was no fixed
farm.  Because of the geographical conditions of the hills, these tribes practised shifting
cultivation. Unless compelled by the physical and economic circumstances, these people still prefer
the traditional system of cultivation in place of permanent cultivation.


Because of the rapid loss of fertility, the land under shifting cultivation is invariably abandoned
after one or two years and a new plot is selected for fresh cultivation.  The period of occupancy
is mainly dependent upon the density of population of a particular area and the availability of
sustainable hill slopes. Apart from the loss of forests and consequent soil erosion on the hill
slopes, such cultivation offers very little scope for economic uplift as it is subsistence in
nature. This has resulted only in hand-to-mouth existence of the tribes, almost everywhere, making
their lives anything but prosperous.


Land Ownership


Individual ownership of land is recognised in certain areas and such ownership is usually confined
to homestead and settled farmland.  In the villages of Alukurumbas of the Nilgiris, community owns
the lands.  Each village however operates in a particularly demarcated area and the power of
distribution of land for cultivation to the farmers is vested with the village headman (Mudali) or
Village Council. It is observed that due to non‑fixity of the tenurial rights, the tribal farmers
have little attachment to the land they operate. Therefore, these people evince no interest in the
improvement of land for future use. The tendency for improvement of land is noticed in
individually-owned areas.


Isolation from Forces of Market Economy


Long isolation has compelled the tribal people inhabiting the hills and interior areas to evolve a
self‑sufficient economy.  In a subsistence economy, where population is sparse, there is little
encouragement to induce people to produce for sale. It is observed that production of cash crops
such as coffee and tea, in the Kollihills, is very limited due to interior location and the
situation obtaining there.


There are no roads and other means of transport to the interior villages. Even when there are some
transactions, it is still mostly a barter system of exchange. Hence, there is little scope for
monetisation of the transactions. Field experience shows however that most tribal people react
immediately and favourably to the market forces.  Even though their production methods are very
primitive, they are bound to produce considerable quantity of agricultural produce when they are
exposed to some market outlets.


The problems faced in agriculture development in the hills is linked to various other
socio‑economic considerations, namely, improvement of infrastructure, change in social habits and
customs, creation of demand for goods and service facilities, the urge for self development and
increased opportunity for investment.



Plantation Agriculture


Plantation agriculture is managed agriculture, where the basic landholding size is generally large.
The plantation itself could be a large-scale operation, involving besides cultivation such
activities as processing and marketing as part of the industrial process. However, the plantation
agriculture here is of small holding plantation agriculture, managed by the tribal farmer himself
but yet showing certain levels of returns from it that puts him at a comfortably better position
than those who are engaged in other agriculture. The tribal plantations are in a sense subsistence
activities and caters however to a market economy (Tharakan, 1996).



Tribes and Shifting Cultivation


Shifting cultivation is a traditional form of agriculture. It is one of a few modes of subsistence
practised by the Kollihill tribes. It is also done in the tropics of Asia, Africa and Latin
America.



Box 1: Shifting Agriculture


This form of agriculture is known in vernacular as the 'slash and burn agriculture' and 'swidden'
or through local names such as `jhum' in India, `Chitememne' in Zambia, `Chinampa' in tropical
America, 'Kaiginin' in the Philippines, 'Ladang' in Indonesia, 'Taungya' in Myanmar and 'Milpa' in
Central America.


According to Dobby (1954), it is "a special stage in the evolution from hunting and food gathering
to sedentary farming". While emphasising how the practice maintains the quality of the forests
where it is being practised, Geertz (1963) says that "the swidden plot is not a `field' at all in
the proper sense, but a miniaturised tropical forest, composed mainly of food producing and other
main cultivates". Carnero (1964) has attempted to test the generally held beliefs about the
potentialities and limitations of slash and burn agriculture practised by the Kuikuru of the Amazon
basin. In India, shifting cultivation is practised by several tribes; and it is also referred to as
'jhum or swidden or slash and burn cultivation'. Tribes practising shifting cultivation have been
found all over India and they are not confined to any one region but are spread all over the
country. Shifting cultivation, though a rudimentary technique of land and forest resources
utilisation, is an intricate relationship between ecology, economy, society and the cultural ethos
of a region.


Anthropologists differ in their views over the consequences of burning bush to prepare the soil for
cultivation. One section believes that the slash and burn technique destroys the nutrients in the
soil and thus compels the horticulturists to abandon their plots after two or three years. The
other section maintains that the horticultural method is not seriously detrimental to the soil
(Conklin, 1954).  Roughly after four decades Ramakrishnan (1996) repeats the same by saying that
the traditional shifting agriculture of the humid tropics is often dismissed as a primitive form of
land use and is condemned as a mere waste of natural and human resources. However, in recent times,
this agriculture along with many other traditional systems, are considered to be 'models of
ecological deficiencies'. The tribes who practice shifting cultivation have managed it for
centuries with optimum yield on a long term basis, rather than trying to maximise production on a
short term basis (Rathenberg, 1976; Toky and Ramakrishnan, 1982).


Husain (1992) concludes on the basis of his exposure to shifting cultivation, practised by many
tribal groups in northeast India that "since the cultural ethos of the Jumias is the outcome of
shifting cultivation, closely influenced by its operation, it cannot be stopped within a short
period of time. Therefore, there is an urgent need to the system more efficient and ecologically
sustainable".  Jhum is the shifting cultivation of the northeastern region and is tied up
intricately with the physical, socio-cultural and religious environments of the Abor, a hill tribe
of the northeast corner of Assam. As such, the need of the time is how to retain the traditional
flavour and fervour in improving the tribal welfare, through new techniques and technologies
towards improving the jhum (Gohain, 1994). In another study, shifting cultivation of the Baiga
tribe of Madhya Pradesh has been considered impractical and undesirable in view of the fact that
there is an ever increasing population and the difficulties in subsistence. Baiga cultivator has
been the subject of another study by Bose (1987) who has focussed on the pattern of change,
particularly on the land uses. This study has traced the process of change and the causal
relationships, measuring the levels of change in the tribal community.


Nag (1994), analysing the problem, suggests that there should be some form of rehabilitation and
reorganisation of the agricultural economy of the tribe.  A similar conclusion has been drawn from
a study of the shifting cultivation in Orissa but Mahapadra (1994) goes a step further and
considers a holistic and an integrated approach to rehabilitation as very important to solve the
problems in agriculture. There have indeed been some researches which carefully looked into the
need to develop a coherent and an integrated framework for a National Policy to the marginalised
shifting cultivators of the northeastern region. Das (1996) has indeed seen some very positive
features in jhum cultivation while suggesting suitable changes in the traditional land use systems
through extension and not imposition. Others have emphasised that the shifting cultivation prevails
elsewhere and it is not possible to stop it everywhere. Hence, more attention and care need to be
given on introducing appropriate techniques of such cultivation.


Lack of reliable estimate of land under shifting cultivation and the number of shifting cultivators
in the hills have added problems of loss of irreplaceable knowledge accumulated though centuries.
The strength of it however lies in the communal character. Pathy (1984) argues that it is important
to note that shifting cultivation has also been a scapegoat for the deleterious effect on forests
and environment. But shifting cultivators, with the traditional ecological knowledge of the forest
systems, should be considered as an integral part of the forest management.


With the march of modernisation in the hills, the informal community of the tribal areas has turned
into individual orientated, formal agriculturists. But the tradition lingers on, using the forest
as renewable sources for livelihood while at the same time turning it into a commercial market
produce (Fernondus, 1993). On the other hand, Fuchs (1992) speaks of the forest dwellers as
suffering much from the irreparable damage and injustice through much of the historical times,
primarily deprived of, as a consequence, their traditional resources base. Menon (1995) however
provides another contrast, taking the case of Kattunaickers of Malapuram district of Kerala. He
points out the need for change in the conventional relationships of the change agent as the
innovator of the tribal systems. In this study, it has been possible to showcase the fact that
traditional wisdom leads to a stable survival of the people dependent on the forests. The stress is
on minimising disturbance and maximising benefits.


The transition has been elaborated to show how the Irulas have been deprived of their basic food
security in the process. The transition from hunter-gatherer economy to agricultural in the
community of Nishis of Arunachal Pradesh (Sharma, 1993) has ushered in horticulture. Ritualistic
agriculture often comes into conflict with modernisation of agriculture (Mahapatra, 1992). In fact,
ritual and technology should create a new system of economic relationships in which ritual becomes
flexible and liberal enough to absorb the demands of new technology, which in turn restructures the
rituals.


