Annu Rev Anthropoi   1989   18 307-44
Copyright 'S 1989 fry Annual Reviews lne   Ml rights reserved
REPRESENTATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL TOURISM IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES: Sun, Sex, Sights, Savings, and Servility
Malcolm Crick
School of Social Sciences, Deakin Universitv. Victoria 3217, Australia
Travel seems to generate consistently ambivalent or contradictory representations Why is it that Lévi-Strauss opens his travel autobiography Tristes Tropiques, which brought him such fame, by declaring that he hates traveling and travelers (111 15)9 Why do so many tounsts claim mat they are not tounsts themselves and mat they dislike and avoid other tourists (115 10) Is this some modern cultural form of self-loathing9 In The Innocents Abroad Mark Twain asserts mat "travel is fatal to prejudice, bigotry and nar-rowmiadedness " (198, Vol 2.407) and yet goes on, page after page, about the daily torture and anxiety involved m foreign travel Fatigue, and the constant annoyance of beggars and guides "fill one with bitter prejudice" (198. Vol 1 253). he comments "Another beggar approaches I will go out and destroy him and then come back and write another chapter of vituperation'* (198, Vol 1 269) Unlike Mahnowski's mythologizmg record of participant observation in his professional works, with embarrassing confessions. ambivalence, and hostility confuted to his diary (118), Twain serves up the negative, positive, and contradictory1 in a single work
Twain traveled and wrote at a time when the foundations of the modern travel industry were being laid, and if m 19th-century creative literature we have linages of "travel," m that of the 20th we find portrayed its contemporary degenerate offspring—mass tourism 'Degeneracy" is an image mat keeps surfacing, and so not surprisingly representations of tourism are frequently even more hostile than those of travel As MacCannell puts it. "The term 'tourist' is increasingly used as a derisive label for someone who seems content with his obviously inauthentic experiences"  (115 94)  John Fowles
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puts it more metaphysically, descnbing a typical scene with a group of tounsts. cameras at the ready, watching a collection of locals and their performing scorpion 'There was some kind of tnple blasphemy involved, against nature, against humanity, against themselves—man the ape. all the baboonenes, the wrong motives of package travel'" (61 598-99)
The ''blasphemy" Fowles descnbes is for many other commentators simply appalling bad taste Surveying literary work on travel in the 1930s, Fussell (63 37) descnbes his book as a "threnody"—that is, a mourning for a form of expenence now beyond our reach 'Real" travel is now impossible, we can only aspire to 'touring " A similar cultivated disdain is expressed by Nancy Mitford Able to enjoy extensive penods overseas while wnting her books, she totally dissociates herself from tounsts "The Barbarian of yesterday is the Tounst of today'' (130 3) An increase in tourists, 'far more surely than any war, will be the end of Old Europe" (130 7)
In his influential book The Image. Boorstin also stresses the difference between 'traveling" [with its etymological connection to the notion of work (travail)] and tourism (the apotheosis of the pseudo. where passivity rather than activity reigns) Tourism is a form of expenence packaged to prevent real contact with others (10 91). a manufactured, trivial, inauthentic way of being, a form of travel emasculated, made safe by commercialism (10 109) TheAge of Discovery, when explorers lived, passed long ago The aristocratic Grand Tour of the 18th century then gave way to the Age of Industnahsm, when middle-class travel became possible Now this world, too, has died, replaced in a post-mdustnal age by mass tounsm For Fussell. to wnte about tounsm is necessarily to wnte satire, for the 'travel industry'' is a contradiction m terms Exploration is discovenng the undiscovered, travel is at least intended to reveal what history has discovered, tounsm, on the other hand, is merely about a world discovered (or even created) by entrepreneurs, packaged and then marketed (63 39) According to Fussell, the tourist—a fantacist tempo-ranly equipped with power—is someone whose essential nature has not been grasped by anthropologists (63 41)
My purpose here is to examine the collective representations of international tounsm—often referred to as the "Four S's'"—sun. sex. sea, and sand (123 25)—that exist currently in the social sciences It may seem derogatory to speak of collective social science representations rather than analyses I do so to raise the issue of whether we yet have a respectable, scholarly analysis of tounsm. or whether the social science literature on the subject substantially blends with the emotionally charged cultural images relating to travel and tounsts expressed in the literary views above Mings (127 343), for instance, has analyzed the history of academic wnting on tounsm in terms of an oscillation between two extreme myths—tounsm as a godsend and tourism as evil—so the approach via representaions has much to
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recommend it This view is further supported by the comment of social psychologist P Pearce. who has written much on tourism, that much of the sociology of tourism simply mirrors popular ideas about the subject (148 17) and is perhaps only another example of how sophisticated tourists like to laugh at inferior versions of themselves (148 18) D Pearce, a geographer examining the literature on tourism speaks of 'weak methodologies and a certain degree of emotionahsm"' (146 43) R A Bntton rightly points out that some work on tourism by geographers, and especially economists, reads like a senes of industry press releases (14 30) Other social scientists can barely disguise their contempt, they disapprove as strongly the economists once approved (9 524)
Ambivalence, sweeping generalizations, and stereotypes abound Lawson (104 16), commenting on the interminable controversy over the value of tourism to Third World development, writes that the debate has been 'intellectually insulting " Titles of well known books on tounsm are very revealing In The Golden Hordes (195). Turner & Ash write that tourists are the 'barbarians," the suntanned destroyers of culture Sir George Young, in one of the earliest critical discussions of the subject (213), subtitles his work ' Blessing or Blight7" Rosenow & Pulsipher, surveying the American scene, write a volume called Tourism The Good, the Bad and the Ugly (167) Bntton & Clarke (19). looking at the record of international tounsm in small, developing countnes edit a collection called Ambiguous Alternative Tounsm is referred to as a highly "deceptive*" industry (194 259) and such phrases as ' malevolent potential of unregulated tourism" (44 122) are not uncommon Jafan, the founding editor of Annals of Tourism Research, wrote "That 'each man kills the thing he loves.' as Oscar Wilde observed nearly a century ago. should perhaps be engraved over the door of national and regional tounsm offices" (93 210) Special Issue 6(3) of Cultural Survival Quarterly (1982) is ambiguously entitled "The Tourist Trap—Who's Getting Caught1'* Wrote Valené Smím, a leading anthropologist of tounsm 'Just as Rousseau decned the nse of industrialization but was powerless to do other than philosophize, so contemporary scientists must accept tounsm as an existent major phenom-enon" (184 16) No wonder a leading sociologist of tounsm, Erik Cohen, could say that the social scientific study of tounsm was in a state of crtsis (35 5) Ulla Wagner, on the other hand, makes the balanced comment that when looking at an industry involving "individual, local, national, and international levels, as well as economic, social, and cultural aspects, we can hardly expect the impact [on Third World countnes] to be uniformly 'good* or 'bad' '* (205 192)
By a number of cntena, tounsm has a profound importance in the contemporary world Before the nse m the pnce of oil in the early 1970s, tounsm was the single largest item in world trade (209 274), having grown at a rate of
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approximately 10% per annum since the 1960s Some believe that by the year 2000 tourism will again be the world's largest industry (98 16), though others suggest that the ever-expanding leisure of post-industrial society may not be expended in ways defined as "tourism" (51 13) In the World Tourism Organization (founded in 1975 in succession to the International Union of Official Travel Organizations) was created an international body whose members are sovereign states devoted to the expansion of this single industry Tourism also represents perhaps the largest movement of human populations outside wartime (74 81) Since anthropology has been much concerned with culture contact and social change one would have expected tounsm— obviously a modern form of acculturation (138 207-8)—to receive extensive attention As Jafan says (96 137), "Today almost every community and nation, large and small, developed or developing, is influenced in varying degrees by tounsm " And many a Third World country, of course, has opted for tourism as a central development strategy
These criteria aside, there is, as MacCannell has argued, much cultural significance in tounsm A tnvial activity could not generate such religiously constructed, lopsided, and ambivalent representations as exist about tounsm For MacCannell, tounsm is the quest of modern man, the tounst is post-industrial man (114 599. 115 1.4) doing ntual obeisance to an elaborate and expenentially fragmenting division of labor (115 11, 13) that requires the search for authenticity in other cultures (114 589) Using anecdotal, lopsided imagery MacCannell suggests that the tourist centrally symbolizes the world in which we now live Carroll (26 140. 198-99) claims that tounsm is a manifestation of the same restless Western spint with which the founders of the social sciences were concerned This point is also made graphically by Horne (87 21), who suggests that "the camera and tounsm are two of the uniquely modern ways of defining reality'' (87 121) Others (116 669) see tourism as an intense case of "that which regularly occurs in the daily life of modern society—the ordenng of relations between strangers '*
If tounsm tells us something vital about the modern world (67 64), neither this nor its economic, cultural, and demographic magnitude have made it an important focus m social science research or in university social science curricula (67) Jafan might argue that one can scarcely ignore tounsm (96 137), but the fact is that a large number of social science disciplines have not paid it the theoretical or empirical attention it deserves For instance, the first anthropological study of tounsm dates from as recently as 1963 (137) The first conference was held in 1974 (122 159) Even at the end of the 1970s most tourism research in the social sciences was incidental to other interests (95 326), there were fewer actual case studies than afterthoughts or spin-offs from other projects (9 524) Cohen dates the first full length sociological study of tounsm in the 1960s (39 373)  Pi-Sunyer (155 278) comments on
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how strenuously anthropological monographs seem to avoid mentioning tourists, as if their authors wished to disassociate themselves from other western intruders Nuňez í 138 207. 212) comments on the same lack of interest, even though almost everywhere anthropologists go they will find tounsts. and even be categorized with them by locals Finney & Watson report (57 470) how tourism research has been looked down upon L Mitchell comments on how the study of tourism 'gets no respect" in the discipline of geography (129 236) Valené Smith (183 274) reports how her early research interests were actively discouraged Leiper, (107 392) suggests that as late as 1979 in academe tourism as a focus of research might well be dended We do now have a small number of collections of anthropological articles on tourism (71. 185) and some overviews (68. 134. 138). but we still lack full length anthropological monographs on the subject This is the current situation for a phenomenon "sponsored by governments, regulated by international agencies, and supported by multinational enterprises'' (181 3^)
For L Turner, international tourism is "simultaneously the most promising, complex, and understudied industry impinging on the Third World" (194 253) How are we to explain such a widespread lack of attention to such an evidently significant phenomenon9 If it is not a matter of the complexity, then such neglect is itself a fruitful area for the sociology of knowledge In the case of anthropology, is it that anthropologists, because we study :'them" and not *us," have regarded tourists as someone else's concern1 Is it that academic personalities find it difficult to take as a serious area of research a phenomenon so bound up with leisure and hedonism9 A social psychologist has suggested that the relative neglect of tourism in the behavioral sciences relates to deeply embedded values in Western society concerning work and play (148 1-2) But is there an even more basic emotional avoidance at work for anthropological researchers—namely, that tourists appear, in some respects, to be our own distant relatives1 Sensing overlaps here, do we find it too unsettling to pursue the matter further (42)1
Quite apart from the absence of attention, we must consider the nature of the collective images of tourism that do exist Boissevam (9 525) has in this regard usefully set out four distinct types of bias in the academic literature on tourism One is the grossly inadequate framework of economic analysis Another is the lack of the local voice (An anthropologist is bound when reading the literature produced by economists, geographers, and so on, to notice an almost complete silence about what tourism means to the people involved in it—i e both those on the receiving end and the tourists themselves ) A third bias is the failure to distinguish the social consequences of tourism from other processes of change going on in a society independently The fourth bias is the noble savage syndrome Anthropologists with a posses-siveness about "their'' people and an oversimplified idea of traditional culture
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look askance at social change and the hordes of Western intruders "queering their pitch " The anthropologist bemoaning the rampages of tounsm, expressing sympathy with the host population and hostility towards tourists (138 212), is. m this view, a Rousseauesque vore bemoaning the romp of technological civilization over traditional ways of life
In commenting that the social sciences have failed to accord tounsm the importance it deserves I am not arguing for the development of a field of tourological studies or the establishment of a tounsm science (cf 208 153) Nor do I believe (cf 22 110) that all the literature on tounsm should be synthesized into a coherent framework Over a decade ago Sir George Young commented on the absence of a unified bibliography on tounsm, and on the "scrappy*" state of the literature scattered through a range of disciplines (213 3) Since tourism is a highly complex system, countless disciplines, from anthropology and sociology, through recreation geography, social psychology, marketing economics, hotel management studies, and so on. all have a view of what goes on Although social science bibliographies now exist (94), and academic journals such as the Annals of Tourism Research concentrate on tounsm as a specific subject, I do not envisage a change in the fragmented, miltidisciplinary nature of the field Perhaps tounsm is an outcome of the intersection of a number of wider phenomena, themselves the strategic units for analysis—leisure, play, conspicuous consumption, etc If so, then studies of tourism should certainly not evolve into a science of tounsm, instead, tounstic phenomena should be absorbed into "leisure studies" or some similarly construed field I personally doubt that even this will occur, because tounstic systems have so many diverse features At the moment, the approaches of, for instance, economic geography, social psychology, sociology, and econometncs are radically diverse and incommensurable What is of interest to the specialist in one discipline may be of no interest to investigators in another Synthesis in such a situation is out of the question
A final fundamental uncertainty remains—namely, about what a tounst is There exists an array of definitions and taxonomies (see 14 80-84, 107, 122 10) The new animal—a tounst—was first named early in the 19th century, and for most statistical purposes definitions denved from the 1963 United Nations statement are used Even at that statistical level, though, vanations exist, and so quantitative tourism data are not always comparable Edwards notes acerbically that "there are far better data on canned fish than on tounsm" (51 15) From the viewpoint of the social sciences. however, "passport"-type definitions are of little use (39 374) The notion that a tounst is someone away from his/her residence for over 24 hours, who is traveling for either business or pleasure, conflicts substantially with the normal understanding that pleasure and leisure are tounsm's basic motiva-
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tions (122 12) We have another obvious difficulty Does it make sense to call everyone who engages in leisure travel a tourist (39 378)*> The hippy, the FIT (Free Independent Traveller), and the working-class family on a cheap package tour for the annual fortnightly holiday, for example, exhibit a vast range of motivations—fun, relaxation, adventure, learning, escape, etc, and each kind of traveler generates a different set of socioeconomic consequences Typologies abound based on different motivations, levels of affluence, lengths of stay, methods of organization, and so on ' Typically, though, these taxonomies are incommensurable, leave out obvious distinctions, and separate phenomena that are clearly fuzzy or overlapping In addition, as Hermans notes, no one's taxonomy has yet compelled use by others (82 10) Turner & Ash add (195 14) that any unitary phenomenon that may underlie tourism is not m any case constituted by the tourists and their motives but rather by a highly complex set of interlocking structures Thus to concentrate on the tourist ts to miss a great deal about the international tourism system There is even argument about whetíser or not tourism is essentially a modern phenomenon, and here perhaps social historians have a vital role m research Is tourism new7 Is it a distinctively 20th-century phenomenon, completely different from the travel, pilgnmage, migration, exploration, and so on, of earlier ages9 One encyclopedic survey of travel in the ancient world (27 262, 274, 279, 321-22) suggests that "touristic" motives and behavior have not really changed significantly m 2000 years tf this is so. we must soil ask detailed questions about, for instance, the democratization of travel Are mere no significant differences between pre-industnal, industrial, and post-industrial work, play and leisure9 Or. is tourism just a contemporary form of an activity that occurs in all societies at all times9 One's approach to tourism research depends to some extent on how one answers such questions
It is therefore something of an understatement to say that the anthropology of tourism is stôl in its infancy (134 461) Some authors, like Nash (134 467). call for a theoretical framework and want generalizations to start emerging Others, calling for more detailed comparative empirical studies, protest premature general analytical frameworks Buck argues that m a new field of study scholars tend to go their own way, so that an integrated body of knowledge is unlikely to arise (23 326) De Kadt argues in regard to the highly evaluative literature on tourism that both pro- and anti- attitudes are worthless without detailed evidence (48 xiv), and Cohen claims that all the generalizations about the sociocultural repercussions of tourism are premature
'For taxonomies of tourist types, see references 31, 32, 34 (organized mass tourist, individual mass tounst. explorer, drifter, or recreationary mode, diversionary mode, experiential mode, experimental mode, existential mode), and 131 (ethnic cultural, historical, environmental recreational)
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since there is no such creature as the tourist (36 31) We have to know the particular tourist types involved, the numbers present, and the specific eco-cultural niches involved before we can come to any sensible conclusions (35 7, 9)
Given this array of views, I urge theoretical caution Detailed studies are needed to break the hold of powerful yet insufficiently examined images, and to create bodies of social scientific data distinct from other kinds of cultural representations Without that effort our academic writings might amount to little more than detailed outpourings simply slipped into preformed and highly evaluative moulds We should also be wary of any disciplinary imperialism International tourism is a highly complex system Indeed. Jafan has commented that there is such a diversity of goods and services involved that tourism is not an industry in the normal sense (91 84) This complexity must be respected, and one way of doing this is to acknowledge that a large range of academic disciplines have an interest in it The complexity will be fruitfully registered if these disciplines pursue unabashedly their own interests and utilize their own distinctive methodologies
In the remainder of this article I examine several sets of images and approaches to tounsm that have been prominent over the last two decades in the social science literature Given my anthropological focus. I do not attempt an even, disciphne-by-disciphne approach (see 14 17-54) Instead, I divide the discussion into three areas a broadly political-economic view of international tounsm. including the issue of development, tounsm in relation to meanings, motives, and roles, and lastly, images of tounsm as a force in sociocultural change I emphasize international tounsm, particularly in the Third World, even though in monetary terms tounsm within the affluent mdustnal countnes is far more significant