Meghalaya presents a case of transformation from tribal, traditional economy to co-operative,
collective economy taking Government as an active partner in the process. Mahalingam (1992) brings
out the role of co-operatives in the tribal areas of the northeastern India, explaining the unique
role of co-operation in strengthening the tribal economy through integrated credit, marketing and
distribution facilities. There are further studies which turn to current topical interests such as
sustainable development (for example, Ramakrishnan, 1993), taking traditional societies of the
Himalayan ranges, which represent extremes of mountain ecosystems, physical and socio-cultural
factors, towards analysing decentralisation.  Institutional reforms and extension of credit by
various government agencies to the tribes of Srikakulam have been analysed in a developmental
context by Ramamani (1988). Involvement of extension agencies in agricultural development in the
hilly region through the introduction of appropriate technologies suited to local conditions has
been examined by Rai  (1995).


In socio-economic development analysis, the tribal economies have been analysed threadbare as to
the spatial and temporal patterns of distribution of development benefits. Sharma (1989) has
studied the development of tribes of Baghelkhand of Madhya Pradesh, subjecting the data from a
field survey to quantitative and cartographic analysis. He has concluded that the tribal economy
needs to be integrated both in terms of spatial organisation and intra- and inter-regional
relationships around a system of service centres. Mann (1993) has embellished the degree of
transition and the subsequent state of integration in the socio-economic development of the Indian
tribes. But the constraints to development, sustainable development at that, is the lack of
infrastructures to the tribes more so than to the non-tribes.


Sachidananda (1964) has likened the infrastructures to the nerve centres of development. Tribal
markets, among the infrastructures, are the most significant as they are network of socio-cultural
ties among the people of the hinterland and have given them a common base for regional ethnology.
Dube (1977) has cautioned that without infrastructural support development of the tribes could run
into difficulties. Pradap (1975), Gopal and Kulandaisamy (1976) provide similar conclusions. So, it
appears that infrastructures are a must if development was to be sustained. Kattakayam (1983) has
presented the failure and success of various welfare programmes, making suggestions for making them
effective and fruitful.



Traditional Subsistence Economy

Traditional Economy of the Alukurumbas is land based, the main shifting agriculture was
supplemented with wild forest  resources. In general, the Alukurumba settlements are on the hill
slopes.  Difficult mountain terrain, rocky and infertile soils, vagaries of climate, scarcity of
water and harsh working conditions have made shifting cultivation a difficult task. Inadequacy of
food has obviously forced them to search for supplementary means of subsistence in the surrounding
forest territories. Rarely, whenever  they get the opportunity, they go out to  work as wage
labourers in the neihgbouring farms.


Shifting Cultivation

In many parts of the tribal hill zone, there is technically a less advanced system of cultivation,
known as the shifting cultivation. To do this a piece of land is selected,  the trees and bushes
are cut down and are allowed to dry and then set on fire.  In the land  which is thus cleaned, the
soil is prepared by using hoes or digging sticks. Seeds are sown,  in the little holes gouged in
the ground. Or they are broadcast.  Everything is done by human labour.  Such field the fertility
of which is not replenished by the application of manure, except for the  ashes  obtained from
burning, gives  a diminishing  return and is practically exhausted in two  or three  years of
time. Then, the farmer moves over to a new patch of jungle and allows natural vegetative growth to
take over the abandoned field.  In different places, the time allowed for recuperation  varies
considerably.  When  the abandoned fields are again covered  by an adequate cover of secondary
growth, the farmer may return to them for cropping again.

Economic and social impacts of shifting cultivation are viewed with difficulty by different people.
Some hold the view that shifting cultivation invariably upsets the accumulated natural resources by
removing more from it than that it can produce.  Again, the type of cultivation has been held to
constitute a major limitation for the spread of permanent tree crop. On the other hand, it has been
pointed out by experts that shifting cultivation is not always harmful to the forest. Land, as it
is believed to be, could be improved and its negative effects could be minimised by introducing
leguminous creepers and nitrogen fixing plants. Besides fruit bearing trees may be grown on the
exhausted shifting cultivation patches, while also avoiding cultivation on steep slopes (Government
Report, 1960).


The system of land ownership for  shifting cultivation  differs  from tribe to tribe.  In most of
the tribal areas, land  is owned by the community as a whole.  But, in contrast to this usual
practice,  the communal ownership of land under shifting  cultivation is completely absent in some
areas, for example in southern Orissa.  The Bondas, Souras, Kondhas, Koyas and other tribes
recognise private ownership of their respective hill clearings.  Each household  owns a number of
sites which may be even outside the village boundary.  The Bondas  sell their clearings to one
another and mortgage them  when they are in need (Verrisor, 1950). However,  there is no  legal
title to such lands. The ownership of land is accepted only by the common usage and practice. In
the Nilgiris,  by and large, the Alukurumbas practised shifting cultivation. The  report of the
Commission for SC and STs (1960‑61) states that the Alukurumbas of the Nilgiris, Coimbatore,
Attapadi and Karnataka were practising shifting cultivation in a large area (Table 3.1).

 Cropping Pattern of the Alukurumbas 1965

The agro‑climatic condition, prevalent during 1960s was most suitable for annual crops  such as
millets: ragi  (Eleusine Coracana) and samai (Panicum  sumatranse).  Cultivation  of coffee and tea
was taken up only in a very few settlements.  The crop and area under them is presented in Table
3.2.


The table shows that out of the total area of 215 ha (530.92 acres) in all the sample settlements,
53 per cent of the area was covered by forests and 47 per cent  of  the area under cultivation.
Out of the land under cultivation, a maximum of 90 per cent of the area was used for shifting
cultivation, on a rotational basis.  In one shift  in the year 1965,  32 ha (79.0 acres) was
cultivated by millets such as ragi and samai.  Only the remaining 10 per cent of the area was
covered by coffee and tea.


The Alukurumbas' Shifting Cultivation


Shifting cultivation is a  method of farming and an impermanent cultivation which  has  prevailed
among the  Alukurumbas for centuries. The chief characteristics  of shifting cultivation  are the
ownership of land, selection  of sites,  use of fire for clearing the land,  fallowing for  a
number of   years for regeneration of forests,  use of  very   crude and simple implements  and
performance of rites. It is seen from Table 3.3 that for seven villages out of ten, major portions
of their land is on steep slopes.  Only 4 villages are on gentle slopes.

Mixed Cropping

The mixed cropping  pattern or the multi‑tier cropping pattern has been  practised by  the
Alukurumbas over time. Generally, they use different kinds of crops in the same field. This is the
practice of inter‑cropping, which is a production maximising strategy. For example, use  of ragi,
samai, greens  and jowar/beans is very  common.  Two months  after the sowing, they get plenty of
greens and during the one/two week duration they harvest greens, they simultaneously  do weeding
in  the main field.  After 3‑4  months, ragi is ready for harvest  and, after 6/7 months  from
sowing,  samai and jowar will  also be ready. The tribe thus start reaping their crops from the end
of the second month till the eighth or ninth month. It is seen from  Table 3.4 that even though
the  area  under annual crops  has been substantially reduced, the tribes put  major  thrust on the
multi‑tier/mixed cropping pattern.


During 1965,  out of about 32 ha   (79 acres)  under  millet crops  in the sample villages, 85 per
cent of the area  was  under mixed  cropping pattern  and only 15 per cent under monocrop. In
1995,  100 per cent of the  area (14 acres or 5.7 ha) was under mixed crop for their livelihood.
The tribe depended completely on food crops and that too through  the mixed  crop or the
inter‑crops. Table 3.5 presents a list of crops cultivated by the Alukurumbas and their places of
sowing and period in months, including information on harvests. As many as nine different crops are
grown, five in the main field, two along the edges, one in the boundary and the other in the waste
heap. The cropping period varies from 2 months to one full year. So, in a year of cropping, four
harvests of different crops are made by the tribe.

Ownership of Land

Traditionally, the Alukurumbas of the Nilgiris have community  ownership and land allotted by the
Mudali or the village headman. The Mannukara, the village priest, with the consent of Mudali,
allots the land to individual families. The ownership of land is thus only temporary and it  could
be  converted into the community land again, if desired by the Village Council.

Selection of Sites

The selection of sites for shifting cultivation is made by the Alukurumbas on a number of
considerations which include the fallow period,  growth of wild  plants  to be slashed, nearness
to  the village,  nature  of slopes and  supernatural  deviations. The selection of sites and
method of cultivation influence the extent of soil erosion  and productivity.