TOURISM, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, AND POLITICAL ECONOMY
An approach to tourism that is recognizably both political and economic has surfaced in recent years This combination is particularly stnking because the first academic representations of tounsm were almost exclusively economic— pure and (with hindsight) very simple International tounsm during the 1960s was seen largely in terms of economic development and thus almost entirely in a positive light This was a time of considerable difficulty for many Third World countnes. whose primary produce exports were experiencing a long-term decline in value International tounsm was portrayed as a panacea for the less developed countnes. as 'manna from heaven" (52, 209) The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) spoke of the almost limitless growth potential in tounsm (141 11-15), and both the World
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Bank and the United Nations promoted tourist industries in developing countries The United Nations declared 1967 to be International Tourism Year The leisure and travel habits of those m the wealthy countries were to open the doors to the economic advancement of those in the poor nations, foreign exchange for the developing countries could be directly tied, in other words, to the increasing affluence of the developed world (102) Tourism was represented as an easy option for development because it relied largely on natural resources already m place—e g sand, sun, friendly people—and therefore required no vast capita! outlays for infrastructure (92 227) Some tourism advocates even argued that certain Third World countries might, via tourism, advance from a primary sector-based situation to one based on an expanding service sector, omitting the normal industrial phase of economic growth Responding to such glaringly positive images, a number of developing countries embarked upon tounsm development without adequate feasibility studies, without any sense of opportunity costs (that is. with no sense of what development might be achieved by the employment of resources in alternative ways), and with little planning to integrate tounsm into national development more generally As Mathieson & Wall comment (122 178). a great deal of subsequent tourism policy has been aimed at shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted
In the last 20 years we have become increasingly aware of the political dimension of such seemingly simple encouragement Much attention has been devoted to tourism's frequently adverse sociocultural consequences In addition, scholars have begun to realize that even the economic arguments for tounsm are not as sound as was first claimed (14 251) We therefore now read m introductory tounsm texts that, in its present form, tounsm development is not desirable in many areas (122'177) Tounsm is not a secure growth industry (108 753) Not only are there the obvious seasonal fluctuations in arrivals, but the developed economies themselves also go through economic cycles, and during recessions, demand for overseas travel declines (14 150) Vacationing is pnee elastic, and costs are unstable, given the politics of oil marketing Pricing in general is beyond the control of the destination countries Tounsts are also faddish in their tastes, so the general growth of international tounsm does not mean that any particular Third World destination has a secure future (143) Most Third World tounsm destinations are mutually substitutable, travel organizers can easily reroute their clients, leaving many people out of work and much accommodation under-occupied
Even in good times the record of international tounsm is far less spectacular than the onginal representations predicted (21. 168) To begin with foreign exchange, there is normally a large discrepancy between gross and net receipts as a result of numerous leakages—e g repatriation of profits on foreign capital invested For some economies, like that of Mauntius where the
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tourism industry is largely dependent on overseas capital, there have been leaks approaching 90% of foreign exchange (30.31-32, 49) Some countries lose substantial quantities of foreign exchange though black market operations Thehigh level of vertical integration m the tourist industry (14*168), where foreign airlines own hotel chains and local rental car firms, and so on, means the economic gains to many developing destination countries are much reduced In 1978, for instance, a mere 16 hotel chains owned over one third of the .hotels in developing countries (28 11) Indeed, given the nature of inclusive package holidays where payment for airfares, accommodation, food, and services is made in advance, much foreign exchange does not even reach the destination country (195 116) In many countries, luxury tôurjsm facilities still tend to attract expatriate management, and a high proportion of foreign exchange is expended to import the foodstuffs and facilities the clientele of such establishments expect Luxury tourism especially may require substantial investment in infrastructure (buildings, transport, etc) that will be little utilized by local people, meaning that locals, m fact, subsidize the holidays of affluent foreigners (213 2, 152) Also, of course, national tourism authorities must spend foreign exchange overseas in order to advertise themselves Given that many developing countries do not all need tourism as a central growth strategy and can thus allocate scarce resources to other projects, observers (72 122-23) have pointed out what a reprehensible waste international tourism developments can often represent We must also remember that attracting foreign capital and business normally requires Thud World governments to offer very generous financial incentives, such as tax-free profits (209 280-82) for a number of years Such situations are often believed to lead to widespread political corruption and fraud (18 71-72) Given such factors, plus the fact that the receipt of foreign exchange does not necessarily lead to economic growth, one can see why the foreign exchange argument is not so confidently used nowadays
Similar difficulties have arisen with regard to other supposed economic benefits Contrary to predictions, tourism has often proved to be a capital-intensive industry, at least in its development phase (49 549, 194 257) If countries borrow overseas capital to build infrastructure, the continuing interest payments promote dependency rather than the reverse (45 307) Nor has employment been stimulated to the degree expected Most of the jobs generated are unskilled, tourism can thus breed what one critic (24.2) calls "flunkey training " Another area where tourism's record has not lived up to the original promise is that of intersektoral linkage and regional diversification Tourism, like other economic activities, has ramifications in an underdeveloped economy different from those in a developed one Where the intersectoral linkages are weak, the muhipher effects expected m a developed system will not occur (113 16)    Thus,   in  Third World  conditions,  tourism  does  not always
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stimulate local agricultural production, indeed, a rise m the value of land and in the price of food, together with the higher wages often to be found in the tourist sector even for menial work, may lead to the sale of agriculturally productive land, an exodus of labor from the fields, food shortages, and malnutrition (200) Regionally, too, tourism may establish small localized enclaves of activity without affecting activities nearby, thus reproducing the daalistic structure, the plantation system, of the colonial economy (45~314, 48 139) Employment prospects in the immediate locality may not improve if labor is brought m from elsewhere (e g to staff high-quality hotels) The lesson has not yet been adequately learned by national tourism authorities that m tourism development Schumacher's dictum "small is beautiful" applies Grass roots developments are far more likely to lead to local employment, the stimulation of other local activities, and the avoidance of capital indebtedness to overseas concerns that the standard hotel-based industry involves (14 vm) Tourism may also differentially affect different classes, increasing inequalities of wealth and social stratification (58 225) and thus retarding broadly based national development Unlike some development strategies, tourism is normally a conservative choice (52 72) Benefits from tourism "unlike water, tend to flow uphill" (165 7) in other words, not only does tourism m the Third World "inject the behavior of a wasteful society into the midst of a society of want" (11 27). but the profits go to the elites—those already wealthy, and those with political influence Such facts led to analyses of the situation m Fiji, for instance, which suggested that because tourism reinforces existing economic patterns it can only have a negative effect on national welfare (203 96-100) International tourism is a kind of potlatch m someone else's country (Sessa. quoted in 199 85), it is conspicuous consumption in front of the deprived One American travel writer brings himself to admit that "everywhere in the world, of course, you'll come across occasional gaps m living standards and amenities" (quoted in 14 177); for others, 'No printed page, broadcast speech, or propaganda volley can emphasise the inequity m the global distribution of wealth as effectively as tourism can" (14 258) If local people feel resentment at the display of wealth by foreigners, tourism ako fuels class resentment (9 523) The poor find themselves unable to tap the flow of resources while the wealthy need only use their existing assets (e g ownership of well-positioned real estate, political influence) to gam more Often small operators m the tourism industries of the Third World face increasingly daunting competition with the enormously powerful local elites and multinational conglomerates (79 110-11). and national tourism authorities, m a desire to maintain a favorable reputation for their countries, frequently sweep human "htteť" off the streets, touts, beggars, and street hawkers are treated as so much refuse spoiling things for the visitors (41)
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In the 1960s, international agencies spoke of tourism as a force for economic growth and international understanding By die mid-1970s Levitt & Gulati (112 326-27) were alleging that a powerful metropolitan tourist lobby operates at the national and international level, through the agency of professional consulting firms, essentially to con international organizations like the World Bank into hoodwinking everyone else about the supposed benefits of international tounsm The World Tourism Organization is an 'informed cheerleader for the industry and governments interested in tourism" As Richter notes, the WTO is unlikely to be a critic of the industry (163 18-19) Much technical analysis, too, is highly suspect For instance, multiplier analysis is used in the literature to generate highly misleading claims about the beneficial effects of tourism on employment and economic growth {30 5, 21 74) Economic representations of this type are attacked now not only for what they omit, but because of the political naivete inherent in their one-dimensional, asocial, conceptual world Underneath elaborate cost-benefit analyses there often lurk thinly disguised political values (186)
Commentators now increasingly stress the fact that developing countries must decide on their own tourism objectives (30 103-4. 168) and must integrate them within an overall development plan, for otherwise the industry will get out of control and redress will then be impossible Some developing areas, particularly small islands, may have no alternatives to tourism (29 294). but where other uses of resources are possible, governments are now being urged to consider the opportunity cost of tourism (82 5) Reports are increasingly hostile to the notion that tourism is beneficial Harrel-Bond. for instance, claims (80) that the Gambia benefits little from the industry that the World Bank had been energetic enough to set up for it, that such industry-rests upon derogatory racist stereotyping of the locals, and that it is a 'charlatan development programme" (see also 53, 205) It has, of course, been hard for governments in underdeveloped countries to resist the temptations of tourism After all. there must be something good in it if the UN, UNESCO, and the World Bank spend vast sums on it and encourage its adoption (53 9) But Third World governments are now somewhat wary It is indicative of this new skeptical orientation that a modern collection on tounsm (48) is quizzically entitled "Passport to Development9" The recommendations made by the participants at the seminar from which the book derives are, for the most, expressions of concern (48 339-47)
Since the 1960s we have realized that concepts (or, perhaps images) like "development," 'modernization," and "growth" are no longer as clear as was once thought (48 xi-xn) What is development0 Development for whom0 Are development and growth the same thing0 Is the concept of growth of any value without consideration of the dismbution of wealth and a whole host of other political and social issues9 R   A   Bntton, who has written about
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international tounsm from an explicitly politico-economic viewpoint, notes that to define development simply in terms of indexes such as nsing-GNP or extra foreign exchange is problematic where other indexes, such as. levels of education, health care, sanitation etc, remain static (14 vh) Also, whether a development »s beneficial depends on whether one sees u at an international. national, or local level (122 6). Moreover, acountry's attempt to tie itself to the affluence of Europe and Norm Amenca now appears particularly.iiaive if it is precisely the forces producing their affluence that maintairj-ihe underdevelopment of the Third World The structural dependencies are visible in the case of tourism One of the rationales for tounsm development in the 1960s was export diversification away from reliance on pnmary products That reliance itself was largely the consequence of the deformatioaxreated in the colonial economy by me many countries now-sendmg tounsts tourists do not go to Third World countnes because the people are friendly, they go because a holiday there is cheap, and that cheapness is, m part, a matter of the poverty of the people, which derives in some theoretical formulations directly from the affluence of those m the formerly metropolitan centers of the colonial system That affluence now produces conditions of work and life such that leisure activity is pnzed And with high levels of disposable income, that leisure can be spent m the impovenshed Third World, the source of many of the surpluses that established the affluence No wonder one representational framework for the analysis of international tounsm is that of neo-colomal political economy Advocates of vanous forms of "alternative,'" 'fan-." or "just" tounsm (64, 78. 86, 140. 169, 191) from which local people will benefit while a situation of lntercultural understanding develops, suggest that international tourism in the Third World currently enables neither of these things The 1977 Pacific Area Travel Association slogan "Thejľonsumer—the only person who matters" (quoted in 210 567) states exactly what Third World, academic, and religious critics of international tourism increasingly deplore Whether 'alternative" tounsm can do much to change the overall nature of international tourism is debatable (40)
I discuss academic and political criticism further below Here comments from religious organizations deserve noting, for they are by no means simply expressions of moral outrage Indeed, as the Ecumenical Coalition on Third World Tounsm claims (50 3), the prostitution and drugs involved in this industry are not really matters of personal morality at all, being instead bound up with racial exploitation The Coalition, which monitors developments and produces the journal Contours, grew out of meetings of churches concerned with international tourism, the first having occurred at Penang in 1975 (86 6) A second church group, the Chnstian Conference of Asia (140). met in Manila m 1980, at the same time and place where the Sn Lankan Minister for Tounsm told the World Tounsm Conference that tourism was a force for
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peace and understanding The church conference claimed that, on the contrary, tounsm had "wreaked more havoc than brought benefits to recipient Third World countries In its present form, linked as it is with transnational corporations, ruling elites and political hegemonies, and totally unmindful of the real spintual, economic and political and socio-cultural needs of recipient countries, the Workshop senously questioned whether tounsm as it is could be salvaged" (140 3) International tounsm had to be rethought outside the normal matenahstic framework so mat benefits would be shared more equitably The conference also descnbed the idea that international tounsm builds up peace and friendship among people as a "contemporary myth" (140 18) Biddlecomb, another religious wnter, suggests that the myth of international amity might have some basis in fact for elites (8 16) The Manila Declaration on tounsm produced by the World Tounsm Organization spoke of tounsm as a part of everyone's hentage, indeed as a "fundamental human nght" (211, para 15) It encouraged all, and especially the young and less affluent, to partake of international tounsm, suggesting that this would contnbute to a 'new international economic order" (212 para 14) The WTO stressed that international tounsm would help to eliminate the widening economic gap between developed and developing countnes and would contnbute substantially to social development and general progress in the developing countnes The Chiang Mai workshop of the Ecumenical Coalition in 1984, by contrast, was claiming that tounsm as it presently exists "is a violation of human nghts and the dignity of people" (86.14)
The religious organizations that regularly comment are not simply condemnatory They are also optimistic that negative factors can be overcome, and that travel can be made an uplifting expenence But a genuinely beneficial outcome, it is argued, involves equality among participants, and this, according to the Chiang Mai workshop, is bound to involve some conflict between governments and the travel industry (86 18) In one of the earliest general works on tounsm, Sir George Young made clear his view that there were a number of ways the tounst industry would have to change substantially—and uncomfortably—if it were to have a future (213 81) One such change is precisely the shift to alternative forms of tounsm, involving less foreign capital and thus more local people, food, and architecture It is clear from Sn Lanka (78) and elsewhere that these smaller-scale ventures are not without their practical difficulties, as Hiller comments for the Canbbean, it is difficult to persuade tounsm policymakers that a more authentic form of tounsm is viable (83 57)
International tounsm is political, since the state must be involved in foreign relations, the expenditure of large quantities of capital, and large-scale planning (30 51) But the emerging political-economy framework makes a different point As S   G  Bntton (16. 17) correctly remarks, what is wrong with
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many portrayals of tourism and development by economists is that they provide no sociohistoncal context to explain the economic inequality between the tounst-genejstiflg aad tounst-destmation countries In other words, tourism has not commonly been analyzed within the framework of underdevelopment But as Hiller notes, tourism does tend to "represent^ the way the powerful nations perceive and relate to the rest of the world" (83 51) Many of the specific relationships between "hosts" and 'guests*' in tourism are only comprehensible in the context of these wider international relations between the developing world and the affluent West (100 250) Indeed, for some critics of standard international tourism, like those confronting tourism with indigenous value systems such as ujamaa in Tanzania, the piecemeal analysis of tourism without the political-economic overview is typical of bourgeois social science and is a strategy often used to avoid real social issues (176 15)
Remedying the shortcomings of such academic representations produces the sort of framework which declares that to "invest in international tourism is to invest in dependence" (85 81) or that "decolonisation and tourist development have antithetical implications" (120 197)—m short, that to opt for tourism as a growth strategy is to ask for continued control by overseas forces (133 35,45) R A Bntton sums up this type of representation well when he states mat the tourist industry is the "opposite of self-reliant development" (14 207) In certain countries tourist development wholly contradicts proclaimed anticolomal ideologies (210 578, n 49), and as the African socialism debate m Tanzania in the early 1970s makes clear, not all the critics in this vein are Western academics  To cite Shivji
Tanzania has proclaimed ujamaa as its goal Tourism, therefore, cannot be evaluated in isolation from this goal and from an overall general development strategy to achieve such a goal Again, cost-benefit analysis does not help much For economic development m a cokmialiy structured economy caus for radical structural change Many of these structural changes are inevitably political decisions            To separate politics and economics is
therefore a grave error The justification for tourism in terms of it being 'economically good" thoagh it may have adverse social, cultural and political effects, completely fails to appreciate the integrated nature of the system of underdevelopment (176 x)