Performance of Rites

The Alukurumbas are called the  priests of the earth. They act as the priests of the neighbouring
community, namely, the Badagas and Irulas during the time of two important agricultural
operations, namely, sowing  and  harvesting ceremonies. Performance of rites at the time  of
selecting land for cultivation, before clearing, sowing  and harvesting are the important features
of the cultivation. The religious  rites and cultivation of shifting land is inextricably
intertwined with the socio‑economic and cultural life of the Alukurumbas.

Major Operations in Shifting Cultivation

Various activities are associated with the nexus of culture,  social relations and religious
beliefs.  The cycle of operations of the shifting  cultivation is marked by such activities as the
selection of sites, slashing and burning, sowing, weeding,  harvesting and finally fallowing.

Identifying Locations for Cultivation

When a new site is to be selected, it is called Hosathu  madodu (new cultivation).  The Mudali,
Mannukara and elders go to the place selected temporarily on a Tuesday and perform puja  beneath a
select and large  tree  in the field and, after a few days of stay in that  place, they decide  and
inaugurate the land clearing operations. On clearing, the tribe cultivates the land for two or
three years. If it finds that the land is becoming increasingly unsuitable, then they change to a
new location on the basis of the assessment of growth and yield of the  previous  crop.

Such a new field  used to be once virgin land but  due to forest regulations since independence,
they have to go in  for such land which have been cultivated previously at least once. Such land,
however,  is regarded as hosa bhoomi (new field). Due to the restrictions imposed by the forest
regulations, the Alukurumbas in the 1970s and before, could not live at a single site  for a longer
duration than they required.   New sites had to be selected by  them at least once in three years
and shifting of settlements took place, accordingly.

Slashing and Burning

The land clearing operation is called Holabetto (clearing of the land),  which is inaugurated by
the Mannukara (village priest) observing necessary rites.  A boundary for the entire cultivation
area is made usually coinciding with natural boundaries like the streams and valleys. The internal
boundaries for the fields are selected by each family and marked by the Mudali, Mannukara and
village elders. No fencing need be done. With the  boundary formation, the Alukurumbas construct
the watch  tower in a few appropriate places to clear the plot and later to  watch the crops during
the day time and night. With the boundary formation and construction of watch towers, the
Alukurumbas begin their operation of clearing the land which begins in the month of
February/March.  All the under bushes, small trees and lopped branches of trees are brought and
kept as a few heaps of waste (kuppe).  The heaps  are allowed to dry at least for a month and,  in
late April, they are burnt.  Since the forest fires are common during these months, they make  a
safety clearing around the outer  boundaries of their habitat  and also around their watch towers
to prevent fire.  Axe and knife are  the main tools  used for cutting operations and weeding hoe
and digging hoe are  used for the field preparation.

Soil Preparation

The ash settled on the surface  of the soil  is thoroughly mixed with the soil. Reamains of burnt
woods  are removed. This entire practice is locally called as Karikatte seeru, an important  ritual
in the cultivation. The soil is now  prepared for sowing and the seed is then sown.

Table 3.6  and Chart 3.1 show the number  of agricultural implements used by the Alukurumbas in the
sample villages. After rains, the Alukurumbas mix ash with  soil. They classify land based on the
smell emanating from the land as  virgin or low fertile land. Further, they  assess the yield  of
that season  also. The clearing of land  is usually done by men and as soon as the soil is
prepared, the women take responsiblity of the major operations such as sowing and  weeding; again,
the men will join them during the harvest. However, during the entire cycle, the  children help the
adults in carrying out different operations.

Sowing

Immediately after the rains,  an auspicous day is fixed by the village Mudali and Mannukara for
sowing the seeds.  After the ritual, the Mannukara will  sow  the first ceremonial seed in one of
the fields and it is followed by others in their respective  fields.  Before the sowing operations,
and at the time of the ritual, a handful of seeds of different crops is brought by each family and
the Mannukara  will mix all the seeds brought by the villagers.   After  the ritual, the Mannukara
will  give a handful of mixed seeds to the each of the households and in turn they will mix the
seeds along with the bulk of the seeds kept in the house. Then, they will start sowing in their own
fields.


Sowing operation is carried out by means of a gouging stick to make small holes and jowar seeds are
dibbled in at a distance of at least 60 to 90 cm (2‑3 feet) centered by their steps in the edges.
Pulses like togare  and sonaiavare are similarly put in the main field/edges.  Pumpkin, a favourite
vegetable they use during the religious feasts, is grown in plenty. The cultivated creepers are
planted on the ash heaps (Kuppe). The other seeds like ragi, samai and navane are broadcast in the
entire main field.

Weeding

When the millets sprout, weeding is done with the help of the weeding hoe.  Special rites are
performed to safeguard the crop from pest and disease. Weeding in the field is considered to be  a
hard job and  is done at least twice during the crop.  In a new field, the first year of
cultivation will have less weeds.  But during the second year, the field will have weeds which they
could tolerate; then, weeding is done twice or thrice. During the third year, the field is
considered to be the anigal bhoomi (infertile land), which  has very low soil fertility.  When
there is an exuberance of weeds, they put up with them fully knowing that their labour is wasted on
this account.  No serious effort is made to remove weeds and hence the yield would be  very little
and cosequently a new site is selected for the next sowing operation.

Harvesting

In July and August, ragi, the main crop becomes ripe for harvesting.  Before harvesting, a ritual
called 'hosa ragi habba' (ragi harvesting festival) is conducted.  Women take care of cutting the
ears of the millet and bringing them to the barn ('tene kottige'), which is built by men.  Men
prepare a threshing ground in the field.  Before threshing is done, a certain amount of millet ears
are beaten and the grain is collected for performing the new ragi festival.  The 'hosa ragi habba'
is celebrated to appease the family deities (mane devaru) by the people.  The millet is then
threshed with sticks, winnowed and the grains separated.  A sufficient quantity of grain is
preserved as seeds for the next season.  Storage is in baskets or earthen pots.

Fallowing

After  raising crops for three years successively, it is believed that the field becomes unsuitable
for  cultivation. If  they are cultivated, the yield goes  on decreasing  year by   year due to the
excessive growth of weeds and  therefore such fields are to be  vacated.

Table 3.7 shows the average year  of holding  for cultivation and the average fallow period. It is
observed that the average  period holding the land under cropping is  2.2  years  and the fallow
period  is  2.4 years. The rainfall pattern, the elevation and slope  percentage  were  also
correlated to the cropping and fallow period. It is found that, wherever the slope percentage  is
less than 30 per cent, the cropping period was extended upto 3 years, for example, in Bhaviyoor and
Banagudisholai villages.

In Pudukadu,  even  though the slope  percentage  is less than 30 per cent, the cropping period was
only 2 years. This is mainly due to large areas available for  shifting cultivation.  In general,
the fallow period is between 2  and 3 years.  It is also observed that both rainfall and the
elevation have no significant relation  with the fallow and cropping  periods.


Rituals and Beliefs Related to Shifting Agriculture

The Alukurumbas attribute abundance of crops as well as crop failure to the moods of various gods
and deities.  The worship of `Bhooma Thai' (Mother Earth) is believed to ensure better crops.  Her
annoyance can cause damage.  The human beings, believed to posses supernatural powers, also
intervene in economic operation.  For instance, the `Mannukara', the priest of the Alukurumbas
decides on the auspicious day for sowing.  Fowls / goats which they domesticate are offered, in
sacrifice, to the deities. The two important agricultural rituals performed by the Alukurumbas are
the sowing ceremony and the harvesting ceremony.  Besides, they also have minor rituals during land
clearing, pest and disease outbreak.

The `Mudali' and `Mannukara' are the two important leaders who organise, plan and implement
agricultural activities of the village.  More specifically, the Mannukara has  a dominant role of
performing various rituals in the presence  of the Mudali, the Village Council and the villagers.

The important rituals are:

`Holabetto' ‑ Land selection

`Kari katte seeru' ‑ Land clearing and soil mixing

`Hola bitto' ‑ sowing

`Hu archo' ‑ ritual against pest and diseases

`Hosathu mado' ‑ harvesting

Hola Betto (Land selection)

When a new site has to be selected, the elders go  to the potential site, selected on an auspicious
day, preferably on Tuesday, with a few household articles along with their family members and stay
there for a couple of days.  On the piece of land where they have to stay, a temporary hut (gudilu)
is constructed.  Dreams form the basis of final decisions.  If any dead animal or fire or elephant
is seen in the dream, it is  a bad omen.  Dreaming of water and honey is very auspicious.  The
dreams of elders living in the field are ultimately to decide  whether  or not the cultivation
could be taken up in the selected site.


Kari Katte Seeru (Land Clearing and Soil Mixing)

When the field selection is over, the Mannukara will cut the first  bush in the selected field,
followed by the Mudali, elders, women and children. After cutting the bush and drying it, it is
burnt.  After a couple of days, when they get the first rains, they perform the ritual called `Kari
katte  seeru'. In this ritual, the  Mannukara removes the unburnt/half burnt  wood from the field,
followed by the villagers. After the wood is removed from the field,  they mix the ash with soil
and wait for rains.

Hola Bitto (Sowing)

Before sowing, the people living in the tribal settlement observe a rite, for appeasing the earth
goddess known  as `Bhooma Thai'. The `Mannukara' performs a special puja in his house in the early
morning and also offer  the cooked millets to the gods. Then he, along with Mudali, Vandhari and
Kuruthalai proceed to the field and by praying to the goddess of earth, they sow the first seed,
and broadcast the seeds in a small patch of few fields in the surrounding. After this, all  members
of the family start sowing/broadcast the seeds.

Hu Archo (Ritual to Arrest Pests and Diseases)

When the millets start sprouting in the field, weeding by the hoe is done.  At this time, a special
rite is performed by offering podded millet by the Mannukara,  He sprinkles water all around the
field in order to arrest the pest and attack of disease and this rite is known as 'Hu Archo'.

Hosathu Madodu (Harvest Ceremony)

The harvest ceremony is like the sowing ceremony where village Mannukara goes to the field in the
early morning. After praying to God, he harvests a few strands of ragi from a few fields and brings
them home.  This is symbolic of bringing God to the house.  At this time, it is important, that
men, women and children should not come out of their houses.  The `Mannukara' then prepares a dish
out of ragi and offers it to the ancestors' spirit living around the fields by placing the cooked
food over the roof of the house. Then the whole village goes for harvesting and a big festival
called `hosa ragi habba' is celebrated by cooking new food, sharing  it with others and dancing the
whole day.

Reason for Shifting Cultivation

In the shifting cultivation system, the tribal families could produce their family requirements of
food,  cereals, vegetables, oilseeds and a few other crops. This system is in consonance with the
concept  of tribal self‑sufficiency to which they have traditional preferences. Some of the major
reasons for shifting cultivation are:


1.         Alienation of land from the tribal to the non‑tribals made the tribal people  more
insecure in the hill slopes as the exploiters cannot reach the inconvenient land plots on the
difficult hill slopes.


2.         Settled cultivation warrants high investment on fertilisers and labour. On  the other
hand, with the ashes of natural vegetation as manure and their own hard labour, they need to
spend   only a little for seeds in  carrying on shifting cultivation.


3.         Shifting cultivation provides work  to all members of a tribal family.   The children,
women folk and old members of the family participate in  the farming operations.

4.         The tribals usually follow mixed cropping in the lands under shifting cultivation for
meeting their different food requirements. This offers many advantages.  Mixed cropping minimise
the risk  of complete crop failures due to vagaries of monsoon, insect and pest attack, which are
common in the hill environment. The age old practice utilises the soil moisture in different layers
of the soils which can be taken advantage of by divergent root systems  of different crops  and
help in the recouping of soil fertility.

Extent of Coverage by Shifting Cultivation

Since the shifting land has to be left fallow for every 2 to 3 years, the land utilisation  in the
areas under shifting cultivation is studied and presented in table 3.8. Table 3.8 indicates that
out of 90.69 ha (224 acres) of land available for  shifting cultivation,  35 per cent of the land
is utilised every year for cultivation.  Out of the 10 sample villages, seven villages utilised one
third of their cultivated area every year. In one village, Kinnakorai, cent per cent of the area
was utilised every year. This is because of a very small area available in that village. The crops
grown under shifting cultivation is usually for home consumption and hence primary importance is
given to the cultivation of food crops such as ragi and samai.  However, a few respondents have
earned  some money out of the field crops.

Impacts of Shifting Cultivation

It has been observed that the land parcels selected for shifting cultivation do not contain
valuable trees.  Tribals generally select locations of forest growth whcih are less laborious to
clean.   If adequate care is taken to ensure cultivation with soil and water conservation measures,
soil erosion can be reduced to a great extent.  At present, the area under shifting cultivation in
the Alukurumba sample households has considerably reduced from about 32 ha (79 acres) in 1965 to
5.67 ha (14 acres) in 1995. This is a drastic slide. This subsistence cropping is at its end. It is
a crucial time to revive traditional subsistence cropping.  Hence, any improvement in the methods
of sedantary cultivation deserves more attention in the present level of tribal development, as
food/subsistence security in the hills is increasingly being threatened. As shifting cultivation
offers very little scope for economic upliftment, farming in the non‑forested/cleared areas should
be encouraged for subsistence in the villages where large tracts of land are available.

Measures for Scientific Cultivation

Most of the progressive tribal farmers are now fully aware that agricultural development in the
hilly areas cannot be achieved without gradual shift from shifting to settled farming.  It means
that settled agriculture is not just introducing plantation and horticultural crops but also
reviving the cultivation of millets and pulses for the tribal subsistence. The cultivable land of
the sample settlements is mostly on steep slopes with the exception of a few villages where the
land is on gentle and rolling slope areas and  is suitable for crops such as the annual and
plantation crops.

Soil and Water Conservation Measures

Appropriate soil and water conservation measures in the Nilgiris, especially on the steep slopes of
the Alukurumba settlements, help in the preservation of the valuable top soils and reduce soil
erosion. Various schemes by the Central/State Governments and NGOs could be implemented in these
areas.

Watershed or Basin

Apart from general soil and water conservation measures in the cropped area, specific watersheds in
the tribal hamlets should be identified.  The programmes rationale in use in the watershed or basin
should be developed in a suitable manner.  It includes in its scope the following:


1.         Provision of land to the people who are willing to give up  cultivation on steep
slopes.  (For example, at Vellaricombai settlement, the state government has already initiated
steps to allot alternate land for the tribal people of that village.


2.         Planting of economic species useful to the tribal communities on steep slopes.


3.         Establishing plantation crops,  tea, coffee and species, in suitable areas with fruit as
the inter‑crop.


4.         Utilisation of steep slopes, unfit for crop production or fruit farms, for timber
production.


Role of Women in the Alukurumba Economy

Women play a crucial role in the Alukurumba economy.  In the agricultural activities, women are
engaged in seed preserving, sowing, weeding and harvesting operations.  Besides,  other subsidiary
occupations of goat rearing and, in a few villages, broom making are carried on by women. They have
to work hard for earning money to feed their families.  Women save little money out of their hard
work in their fields and by hiring their labour outside their homes and are responsible for
providing food for the family.

Barter Economy

Barter economy  enables the tribe  to fulfil the requirements of  different tribal groups.  The
barter economy had  great scope during the early days and it is practised within different groups
of the tribal people.  The Alukurumbas also had economic interaction with the neighbouring people
like the Irula, Kota, Toda  and Badaga. They take their forest produce such as honey, incenses,
bamboo, medicinal produce to the groups above and barter with them with grains, potatoes and other
vegetables (from Badagas), agricultural implements and pots (from Kotas), ghee (from Toda). The
situation has changed now and the traditional mode of exchange is disappearing almost. Table 3.9
shows the distribution of secondary occupations of the Alukurumbas. Their occupations include the
physical labour, food gathering and honey collection.  Under gathering, collection of tubers and
roots  for their subssitence, collection and sale of medicinal plants, leaves, barks, seeds  and
roots of different plants and other minor forest produce are included.

The Alukurumba Forest Economy

The Alukurumbas are originally the forest tribes and food gathering was one of their main
occupations.  During the 1960s and before, they have depended on forest produce for their life.

But with the rigourous deforestation of the Nilgiris jungle, the life of the Alukurumba has become
harder. Once their families lived well on what they gathered in the forests and cultivated on their
small fields.  Of late, they have to give up more and more of their ancestral living space. To find
sufficient jungle produce in the small forest too has become increasingly difficult. Under the
circumstances, they are forced to work as wage labour on the plantations.  They thrive on whatever
little available as produced in the remaining forest area.