As the Tanzanian Youth League went on to comment. "It is not a matter of coincidence but a matter of class interest that both the national and international bourgeoisie should show interest in the same field of economic activity What is more, nothing could be more dangerous than an alliance and consolidation of the class interests mentioned [since] such alliance can completely change the course of our history, and surely not in the direction of socialism " Maluga, as part of the same debate, comments how international tourism contravenes the objectives of self-reliance set out in the Arusha declaration
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Investment in tounsm is a lopsided one. it serves a sector that is hardly related to the economic structure of the country It is above all a risky and temporary industry whose viability and continuity depend on the good will of the tounst generating countries         In
order to have a continuous influx of tourists our policies ought to be widely acceptable by the publfclnTfie tounst generating countnes If we commit ourselves to make tounsm one of the leading índustnes in the country as it is envisaged in the proposed 'ten year plan for tounsm," our independence will be at stake          Since the success of tounsm depends
primarily on our being accepted in the metropolitan countries, it is one of those appendage industries which give nse to a neo-colonialist relationship and cause underdevelopment (119)
Kanywanyi adds interrogatively, ' are we not building socialism but helping Western monopoly capitalism to more effectively keep our stagnant economy at a standstill9" (99 65)
I have quoted at length above because the issues have rarely been better stated If they strike the reader as unduly alarmist, note that the vice-president of Edgar Rice Burrows Inc once expressed his desire to purchase the whole nation of The Gambia so as to build a senes of Tarzan vacation villages "This is not pie in the sky We've been talking to the Rothschild Bank in Pans about this There are a number of very very small African countnes that have absolutely nothing No economy, nothing All they have is their independence and their UN ambassadors, and the thought is to merchandise the entire country       take it over, change the name      " (quoted m 14 158-59)
Ruth Young has argued that the structural form of any tounst development necessarily parallels the preexisting socioeconomic structure in a country (214 157) Inevitably, then, the very way a tounsm industry7 is planned and shaped will recreate the fabnc of the colonial situation It is no wonder that, to some, international tourism is pictured as the recreation of a foreign-dominated enclave structure reacting to metropolitan interests and entirely unrelated to the local economy (16 10, 133 35-38. 150 476) In the West Indies, for instance, local wnters descnbe tounsm as a reexpenence of the race and labor relations of the past, as a meeting of Fanon's "wretched of the earth'" and the wealthy (190 217) Whereas tounsm makes the Third World a 'Garden of Eden'* for some (as a localliewšpapěrřerríarkeď^s fartrackrar 1938), for locals, u is a "Perverted Hell"'(190 221, n 55) Locals, according to the Mayor of Honolulu (quoted m 115 165) are "peasants in Paradise." and many features of the sociology of colonial situations are resurrected Locals are denied access to their own beaches, people are given jobs according to racial stereotypes (170 205), and humble service roles predominate In the passage from the cane fields to hotel lobbies the pattern remains basically the same (120 197) We have, in short, "leisure impenalism" (18 38, 84,45 305, 133 37-38, 159), the hedonistic face of neo-coloniahsm International tourism recapitulates a histoncal process (150 480), areas of one's country are
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given over to the pleasure of foreigners, and the rhetoric of development, serves as a defence (150 474) To the extent that tourism can undermine the national identity of newly independent countries, it is a case of the cultural imperialism condemned decades ago by such writers as Albert Memmi and Frantz Fanon As Shivji has remarked, tourism is part of a continuation of the cluster of attitudes that make up colonial social psychology—submissiveness, arrogance, and so on He goes on to point out that many hotels are in fact Fanon's "settler towns" (176 ix) Indeed. Fanon even spotted the sexual exploitation that would emerge as part and parcel of much tourism development in the Third World
The settler's town is a strongly built town, all made of stone and steel It is a bnghtly-ht town the streets are covered with asphalt, and the garbage-cans swallow all the leavings, unseen, unknown, and hardly thought about The settler's teet are never visible, except perhaps in the sea, but there you're never close enough to see them His feet are protected bv strong shoes although the streets of his town are clean and even, with no holes or stones The settler's town is a weil-fed town, an easv-going town us belly is always full of good things  The settler's town is a town of white people, of foreigners           The national
bourgeoisie will be greatly helped on its way toward decadence by the Western bourgeoisies, who come to it as tourists avid for the exotic, for big-game hunting and casinos The national bourgeoisie organises centres for rest and relaxation, and pleasure resorts to meet the wishes of the Western bourgeoisie Such activitv is given the name of tounsm. and for the occasion will be built up as a national industrv if proof is needed of the eventual transformation of certain elements of the ex-natrve bourgeoisie into the organisers of parties for their Western opposite numbers, it is worthwhile having a look at what has happened in Latin America The casinos of Havana and of Mexico, the beaches of Rio, the little Brazilian and Mexican girts, the half-bred 13-year-olds, the pons of Acapulco and Copaca-bana—all these are the stigma of this depravation of the national middle class Because it is bereft of ideas, because it lives to itself and cuts «self off from the people, undermined by its hereditary incapacity to think m terms of all the problems of the nation as seen from the point of view of the whole of mat nation, the national middle class will have nothing better to do than to take on the role of manager for Western enterprise, and it will in practice set up its country as the brothel of Europe (55 30   123)
Fanon's analysis was written many years ago. but accurately pinpoints many features of the system of contemporary international tourism That system does not, for a start, normally express local needs or aspirations, although there are "indigenous collaborative elites'" (166) who in tounsm. as in other imperialist situations, are linchpins by means of which foreign interests maintain their hold in poor countries Those with political sway, able to hand out contracts and the like, are the beneficiaries Local elites may well identify with the consumenst hfe-style of international tourists rather than with the aspirations of their own people .> indeed they may themselves be part of the international jet set. When members of Third World elites encourage tounsm as economically beneficial, they may not be suffenng from a delu-
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sion They may themselves benefit substantially However, their own gain and the interests of the nation as a whole are two different things (151 142) As m me previous erar therefore, the periphery is structurally tied to the needs of the metropole, the local and foreign elites gain while deprivation contitŕúes to be the lot of the masses (177. 178) Third World politicians who collaborate with metropolitan interests necessarily underwrite underdevelopment (150 478) For S G Bntton, describing the situation in Fiji, tounsm has simply been "grafted onto a once colonial economy in a way that has perpetuated deep-seated structural anomalies and inequalities " The initiative comes from foreigners and "local political and commercial elites in close liaison with foreign capital The articulation of international tounsm with Fiji was based upon the interaction of foreign and local elites in pursuit of their own interests and mutual benefit" (18 v, 2, 31) It was inevitable that overall long-term planning for economic growth would take place m a system where these alliances were already firmly established (18 194-95) This is the sociopolitical reality lying behind the series of ad hoc measures taken to shape the international tounsm industry but that seem neither fully to support nor effectively to guide the industry (18 119-20)
An essentially impenalist imagery is evident in much of the recent language sociaT scientists use about international tounsm Bugmcourt, for instance, wntes that tounsm represents the demands of consumers who, having ruined their own environment, desperately need to take over another (24) MacCan-nell wntes of the affluent middle class that systematically "scavenges" the earth in search of new expenences (115 13) Some see tounsm as an expression of that same expansive thrust in Europe that lay behind geographical discovenes and colonialism (68 18) For Cohen "the easy-going tounst of our era might well complete the work of his predecessors, also travellers from the west—the conqueror and colonialist"' (31 82) Biddlecomb asks "If from colonialism and tounsm the same implicit models and thought patterns are perpetuated, then what if anything has actually changed in the West's way of relating to the third world0" (8 37) If John Bnght was nght (quoted in 142 26) in 1859 to claim that ímpenalism was a 'gigantic system of outdoor relief for the anstocracy," one can see why many Third World cntics see tounsm as just more of the same thing—except that they now have to put up with the wealthy slumming around and the working class lording it over them And we should not think that this impenalist imagery concerns only relations between the West and the Third World Many cntics of tounsm in Thailand and the Philippines see the now rampant Japanese "sex tounsm" as a repetition of Japanese military aggression, showing absolutely no respect for the local people As a Filipino protester put it, "We would like to forget Japanese military impenalism But now instead of military uniforms, the men come in business suits, dominating Asia through a pernicious form of socio-economic
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imperialism, which tramples on the Asian peoples" right to human dignity (quoted in 139:29)