Collection of Minor Forest Produce

Among the food which is still being gathered, the most important are the tubers (roots of wild
yams),  leafy vegetables, fruits and mushrooms.  They collect edible yams mainly during the summer
months when no other food items are available.  Digging sticks or crowbars are used to dig up long,
winding root. The Alukurumbas never dig out  the entire yam; instead, they leave the top portion of
the root for regrowth during the next season.  The following roots of wild yams (Dioscoreaceae) are
eaten:

Dioscorea bulbipara (Bekkilugasu)

D.opposit folkia L (Nadugasu)                                                     D.PlantaphylllaL.
(Nuregasu)

Apart from this, the following greens are also regularly used by the Alukurumbas:

Maradai soppu

Bejjal soppu

Gakai soppu

Seekai soppu

The seasonal fruits play an important role  in the Alukurumba economy, esepcially those of the jack
fruit, orange and guava. Majority of the Alukurumbas have their own trees in the forests and during
the season they sell their fruits.  Table 3.10 and Chart 3.2 show the number of fruit trees  owned
by  the Alukurumbas, in different settlements.

Another important part of the Alukurmba diet, obtained by gathering, are various edible mushrooms.
The most important mushroom varieties are:

1.         Akki kunu ‑ a very small variety of edible mushroom

2.         Kadukun ‑  a ear‑shaped variety of edible mushroom

3.         Kunu ‑ a favourite edible mushroom growing in the rainy season in large quantity ‑ thin
leg, small umbrella like shape

4.         Kondakunu ‑ the most popular edible mushroom of the Alukurumba, white in colour, large
sized, umbrella shaped and grown on stems of old trees

The other produce collected by the tribe is tamarind (Tamar indica L), soapnut (Sapindes
trifaliatus L) for the agents.  Nowadays, gathering represents only a minor activity among the
Alukurumbas.  Most produce collected  is  used by the Alukurmbas to meet their  own requirements
and only a small quantity goes  for the agents  or sold in the market or bartered with the
neighbouring groups. Besides gathering, the Alukurumbas also practice small gaming; they set traps
and snares and catch birds, hares, wild boars, mouse‑deer, and barking‑deer.

DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS MEDICINAL PLANTS

The knowledge of the valuable drugs has gone unnoticed, without any record or documentation because
this knowledge is being dissipated by the illiterate "Medicine Men" belonging to various tribes,
who are quite often exploited by the middlemen and their value is not recognised.  The worth of
these drugs cannot be belittled by the allopathic physicians of the country, because it includes
the new area of science and technology that have failed to help the mankind; and nature has always
given a solution.  With this newly evinced interest, there is a revival of the traditional systems
of medicine in India. To avoid the repetition of our earlier negligence and ignorance, a systematic
documentation on the minute study of these plants is being done by the scientists and researchers.

The Tribal Medicine Men

The indigenous tribal people of the district have wide knowledge on the medicinal value  of the
plants available in the various parts of the district.  The Todas Kodas, Kurumbas and Irulas do
practice their traditional knowledge of medicine with their patients.  The researcher put some
effort in this direction to meet "the medicine men" (Maddukara) belonging to the Alukurumba
community.  Maddukaras quite often are the senior citizens of the village leading their community
people.  These local doctors do a marvelous job in making medicine, usually the naturally occurring
plant material being their source of medicine. The 'knowledge information' relating to these
medicines and traditional therapeutics is passed on usually from father to son.  The village
physicians were  initially hesitant to reveal their knowledge. However, the researcher could be
able to establish good rapport with these experts and learned about the identification of various
plants and their uses in the treatment procedure.


The Indian System of Medicine

Of the three indigenous system of medicine, Ayurveda, the traditional unit system of medicine is
based on vedic scriptures, is the one that is practised in all parts of the  country (India).
Siddha is extensively practised in the southern State of Tamil Nadu and a few places in the
neighbouring states.  Unani also known as the Greek/Arab system of medicine was brought into India
by Muslim conquerors and has been practised for several hundred years, predominantly in areas of
Muslim culture.  The major resource for the traditional medicines also comes from nature, from the
plant kingdom.  Now, there is a world wide interest in scientifically validating the therapeutic
efficacy of traditional medicines.  There are inherent problems in scientific validation of
clinically acclaimed effectiveness of plant products which are further accentuated by the lack of
availability of suitable experimental and clinical models;  however, that should not deter the
development quest for searching for new drugs from the alternative systems of medicine.

The Pharmaceutical Industry

In India today, there are about 20 well recognised manufacturers of herbal drugs, 140 medium scale
manufacturers, in addition thousands of Vaidyas have their own miniature manufacturing facilities.
About 1,200 small licensed manufacturers in India are on record.  There are about 1,650 herbal
formulations in the Indian market, containing 540 major plants in them.  All these formulations
make use of one of the traditional systems of medicine, the Ayurveda, Siddha and Unani as the basis
of their formulations.  Besides, an understanding has come between the practitioners of modern
medicine and the traditional practitioners,  that, each while respecting their traditions, is
"better off by working in combination rather than competition" and have a symbiotic existence
leading to the development of a new medical model, "integrated medicine".

Medicinal Plants of the Nilgiris and its Economic Importance

The Nilgiris hills form a nexus of the Western Ghats where they attain their greatest elevation of
2,633 metres at Doddabetta peak.  These hills lie in the tropics but have a varied climate owing to
their altitude. The lower hills are tropical, the middle hills are sub‑tropical while the higher
hills are temperate.  Owing to this, the nature has exploited the climate as well as the soil and
thus harbours a wide variety of indigenous exotic grasses quite often are of medicinal value.  Over
2,700 species of flowering plants, 160 species of fern and fern allies, countless types of
flowerless plants, mosses, fungi, algae and land lichens are found in the sholas which are the
evergreen forest of this district.  No other hill station is said to have fostered so many of the
exotic species as are found in the Nilgiris.


In view of this, there has been a great scope for horticulture, sericulture, dairy farming,
pisciculture, apiculture (beekeeping) and of course silviculture and agriculture, adding a new
dimension to the already existing values of the flora of the Nilgiris. The medicinal value of these
plants have not been discovered suddenly now. The Cinchona plantations of this district had world
wide reputation for the supply of quinine in controlling malaria and fever in the pre and post
world war era.  Due to the development of synthetic drugs from chemicals, as well as better profit
by resorting to agriculture in the vast forest lands of this region, medicinal plants have been
pushed behind from the scene.

However, with the interest being revived in the use of plants for their medicinal value and the
unpredictability of climatic conditions and rain fall, poor return from agriculture, the people of
this district once again show attention to the probable value of the medicinal plants of this
region.  With a sudden interest on the medicinal plants, there has been an unplanned attempt in
harvesting the medicinal flora of this region and use them for their commercial value;  This
practice would, in the long run, result in the depletion of these medicinal plants in the wild.
Hence, it has become important now to identify the plants of medicinal value in this region, and
then try to preserve their existence in the wild.  Subsequently, based on the commercial value of
some of these medicinal plants, the farmers may be encouraged to take to the medicinal plants
farming, so as to maintain a continuous supply of the medicinal plants, without the risk of their
becoming extinct.

A survey of indigenous folklore use of medicinal plants at the Alukurumba sample villages was
conducted from September 1992 to June 1996 in different seasons, selected local inhabitants and
tribal medicine‑men were interviewed together.  First hand information on ethno‑botanical uses of
plants were noted.  These tribal village heads were taken to the forests as guide‑cum‑informant for
collection of various specimens for identification.  The plants have been preserved as exsiccate in
the herbarium of the survey of medicinal plants and collection unit, in Udhagamandalam.

Having collected 240 different medicinal plants from the field, enumeration of 162 plants alone has
been presented because the full details regarding the local names, Tamil names, parts used,
elevation of location and folk use are available only for that many. The details of 162 indigenous
medicinal plants and its folk use is given in the Appendix 3.1. The Alukurumbas use various parts
of the plants: roots, stems, barks, gums, leaves,  fruits, seeds and flowers for medicinal
purposes,  It is also noticed that the same plant is used for a number of diseases in different
ways.  The traditional uses of various plants for various purposes have been recorded here.

The various plants are used for both common and chronic ailments like boils, blisters, ulcers, bone
fractures, blood purifier, cough, cold, asthma, bronchitis, cuts, wounds, burns, deafness, cooling
effect, epilepsy, malaria fever, body ache, tooth and gum ache, skin diseases, mother and child
health care, impotency, anti‑fertility, abortion, menstrual disorders, venereal diseases and snake
bites. While some of the plants listed in the Appendix 3.1 either have already shown commercial and
industrial possibilities or most of them have  great scope for further work and expansion, no
systematic study to document and validate the same is presently available.

CLIFF HONEY HUNTING AMONG THE ALUKURUMBAS

Throughout history and in all regions, honey hunting has been a specilised occupation of certain
tribal communities or families, remaining an enigma to the rest of the population.  This stands
true even today.  Modern bee keeping is based on a scientific knowledge of the structure, life
history, habits and habitats of bees and it began with the invention of the artificial beehive in
1789. Traditional methods involve primitive honey hunting or making suitable nesting areas from
local materials. Traditional honey hunters are highly skilled and their activity has evolved over a
long period to suit local resources and local bees.

The Rock Bee (Apis dorsata fabricius)

It gets its name from its habit of nesting beneath overhanging rocks.  It is also known as the
Giant Bee and is a tropical species found throughout Southeast Asia and the Indian Subcontinent.
Rock paintings from Singanpur, India, which are more than 2,400 years old, show hunters collecting
honey from a nest of Apis dorsata.  This bee is till today the source of a substantial part of the
honey used in Southeast Asia. Apis dorsata is the largest, known social bee. It builds a single
comb nest, from bees wax, attached to a high branch in trees, or under a overhanging rock  and
sometimes under the ceilings of large buildings.  Nesting place, built in the open but protected
from rain and direct sun during summer and with abundant sources of nectar and pollen in the
surroundings areas, are preferred.  Aggregation of upto 10‑50 colonies in one cliff are found in
good areas.

The upper part of the beehive can store anywhere between 2 to 40 kg of honey.  Pollen and brood are
stored in the lower part.  Worker bees cover the comb as a curtain for protection and to maintain
optimum temperature.  A strong colony can have 60,000 to 100,000 worker bees. Apis dorsata colonies
are known to be vigorous, vicious and swift to attack intruders. Colonies migrate over large
distances to areas with abudant nectar flows in different seasons. Attempt to domesticate Apis
dorsata has failed.  These bees are valuable pollinators with a foraging range of several
kilometres.

Honey and Hunting: Legend and Perspectives

Since time immemorial, honey hunting is an activity that has been associated with the tribes of
India.  Folklore, superstitions and legends surround this activity and make this traditional
activity a unique and, in some cases, a dangerous effort to harvest honey.  Even though, thousands
of years have passed since this activity was probably first invented and performed, till today,
remnants of the strict traditions, reverence and associated rituals are followed in many parts of
South India.  Honey hunting is a means or a set of activities to raid the bee combs though
(especially in the case of Apis dorsata) it may often result in the destruction of the colony.  The
activity is dangerous when it involves harvesting an Apis dorsata colony.  Ropes, forest vines,
ladders and pegs are used to reach inaccessible areas, usually under rock cliffs or in tall trees
to harvest combs of honey. It is much simpler and safer to harvest combs of other bees.  The Apis
dorsata colonies are a major source of honey and bee wax.  The honey hunters smoke the bees, cut
the combs, squeeze the honey and melt the combs for bees wax.

Importance of Honey Hunting

Honey as a natural product and, as an income generating option, has been associated closely with
tribal honey hunting with their traditional bee songs and ascetic practices prior to the hunting
day is an eye opener.  The activity is intrinsic to their life style.  The income earned,
production levels and better technology is a secondary matter for most of them. Honey hunting is a
lucrative activity due to the large quantities of honey available at one time.  On an average, a
full grown Apis dorsata colony yield 10‑15 kg of honey in these areas. The honey hunters who are
unorganised face a variety of hazards in their work and yet get low returns.  Though the price of
honey in the urban market ranges from Rs. 75 kg to Rs. 120 kg the price paid to the honey hunters
varies from Rs. 15/kg to Rs. 50/kg only.  In some areas, where there is a demand for honey from
tourists or private people, the honey hunters have a chance to get higher returns.

Tribal Honey Hunting Practices of the Alukurumbas

A range of different techniques, traditions, beliefs and supersititions exist among tribals in the
hills.  Some communities are engaged in this activity as part of their norms and customs, while
others look upon it as an economic activity.  However, to the tribes honey hunting is an essential
part of life. It is made ineresting by its sheer thrill and risks (Figure 3.1). It is one which is
valid for most of the tribals in the state. The difference in technique and skill will be reflected
in the analysis to follow.  The analysis largely deals with Alukurumbas honey hunting. This
analysis holistically attempts to discuss the issues facing the honey hunters today.

Cliff honey collections have been associated with tribal cultures from time immemorial and even
today this assumes particular importance among the Alukurumbas of the Nilgiri hills are still
adopting the indigenous practices. The Alukurumbas hunt for honey in the season from mid‑April
onwards to mid July, when the family (both husband and wife) goes to look for hives.  Once located,
they put a mark as an indication to the other hunters that it is reserved by them.  Nobody takes
honey from such and already indentified/marked hives, which are identified through the chanting of
mantras.


A date is set for harvesting the honey.  Twelve days prior to the set date, the honey hunter goes
on fast ‑ praying and bathing regularly.  He contacts his brother‑in‑law and another trusted person
and goes for hunting the comb.  The wife or any other woman should not be seen while going for
honey hunting.  On the day of harvesting, the hunter does not eat anything, least of all, anything
non‑vegetarian.  He does not talk but is all the time chanting mantras and invoking God to keep him
safe.  While he climbs the ladder, he sings the bee songs in praise of the bees.

The brother‑in‑law^ (The brother‑in‑law occupies a vital position as the maximum trust is placed in
him to guard the ladder of the honey hunter.  This is based on the belief that if any harm befalls
the hunter, his sister will become a widow.  This practice is very common and important among the
many tribal practices.) of the honey hunter holds the rope from the top of the cliff when the man
swings/climbs down on the rope ladder, made of vines, that is, of creepers from the forest.  This
ladder is prepared during the day time and the honey is harvested in the evening (dusk).  The main
equipments used are a forest vine rope ladder, knife, smoking by leaves and bamboo baskets and
sticks to collect the comb.  They cut the brood part first and it falls off. Only the brood with
the young comb is eaten.  The rest of the comb is collected in tins and the honey is squeezed out
by hand but only once the hunters get back to the village.  It is sometimes filtered through
cloth.  The first honey is tasted by the priest of the village.  The rest is shared between all
villagers and partly sold to knwon people. The rock bee colony builds a single comb measuring about
0.5 m to 1.0 m from side to side and 0.3 m to 0.6 m from top to bottom.


The comb is suspended from huge rocks. Honey comb consists of hexagonal cells.  These bees collect
large quantities of honey and the ripe honey is sealed in the combs.  The bees begin work early in
the mornings and stops late in the evenings.  They store surplus honey in the comb which is
harvested once or twice during the season by tribal honey gatherers. The rock bees have a ferocious
temperament and attacks people who troubles them.  The bees have strings at the top of the
abdomen.  When we disturb, the bees drive their victim over long distance.  But they are, however,
sensitive to smoke and only through this way the bees can be successfully managed and driven away.


Only professional honey gatherers are able to handle the bees without danger.  The men are
suspendend hundreds of metres from the top of the clif.  The ladder is made of wild jungle climbers
which are immensely strong and are very light weight. Some branches of trees are used to smoke away
the bees.  Then pungent smell of the smoke has a kind of paralysing effect on the bees and prevents
them from stinging. The Alukurumbas are experts in rock honey collection.  It is the custom that
the honey collectors have to undergo some important rituals before they go for collection as
already disscussed, the men who harvest honey should prepare themselves by abstaining from certain
routines for 7 days. After reaching the rock they have to complete the preparatory work at the
bottom of the rock. These important accessories are made for the honey collection.


                        *          A huge ladder 800‑1000 m made up of wild climbers

                        *          A jungle plant locally called 'Suttai Kodi; which can produce
much smoke, the smell of which make the rock bee temporarily unconscious.

                        *          Parai Koodai ‑ a basket ismade out of this climber,
which          is used to collect honey from the comb.


A section of the people will move towards the top of the rock with the ladder.  From the top of the
hill, a ladder is sent down, the top end of the ladder is tried to a big tree.  Two of them from
the top, come near to the rock bees through the ladder.  The first harvested honey is kept under
the tree and a special puja is performed to the tree God. Smoke is sent from the bottom of the rock
towards the bee colonies.  The honey is harvested and sent to the bottom through a basket (Parai
Koodai) where honey is filled. The collected honey is taken to the village and a portion of the
honey is shared by the villagers. The balance of honey is distributed among the honey collectors
which is then sold commercially.  Thus, honey is the most important substance in the life of the
Alukurumbas who live in the forest areas of the Nilgiris hills.  More than 5,000 kg of honey is
being collected by them from more than 60 sources in the rocky areas which are called 'bare' and
each bare is allotted to a particular village.  Honey is the principal means of the rituals and
social communications and exchange.  Each man has a close association with the bee colonies, who
says that the bees recognise the body smell of the tribe and will not sting him when he comes for
the honey.  They also follow the bees in seasonal migration as they swarm from one part of the
forest to another.  The Alukurumbas have a unique honey culture where it is the most valued item as
milk is to the pastrolists.