Not only, then, may few people m a destination country benefit from international tourism, they may be forced to "grin and bear it " In the West Indies, as m other areas, natipnal^to^msm authorities „launched ^courtesy campaigns/' in winch citizens were instructed how to be civil to tounsts, and begg^"werc swept óuf^ôflígTíf (164250) International tounsm requires, above all, peace and stability Governments may therefore crack down on the local people in order not to upset a growing tounsm industry, suppressing signs of civil disorder and of ammosity towards tounsts themselves (14 199. 45.316,163). The argument is sometimes put that the tounsm industry tends to support nght-wrag regimes (14 190-191) Conrad Hilton is famous for his remark that "each of our hotels is a little Amenca " He added 'We are doing our bit to spread world peace, and to fight socialism" (quoted in 139 50). For the Philippines, L Richter has shown how the rapid development of tounsm facilities after the imposition of martial law by President Marcos in 1972 acted as a message to the international community that life was normal in that country (16]. 162 122, 127-28) The World Bank Conference of 1978 was held in Manila In 1976 12% of the funds of the Philippines Development Bank was devoted to financing hotel room construction, resulting in windfall commissions for those with political influence (14 197) This level of expenditure on hotels m 1976 was 40 tunes that on public housing At that time cnmes against tounsts earned more severe punishments than those against locals, and journalists criticizing tounsm risked dismissal (162 244, n 36, 145, n 54) Fortunes were made by Marcos supporters in charge of the implementation of tounsm policy Governments sometimes use rough tactics against their own people to safeguard tourism In Indonesia, for instance, when the government decided to create tounst facilities around the Borobodur Temple, there was much local protest at the sacnlege this involved. Local people were simply moved away and rehoused, then land values skyrocketed (101) In countries hke Australia and the United States, tounsm has become a force for internal colonialism as peoples of the so-called Fourth World (e.g Australian Abonginal groups and American Indian communities) are represented as tounst attractions (62 24, 156) In 1962, for instance, an Australian tounst advisor suggested the removal of a group of Abongines to a reserve half a day's dnve from Adelaide to function as a tounst spectacle (156 88)
Modern political-economic analyses of international tounsm suggest that the developing countries have little or no choice Even where small-scale tounsm (in which the less wealthy are actively involved and from which they benefit) makes sense, its success is made unlikely by the industry's high level of vertical integration Thud World economies lack control over the world pnees of international tounsm (14 124)  Although many Third World coun-
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tries have a "tounsm on our terms" policy, demand is largely engendered by tourist agencies and a whole industnal network of image makers overseas When Tunisia in the early 1970s attempted to better its cut m international tourism vis ä vis the overseas operators, in the following year the major European travel agencies simply diverted their customers to other but comparable destinations Even if developing countnes attempted regional cooperation (128 12. 158) in shaping the nature and size of then" tounst sectors, international tourism exists pnmanly to meet the needs of those in the affluent countnes (97 232). where most of the control remains (28) For those who hope that the Third World might acquire more control of tounsm, or that alternative tounsm might begin to encourage cultural understanding, the words of Bugnicourt are worth savoring "There is no doubt whatever that a change in the overall economic and social relations between mdustnalized and Third World countnes and a consequent evolution of behaviour will be needed before there can be any real prospect of a tounsm which no longer leaves itself open to the charge of colonialism, but bnngs people closer and offers the enriching discovery of new environments and different civilisations (quoted in !4 350)
TOURISM, MEANINGS, MOTIVATIONS, AND ROLES
International mass tounsm today is made possible by some basic matenal facts about modern industnal societies—among them levels of affluence that free resources for leisure pursuits, compulsory paid annual holidays, and entrepreneurship that invades leisure as well as the work sphere (123) But there is also here an important area for social science research into meanings and motives What do tounsts say about their leisure expenences9 What do they learn from other cultures'' Why do they go on overseas holidays0 In what ways are their ideas and attitudes changed by these expenences9 Much of the extant social science literature on tounsm does not ask such questions because in most disciplines contnbutmg to the field tounsts themselves are not the object of study Sociology has done some work on meanings but anthropology has tended to concentrate on cultural repercussions in the destination country, and disciplines like geography and economics seldom mention human beings at all A large area m tounsm research has been neglected, although increasing attention is being paid to it by social psychology (56 124, 148)
Clearly the simplistic push and pull factors set out m introductory tounsm textbooks (e g 88 35) inadequately represent the complexities of tounst behavior, let alone more subjective matters of attitude, learning, and meaning We have not only the motivational differences between distinct subtypes of tourist (e g the wanderer, the person on the package tour, and so on) but also such elements of tounst behaviour as play, regression, ntual, and so on,
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which are ripe for detailed empirical investigation A recent summary of the contributions of social psychology to the study of tourism shows that the psychological way of aproachmg meaning, motivation, and human behavior, even after the 'humanizing" changes withm the discipline over the last decade or so, differs from the ways anthropologists would approach the same subject Anthropologists, however, have not yet studied tourists or the countries that generate them (134 465.138 209) The omission has long been recognized by perceptive travelers, in fact Aldous Huxley, for instance, subjected to infantile" behavior during a tourist cruise in the Gulf of Mexico, wrote "My objection to anthropologists is the same as my objection to missionaries Why do these two classes of people waste their time converting heathens and studying the habits of blackamoors, when they can find, in their own streets, men and women whose beliefs and behaviour are at least as strange as those of the M'pongos and, so far as we are concerned, painfully and dangerously more significant'' Anthropology, like charity, should begin at home" (89 11)
Human migration is often associated with stress, whether resulting from social pressure or natural disaster, and tourism, though voluntary and reversible, is nevertheless a form of migration Not surprisingly, the images of escape from pressure, alternation, and regression are common in the literature To be a tourist is to opt out of ordinary social reality, to withdraw from everyday adult social obligations (43 417. 204) Instead of duty and structure one has freedom and carefree fun In one obvious sense the spectrum of organizational possibilities for tourism—from individual wandering, to an all-mclusive package tour—might represent the ways different personalities endeavor to cope with this alternation, although economics is also relevant here, too On the one hand, there is the hedonistic regression to drugs and nude sunbathing by tourists in the midst of people who disapprove of such behavior For others, winding down involves such anxieties that a highly structured package is required, relieving them of decisions and at the same time providing them with an ''environmental bubble" (31 166) to prevent confrontation with anything alien at all With an air-conditioned coach, an expatriate guide, a group of travelers from one's own country, and a stay in a star-classified hotel, the tourist need not feel threatened (136 135. 171 446) Foreign travel can provoke anxiety in many ways consider the strain of uncertainty, of getting ill, of finding accommodation, and so on (26, 73, 188 222) Moreover, the tourist is 'one of the world's natural victims" (195 238) It is no wonder that some forms of tourism cushion the traveler to such an extent that commentators sometimes ask. 'Why go at all9 Where is the novelty'1" This is where the widespread collective representations of triviality, lack of authenticity, and so on. arise
Such motivations as relaxation, conspicuous spending, having fun, and so on. obviously pose problems for those who represent a search for cultural
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authenticity as the single meaning of tourism, let alone for those who espouse such grander themes as world peace and understanding This theme of travel as ennobling and mind broadening was ennunciated by the United Nations Conference on International Travel and Tourism in 1963 (188), and it has been uttered by many other dignitaries before and since (American presidents and popes included) (14 154) The International Union of Official Travel Organizations spoke of travel as "a most desirable human activity deserving the praise and encouragement of all peoples and all governments" (90 105) But the idealistic and the more mundane are intricately tied up m the imagery of tourism The slogan "World peace through world travel" adopted by the Hilton International company is in fact only a borrowing of a slogan previously used by IBM (193 188)
Little detailed empirical work has been done on the effects of travel on attitudinal change (147 163), but a study by two educational anthropologists (12) concludes with serious reservations about the educational benefits of tourism Tourists, for a start, are poor "culture-earners" (108 756), being stripped of most customary roles through which their culture could be understood by others In any case, for most people tourism involves more hedonism and conspicuous consumption than learning or understanding (195 89-90) T S Eliot's dictum that human beings cannot bear too much reality certainly applies m the tourism context (206 430) Wagner raises the issue of how tourism can be about understanding culture when the behavior of so many tourists is so deeply offensive to the people among whom they stay (205) Tourism is very much about our culture, not about their culture or our desire to learn about it (192 187) This explains the presence in guide books of sites and signs that have little genuine histonc or living connection to a culture but that exist simply as markers in the touristic universe As Barthes remarks perceptively, travel guidebooks are actually instruments of blindness (4 76) They do not, in other words, tell one about another culture at all