Bee Colonies (Bare is a dialectical word meaning 'rock').There are more then 60 rock cliffs where
the quality honey is harvested and sold in the areas given below (Table 3.11).

Summary


This chapter has dealt mainly with the stages of economy of the Alukurumbas, in different periods
of development. They have had a shift in their economic organisation, from traditional economy to
wage economy (1965-75) to


age economy (1975-85) and to the present plantation economy (1985-95). Their traditional economy
has included shifting cultivation, livestock rearing, hunting and gathering, especially gathering
of non-timber products from the forests. Their wage economy has centred around the agricultural
labour which is cash earners as wages. The third phase of plantation agriculture has developed due
to settled agriculture of the tribes and the new interventionist approaches of the government and
private agencies of development. In this face, new crops such as tea and coffee have been
introduced to the small holder tribal farmers in the region.

The chapter has extensively dealt with different techniques of Alukurumbas, in their shifting
cultivation, from the steps of selection of land site for cultivation, land preparation by slashing
and burning, sowing, weeding, harvesting and fallowing besides different rituals and beliefs
related to shifting cultivation. The other economic activity of collection of tubers, roots and
wild yams, leafy vegetables and fruits and mushrooms has been given thorough treatment in this
study with illustrative photographs. The significant 'tribal medicine' used as the 'indigenous
medicine' in terms of medicinal and herbal plants has been discussed threadbare with details of
folk use. The list of plants has included as many as 162 indigenous plants by the Alukurumbas. It
has been seen as a rare treasure of great utility of the tribal culture and tribal economy.The
hunting for honey among the cliffs by the tribe has been given a special focus because the activity
represents a certain cultural value and tribal practice, unifying the community, or at least those
involved in the activity, in the execution of it.


Indigenous farming systems, practices and knowledge: some examples

Already in early colonial times, perceptive observers commended the intricate and careful
cultivation methods of 'native' inhabitants (see Box 3.2). Classic studies of Asian and African
agriculture were made in the 1940s and 1950s, e.g. de Schlippe (1956), Conklin (1957), Allan
(1965). A growing number of publications are now appearing about indigenous knowledge systems and
the farming systems based upon them (e.g. Brokensha et al. 1980, Biggs & Clay 1981, Rhoades 1984,
Richards 1985, Marten 1986, Wilken 1987, Warren et al. 1989, Dupre 1990), which reveal their
complexity and sophistication in dealing with environmental hazards.

The following examples of indigenous practices illustrate how well farmers in the tropics learned
to manipulate and derive advantage from local resources and natural processes, applying the
principles of agroecology without knowing that this term exists. The principles of agroecology as
discerned by scientists will be presented in Part II of this book, but first let us take a look at
some of the practical applications evolved by farmers through a process of informal research and
development.

Examples of indigenous land-use systems

Forest gardens. In many parts of the humid tropics, indigenous systems of forest gardening
(silvihorticulture) have been developed. For example, village agroforests have existed in Java
since at least the 10th century and comprise today 15-50% of the total cultivated village land.
They represent permanent types of land use which provide a wide range of products with a high food
value (e.g. fruits, vegetables, meat, eggs) and other products, such as firewood, timber and
medicines. In their small plots, often less than 0.1 ha, Javanese peasants mix a large number of
different plant species. Within one village, up to 250 different species of diverse biological
types may be grown: annual herbs, perennial herbaceous plants, climbing vines, creeping plants,
shrubs and trees ranging from 10 to 35 m in height.

Livestock form an important component of this agroforestry system - particularly poultry, but also
sheep freely grazing or fenced in sheds and fed with forage gathered from the vegetation. The
animals have an important role in nutrient recycling. Also fish ponds are common and the fish are
fed with animal and human wastes.

Natural processes of cycling water and organic matter are maintained; dead leaves and twigs are
left to decompose, keeping a continual litter layer and humus through which nutrients are recycled.
Compost, fishpond mud and green manures are commonly used on cropland. These forms of recycling are
sufficient to maintain soil fertility without the use of chemical fertilisers. Villagers regulate
or modify the functioning and dynamics of each plant and animal within the system (Michon et al.
1983).

Shifting cultivation. All over the world, shifting cultivation, also called swidden agriculture,
has been and still is practised to manage soil fertility. Shifting cultivation involves an
alternation between crops and long-term forest fallow. In a typical sequence, forest is cut and
burnt to clear the land and provide ash as 'fertiliser' or 'lime' for the soil. Crop yields are
typically high for the first few years but then fall on account of declining soil fertility or
invasion of weeds or pests. The fields are then abandoned and the farmer clears another piece of
forest. The abandoned field is left to fallow for several years or decades and thus has a chance to
rebuild fertility before the farmer returns to it to start the process again.

Shifting cultivation is often characterised by a season-to-season progression of different crops
which differ in soil nutrient requirements and susceptibility to weeds and pests. For example, the
Hanunoo in the Philippines plant rice and maize the first year after clearing, then root crops such
as sweet potatoes, yams and cassava, and finally bananas, abaca (Musa textilis), bamboo and fruits
(Conklin 1957).

Shifting cultivation practices throughout the world vary immensely, but there are basically two
types of systems:
  * Partial systems, which evolve out of predominantly economic interests of the producers, e.g. in
some kind of cash crop, resettlement and squatter agriculture.
  * Integral systems, which stem from a more traditional, year-round, community-wide and largely
self-contained way of life.

Provided that the population pressure does not exceed the carrying capacity of the area at that
level of technology, integral systems of shifting cultivation present a good equilibrium between
humans and their environment.

Transhumant pastoralism. Where livestock are kept in regions with large seasonal differences in
precipitation and temperature, a rational low-external-input management form is to move the
livestock with the season. American ranchers use winter and summer pastures; shepherds in European
mountain areas use alpine and valley pastures; African pastoralists use wet-season and dry-season
pastures. Traditionally, pastoral peoples, such as the Fulani in West Africa, keep their livestock
in more arid areas during the wet season, where forage quality is relatively high (Breman & de Wit
1983). In the dry season, when water becomes scarce in the north, they move their animals further
south to more humid areas, where the livestock can graze the crop residues in harvested fields and
the still-green grass in low-lying areas along streams and rivers. These herds are important
sources of manure for arable farming. However, this system of resource use was disturbed by the
drawing of national boundaries, the setting up of wildlife reserves and commercial ranches (usually
in the best grazing areas), and the expansion of cash cropping as well as subsistence cropping to
support rapidly growing populations. Especially, the cultivation of low-lying areas with crops,
such as rice, is depriving transhumant pastoralists of vital dry-season grazing areas for their
herds.

Integrated agriculture - aquaculture. Particularly in Asia, the productive use of land and water
resources has been integrated in traditional farming systems. Farmers have transformed wetlands
into ponds separated by cultivable ridges. An outstanding example is the dike-pond system which has
existed for centuries in South China. To produce or maintain the ponds, soil is dug out and used to
build or repair the dikes around it. Before being filled with river water and rainwater, the pond
is prepared for fish rearing by clearing, sanitising and fertilising with local inputs of
quicklime, tea-seed cake and organic manure. The fish stocked in the pond include various types of
carp, which are harvested for home consumption and sale. Mulberry is planted on the dikes,
fertilised with pond mud and irrigated by hand with nutrient-rich pond water. Mulberry leaves are
fed to silkworms; the branches are used as stakes to support climbing vegetables and as fuelwood.
In sheds, silkworms are reared for yarn production. Their excrements, mixed with the remains of
mulberry leaves, are used as fish feed. Sugarcane plants on the dikes provide sugar, young leaves
are used to feed to fish and pigs, and old leaves to shade crops, for roofing thatch and for fuel;
the roots are also used as fuel. Grass and vegetables are also grown on the dikes to provide food
for the fish and the family. Pigs are raised mainly to provide manure but also for meat. They are
fed sugarcane tops, byproducts from sugar refining, aquatic plants and other vegetable wastes.
Their faeces and urine, as well as human excrement and household wastes, form the principle organic
inputs into the fish pond (Ruddle & Zhong 1988).