Some regard the 'peace and understanding" line simply as high-sounding rhetoric camouflaging economic self-interest (153) During a conference in Manila m 1980, for instance, as delegates ennunciated noble themes and spoke of the need to preserve Philippine culture, the city m which the conference was held was estimated to contain 10,000 prostitutes at the disposal of international tourists and members of the local elite (177, 178 3) Delegates to that conference were shielded from the poverty of the local population by huge, white-painted boards that obscured the vast slums that line the roadway from the airport into the city R A Bntton points out a further twist to the logic linking reality and image in this industry in his comment that the internationalism bannered by the industry7 "is consistent with their self-interest since a world without borders is far more conducive to the unfettered movement of capital, manpower, and technology (14 155)
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One might argue that tourism is actually an activity by means of which stereotypes are perpetuated and even reinforced, rather man broken down (180 68) As a commentator on the Fijian situation stated, "today travel, far from broadening the mind, is actually contrived to shrink it" (R J Scott, quoted in 170 212) Travelers bbndly indifferent to the social reality of their hosts promote mutual contempt, not understanding No matter how often international tourism is represented as a force for understanding, the empirical evidence suggests mat with increasing numbers individual perceptions are replaced by stereotypes Pi-Sunyer (154 154-55) explains how such national stereotypes of mass tourists m the Catalan area deprive them of an essential human status They become less than ordinary folk, and this diminution in turn legitimizes hostility towards them, cheating, dual prices levels, and so on. "Contacts between villagers and outsiders have never been greater, but the barriers to understanding have probably never been higher          If tounsm
commodtüses cultures, natives categorise strangers as a resource or a nuisance ramer man as people" (154 155) To be sure, the totality of international tourism is not grasped by pointing out the prostitution, servility, exploitation, and so on that are certainly an important part of it But neither can the "peace and understanding" rhetoric be swallowed wholesale by social scientists studying what goes on. as if this magical phrase captured the essence of the phenomenon Such rhetoric, disseminated by tounsm promoters and some national tounsm authorities, should be seen for what it is—a mystifying image mat is a part of the industry itself, and not an empirically well-founded comment upon its nature It would be a disaster, in the early stages of the social scientific study, if such images as " peace and understanding" obstructed a realistic and empirical analysis of this industry and its consequences
The imagery of international tourism is not. for the most part, about socioeconomic reality at all it is about myths and fantasies, and in this sense it can harm a country's development efforts precisely because its own image-making creates a false picture of the Third World (15) As Whealen stated (quoted m 14 202). tourism "is a way of providing a simulacrum of [the] world " The places in the glossy brochures of the travel industry do not exist, the destinations are not real places, and the people pictured are false The Bahamas become the "playground of the Western world", South America becomes "an enchanted forest where Walt Disney's Bambi lived" (in 14 177), and by a deft piece of geopolitical legerdemain, a Greek fishing village grows up in the Caribbean advertised as "the Best of the Mediterranean on Mexico's Pacific" (14 176) One cannot sell poverty, but one can sell paradise Those on the receiving end have not always been impressed with how their country's image has been manipulated by overseas commercial interests As the Premier of St Vincent once said 'To Hell with Paradise" (quoted m 15 324) In studying tounsm one can investigate in concrete detail the links between
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power and knowledge, the generation of images of the Other, the creation of "natives" and "authenticity," the consumption of images, and so on These are basic to the tounsm industry as, indeed, they are to the anthropological researcher's ethnographic industry Foucault (60) and Baudnllard (7) have written at length about these processes, and international tounsm would appear to be a rich area in which to extend our insights
In many areas of the Third World—the West Indies is a leading example— tounsm is associated strongly with servility, it reawakens memones of the colonial past (103 139) and so perpetuates resentments and antagonisms (13 271-72) Clearly this background imparts a distinctive charactenstic to relationships between tourists and locals But even where this history of race relations is not so evident in the representations of social interaction m the tourism arena, one still finds charactenstic behavior of a very specific kind While it is important to examine relations here at a concrete level it is also important to see that these specific interactions are particular manifestations of larger state, class, and international pohticoeconomic structures For a start, the organization of the tounst industry (certainly when one is dealing with packaged tours) generally prevents the normal array of social relationships This is also true of the informal sphere, though to a lesser extent (81 25-26) Van den Berghe has referred to the links between tounsts and locals as a parody"' of a human relationship (202 378) Depending on one's values, many social ties could be called parodies of human relationship, but the point here is that use of such an extremely evaluative term is commonplace in tourist studies
The question of what sort of social relationships grow up in tourism encounters can only be answered by detailed and descnptive studies Attention to a culture's meaning structures is certainly required, for we need to know how people m other cultures perceive and understand tounsts as a species of foreigner, what motivations they attribute to their behavior, and how they distinguish among types of tounst (187 359) When one knows how tourists are classified, one can investigate the rules for relating to such people and compare them to those that structure other social interactions In the Trobnand Islands the only category the local people had for tourists was sodtva (soldier) (106 357) In the Seychelles the word "tounst" was heard as tons riches (all wealthy) Other areas of the world present equally interesting examples of classification, and an important area for research is the overlap between tounst identities and the identities established in previous histoncal periods In some cultures there may be an explicit parallel drawn to the colonial era, which may significantly affect the way tounsts are treated
The task of documenting the semantics of tourist-local interaction has only begun We have, for the most part, taxonomies of tourist types and vague generalizations For instance, the first anthropological collection on tounsm
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was entitled Hosts and Guests, but as has been pointed out (155. 181) both terms in the title may be of dubious value If tourism is a new activity, one may not find in it anything like customary hospitality or any of the moral norms that apply between hosts and guests Because of the fleeting nature of tourist relations, a tourist does not become part of any long-term reciprocity structure (47 62) While there are rules for behavior towards strangers in a culture (157), tourists are not of the culture at all and usually know few local rules Tourists are, as Cohen insists, not guests at all, but outsiders not part of the visited culture's moral fabric (37 220) The concept of stranger has been discussed fruitfully (if erratically) on many occasions in the social science literature (59, 173. 175, 179). and it may be vaJuable to apply some of the general formulations developed there to the specific situation of tourism to ask what types of stranger tourists may be viewed as (110 31. 133 40) and what rules apply
No matter how often tourism industry brochures speak of the natural friendliness of people, generosity usually has little to do with the provision of tourism services As Boudhiba states (in 47 63), hospitality 'is just another technique of selling " This assertion may. of course, be far too general and may only be the popular cynical representation that exists alongside the glowing image Social scientists need to know that rules may be different in different cultures Different types of tourist may be treated differently, for after all, different types of tourist do affect a culture differently, almost certainly, different classes of people m a culture treat tourists according to different standards And then there is the development cycle" aspect of tourist systems Over the years as the nature of tourism, or the type of tourists, or the quantity of tourists in any area changes, the rules for tourist-local interaction may undergo profound transformation Hills & Lundgren (84) use the idea of an 'irritation index" to monitor the levels of adverse reaction of local people to the influx of tourists over time Like other analysts, they point to the often cyclical nature of tourism The way tourists are treated today may differ from the way they were perceived and treated 15 years ago Apart from the possibility that a different type of tourist may be present, one must remember that tourism, along with a host of other forces, may change the culture itself, create new roles and norms, and so on As Cohen points out (38 242, cf 154 149). it is not long in most destinations before talk of guests and hospitality becomes inappropriate Van den Berghe has chnstened each individual in the touristic arena a touree "' The iouree identity is brought into being specifically by the presence of tourists (202 378-79). where norms may differ greatly from those operating in other domains in a culture
The tounst-iocal relationship is odd in many ways One member is at play, one is at work, one has economic assets and little cultural knowledge, the other has cultural capital but little money Not surprisingly, the general image
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of "cultural brokerage" has established itself firmly in the literature for the activities of a host of middle men, entrepreneurs, and cultural transformers who try to structure to their own advantage transactions between the two systems brought together by international tourism (38 246, 54 192-93, 138 209-11) In some instances such middlemen may themselves be ethnically marginal (182 69) In the Peruvian case described by van den Berghe, for instance, tour guides are frequently mestizo, so tourism is simply another area where they bring cultures together and exploit the indigenous people (202 385-86) Clearly, such entrepreneurship and brokerage in tourism (125) deserves detailed ethnographic investigation