Soil fertility management practices

Indigenous farmers have developed various techniques to improve or maintain soil fertility. For
example, farmers in Southern Sudan and Zaire noticed that the sites of termite mounds are
particularly good for growing sorghum and cowpea (de Schlippe 1956). Farmers in Zaachilla, Mexico,
use ant refuse to fertilise high-value crops such as tomatoes, chili and onions (Wilken 1987).

In Senegal, the indigenous agrosilvopastoral system takes advantage of the multiple benefits
provided by Faidherbia (formerly Acacia) albida. The tree sheds its leaves at the onset of the wet
season, permitting enough light to penetrate for the growth of sorghum and millet, yet still
providing enough shade to reduce the effects of intense heat. In the dry season, the tree's long
tap roots draw nutrients from beyond the reach of other plants; the nutrients are stored in the
fruits and leaves. The tree also fixes nitrogen from the air, thus enriching the soil and improving
crop yields (see Table 3.1). In the wet season, the fallen leaves provide mulch that enriches the
topsoil, as well as highly nutritious forage. The soil is also enriched by the dung of livestock
which feed on the F. albida leaves and the residues of the cereal crops. These benefits are
extremely important in places where few alternatives exist for improving soil fertility, crop
yields and animal nutrition (OTA 1988).

Pest management practices

Traditional practices of biological pest control have recently been the subject of increasing
scientific interest, and some interesting examples have been documented. For example, a century-old
practice among citrus growers in China is to place nests of the predacious ant (Oecophylla
smaragdini F.) in orange trees to reduce insect damage. The citrus growers even install
interconnecting bamboo rods as bridges for the ants to move from tree to tree (Doutt 1964). Ducks,
fish, frogs and snakes are traditionally used to control insects in paddy rice cultivation.
Traditional crop selection, planting times and cultivation practices often reflect efforts to
minimise insect damage (Altieri 1987, Thurston 1990).

In innumerable traditional systems, living and hiding places for natural enemies of crop pests are
maintained by conserving part of the natural environment. In Sri Lanka, large trees and wooded
upland were traditionally left standing around the paddy tract and threshing floors to provide
nesting and resting places for birds, which the farmers regard as the main agents of insect
control. When pests appeared, certain rituals were performed. For example, when caterpillars
invaded the paddy, an offering of food and light was placed at sunset on an unstable plantain disk
fitted to a stake. The light attracted birds. When the birds attempted to perch, the food fell.
When the birds went after the fallen food, they saw the caterpillars and ate them (Upawansa 1989).

Weed management practices

Farmers in the Usambara Mountains in Tanzania developed a multistorey farming system in which they
practised fallowing, intercropping and selective weeding. Young crops do not provide ground cover.
The farmers understood that, if weeds are left to grow, they cover the soil, prevent it from
heating up or drying out excessively, induce a positive competition which stimulates crop growth,
and reduce erosion during rainfall. Later in the season, when the farmers regarded weed competition
as negative for crop growth, they did superficial hoeing. They left the weeds on the soil surface
as protective mulch, to recycle nutrients and to allow nitrogen assimilation through the bacteria
decomposing the plants. The crops could then develop fully. A second generation of weeds was
allowed to cover the field completely and produce seed, so as to ensure their reproduction in
future seasons. When the dry season started, the field was covered with high weeds. The soil
remained moist, soft and rich in humus and was thus in good condition for the next growing season.
However, the introduction of the principle of weedfree fields led to the collapse of this system of
weed-tolerant cropping, so that fertiliser became necessary to replace the green-manuring effect of
selective weeding (Egger 1987).

Genetic resource management

Traditional agriculture is characterised by its great diversity of genetic resources. Many LEIA
farmers are highly skilled in managing this diversity so as to ensure sustainable farming systems.
For example, farmers in East Java, Indonesia, deliberately make use of different soybean varieties
to ensure a supply of fresh seed.

About 70% of soybean production in East Java comes from dry-season cropping on wetland after rice,
while the remaining 30% is produced on dryland during the wet season (Soegito & Siemonsma 1985).
Most farmers use local soybean varieties which they generally call 'local 29', referring to variety
No. 29, which was introduced from Taiwan to Indonesia in 1924. This variety was maintained at
Indonesian research institutes but was not multiplied and distributed after its initial
introduction at farm level. The farmers' local varieties have small, green-yellow seeds and mature
in about 90-100 days, like No. 29. However, the variation found among farmers' varieties in terms
of time to reach maturity and yield levels indicates that 60 years of intensive cultivation has led
to the development of many distinct local varieties.


The farmers have difficulties in storing soybean seed so as to maintain its viability for more than
about 6 weeks. To obtain good germination and establishment of soybean after wet-season rice, they
need access to fresh seed. To achieve this they developed a system called JABAL (Jalinan Arus Benih
Antar Lapang), which literally means 'seed flow between fields' (Figure 3.1). Certain villages have
specialised in soybean growing on dryland during the wet season. Yields are lower than those of
dry-season soybean, but farmers can get a 50% higher price for their wet-season crop.


Not only the local crop varieties but also the numerous local breeds of livestock testify to the
skills of traditional livestock-keepers to manage genetic resources. Local breeds are partially a
result of natural selection, but they are also a result of deliberate selection for specific
traits, above all, for the type of animal that can survive and produce under LEIA conditions. The
supposedly 'irrational' marketing behaviour of many livestock-keepers reflects their selection
strategies. Animals that are diseased, are weak or have poor mothering qualities are sold; those
with proven disease and drought resistance are retained. The animals are also selected to fit into
the farming system. For example, in pastoral systems, animals not amenable to herding are culled.
Transhumant pastoralists select for animals that can walk long distances. An older animal that
knows the route well and keeps the herd going steadily on its way will be kept. Generations of
natural and deliberate selection have resulted in local breeds with a high degree of disease
resistance or tolerance and capable of subsisting on seasonally scarce and lowquality feed
resources (Bayer 1989).

Microclimate management practices

Local climate plays a dominant role in the lives and fortunes of farmers everywhere. Farmers in the
tropics have developed several ways of influencing microclimate so as to improve the conditions
under which crops and animals can grow. The effects of frost (in tropical highlands), hail, strong
wind, extremely dry air and daily peak temperatures on plants and animals can be very great, and
buffering these may make the difference between a yield and a complete loss.


Farmers influence microclimate by retaining and planting trees, which reduce temperature, wind
velocity, evaporation and direct exposure to sunlight, and intercept hail and rain. They apply
mulches of groundcovering plants or straw to reduce radiation and heat levels on newly planted
surfaces, inhibit moisture losses and absorb the kinetic energy of falling rain and hail (see Box
3.3). When night frost is expected, some farmers burn straw or other waste materials to generate
heat and produce smog, which traps outgoing radiation. The raised planting beds, mounds and ridges
often found in traditional systems serve to control soil temperatures and to reduce waterlogging by
improving drainage. Also natural dew is manipulated and exploited (Wilken 1987, Stigter 1987a). An
ingenious system of microclimate manipulation by Indian horticulturists is described in Box 3.4.

Local classifications of soil and land use

Most indigenous farmers can quickly identify major soil types and properties according to
characteristics such as colour and texture. Farmers' assessment of soil properties often goes
beyond the inherent fertility to include an assessment of workability and response to amendments.
Also economic and geological factors, e.g. distance to the village, slope, water-holding capacity,
presence of rocks and irrigation water, may be taken into account. Examples of such sophisticated
classification systems in Mexico and Guatemala are given by Wilken (1987).

Eger (1989) describes a system of land-use classification in Burkina Faso based on local farmers'
knowledge. He compared the effectiveness of land-use classification on the basis of aerial surveys
and laboratory analysis of soil samples with a classification on the basis of local knowledge, and
concluded that farmers' knowledge is far superior to the outsiders' assessment of soil qualities
for certain crops.


Farmers often know the soil properties in the wider area, and may deliberately use these
differences in soil properties to make optimal use of the available resources and to spread risks
(see Box 3.5).


Many other examples of effective indigenous farming practices have been described, e.g. related to
risk minimisation strategies (Eldin & Milleville 1989), slope management (Wilken 1987, Mountjoy &
Gliessman 1988, Rhoades 1988), water management (Pacey & Cullis 1986, Reij 1990, Ubels 1990) and
pastoral resource management and animal health care (Mathias-Mundy & McCorkle 1989, Niamir 1990).