Anthropology has often been defined as the study of human beings in culture and society Tourism is thus an odd anthropological object, because international tourists are people out of culture in at least two senses First. they do not belong to the culture of the destination country'- and second, they have stepped beyond the bounds of ordinary1 social reality, into what has sometimes been referred to as a ' ludic" or 'liminoiď" realm (109) Wagner expresses the same notion with her phrases 'out of place" and "out of time" (204) Tounsm, as a UNESCO report once stated, is 'life in parenthesis" (199 85) The semantics and politics of the industry image-makers alter tourists' experience of space and time (2 67. 102) In more theoretical language, tourism consists of meta-social processes, among which ritual and play are common (131 207-8) Wealthy Americans on holiday may play at being "Peasant for a Day,'' while poorer tourists might like to be "King for a Day" (65) The tourist's world is constructed of many inversions—from work to play, normal morality to promiscuity, conspicuous spending rather than saving, freedom rather than structure, and indulgence rather than responsibility For some (124 143-44. 152). travel is an escape from real social ties and being communal, it is to be without commitment, to be anywhere rather than somewhere
Given these inversions (68 21). it is not surprising that a currently prominent representation in the anthropology of tounsm should be tounsm as a sacred quest—i e as a journey similar to and as significant as the pilgnmages of old (66, 68) In a world where play and freedom replace work and structure, such cosmological interpretations have an understandable appeal Graburn, whose name is closely associated with this approach, sees tounsm not as a frivolous pursuit but as "re-creation" He even suggests a neurological foundation Like play and ntual, it might be a 'nght-side" bram phenomenon (71 11)
Over the years, others have likened tounsm to pilgnmage (see 87 10, 105 359. 197 20) 2 Although some who comment on international tounsm from a religious perspective find this parallel unpalatable (139 59), the ethnographic exploration of overlaps between work and play, or among
INTERNATIONAL TOURISM       333
pilgrimage, ritual, play, and tounsm [see Graburn's work on Japan (69)], may be of great value We should particularly note here the importance of the play concept in post-structural ist thinking It is interesting that our most stimulating and original general discussion of tounsm today— MacCannell's The Tourist A New Theory of the Leisure Class (115)—marshals a vast array of approaches Marxism, semiotics, dramaturgy, and so on, m what is a very modem-looking analysis Yet. as Thurot & Thurot claim (192.174), not only is MacCannell behind the times empirically in terms of the contemporary nature of much international tounsm, he is also theoretically out of date (201 4) Marxian theory may have been original, but Marx himself retained a somewhat 18th-century concept of human nature in terms of labor and production We now live m a post-Marxian world of the 'political economy of the sign", the emphasis has shifted away from production itself to image, advertising, and consumption We are now interested in what Baudnllard has termed the "mirror of production" (6), and tounsm. being so much a matter of leisure, consumption, and image, is an essentially (post-) modem activity There is a problem, however, m elevating notions of play or sacred quest into a general explanatory framework Indeed, the complexity of tounsm is such that, as Nash felt obliged to state forcefully (135 504—5). scholars will do a "disservice" to the study of tounsm if they opt for a single conceptual scheme that may obscure other vital perspectives As P Pearce puts it (148 22), we need detailed empincai work on tourist behavior and motivation, not ideological and committed debates about the meaning of tounsm Play itself is a difficult theoretical notion, involving, as Bate-son long ago recognized (5 102, 155. see 196). essentially human creative and reflexive powers The anthropology of play is still an undeveloped field Harm might easily be done to the study of play and tourism if they are too closely aligned in the early stages as theoretical leitmotifs At this stage a very different set of issues must be addressed For whom does tounsm mean a sacred quest9 Might the appearance of this image represent the anthropologist's craving for meaning rather than a well-thought-out empirical investigation of a highly complex phenomenon? Doesn't such a schema postulate an entity—the tounst— instead of looking realistically at the varied clientele of the international travel
2In my article on the ' anthropological self" (42 82), I constructed a triangle des de-placements' consisting of tourists, pilgrims, and anthropologists in order to consciously play with the differences and overlaps among these three identities Leach, writing about anthropologists who attended a Mardi Gras and became participants, speaks of 'tourist pilgrims (ourselves included)'' {105> The social psychologist P Pearce (148 32-34) has explored m detail the differences and similarities in behavior and attitudes of a large field of travelers—tourists, anthropologists, migrants, missionaries, pilgnms. and explorers Peacock (144 51-54. 58-65) similarly discusses the overlaps between anthropological field researchers and other travelers— spies, missionaries, explorers, and so on—but does not include tounsts on die list
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industry7 Besides, at the concrete level, it is well known that in tourism one does not find neat reversals from ordinary time to structureless commumtas The world of tourism is nfe with the class distinctions of our everyday world As MacCannell observes, even the Russian national airline, Aeroflot, makes provision for first- and economy-class travelers f 115 177) Some types of tourism, such as the inclusive package tour, involve less freedom and more structure than normal life (171 446) We have also to remember, as Schwimmer puts it (174 223), that tourism is the conspicuous consumption of resources accumulated in secular time, its very7 possibility, m other words, is securely rooted in the real world of gross political and economic inequalities between nations and classes In fact, according to van den Abbeele (201 5). international tourism is doubly imperialistic, not only does it make a spectacle of the Other, making cultures into consumer items, tourism is also an opiate for the masses in the affluent countries themselves The juxtaposition in the essay collection Hosts and Guests (185) of Nash's argument that studies of tourism should take place within the conceptual framework of imperialism (133) and Graburn's that tourism is a sacred journey (66) is a good reminder that we are dealing with a highly complex system That complexity may be best brought out by deliberately cultivating a diversity of investigative approaches
TOURISM AND SOCIOCULTURAL CHANGE
During the 1970s the Greek Orthodox church recommended a new prayer
Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on the cities, the islands and the villages of this Orthodox Fatherland, as well as the holy monasteries which are scourged by the worldly tounstic wave Grace us with a solution to this dramatic problem and protect our brethren who are sorely tried by the modernistic spirit of these contemporary' Western invaders (quoted in 180 55)
While the creation of a new prayer in response to international tourism may be a rare occurrence, the expression of such hostile sentiments is not Tounsm is unique as an export industry in that the consumers themselves travel to collect the goods (164 250, 48 x) This presence of the customer creates a set of sociocultural consequences missing from other export activities Considerable impact (160) may occur even without actual contact between tourists and locals
We now have several general surveys of the sociocultural repercussions of tounsm (14 252ff, 25, 29 383-88, 122, 199) Such surveys tend to be critical, contrasting starkly with the earlier optimistic, quantitative accounts by economists from which qualitative cultural data were usually absent (58) It may well be. as Graburn suggests (67), that the other social sciences became
INTERNATIONAL TOURISM        335
interested in tourism precisely because of the inadequacy of the economic approach No adequate evaluation of tourism can be based simply on economic criteria, let alone on a single indicator such as foreign exchange earnings (3 66-67) Of course, how to integrate quantified and nonquantifi-able material remains a difficulty
Most academics writing about sociocultural change and tounsm from sociological and anthropological viewpoints have adopted a negative stance In this they contribute to the mounting condemnation of Third World tourism by intellectuals, church leaders, and radicals in the Third World itself, where images of disintegration, pollution, decay, and so on, abound Is the social science literature distinct from these other representations'1 If not, what is missing—analytically and descriptively—from the social science work9
For a start, the effects of tounsm are rarely convincingly distinguished from those of other contemporary forces for social change (9 524. 146 61) Authors write about the repercussions of tourism with little close attention to the historical processes at work and fail to specify precisely the links involved (145 70) Wood has added that much writing is not just sloppy, it is ethnocentric (210 564) Gives that social change in the Third World is highly complex, the attribution of adverse changes to tourism rather than to urbanization, population growth, the mass media, etc, often appears arbitrary As several authors have recently argued (30 72. 56 134. 117 365. 181 13). tourists may have been chosen as conspicuous scapegoats Writers claim to observe, for example, a "demonstration effect" Locals imitate the behavior of tourists, to their own detriment Close analysis, however, reveals many problems For instance, some have commented that the frivolity witnessed in contejnporary pilgrimages m Sn Lanka, where youths carry transistor radios and so on. is evidence of Western contamination of a traditional activity, but as Pfaffenberger makes clear, such behavior is not new pilgrimages have always been accompanied by ludic activity (152 61) Likewise, in Bali the presence of tourist money is sometimes said to be responsible for an upturn over the last decade in ritual performances Again, close attention suggests other factors may be responsible For Acciaioh the ceremonial efflorescence is. to a degree, being encouraged by Jakarta The Indonesian state is hostile to regionalist sentiment, and the encouragement of ceremonials confines expression of such sentiment to the area of aesthetic culture where it is politically inconsequential (1 158-62)
Referring to the cultural consequences of the economic changes brought about by tounsm, Turner & Ash (195 197) claim that tourism is the enemy of authenticity and cultural identity Others, though less extreme, likewise use emotive labels to refer to the replacement of traditional life, with its customary exchange and obligation structure, by the cash nexus of industrialized society (58 222)   One proposed term for this overall cultural process is
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"commodmzation" (76)   Forster has referred to "phoney folk culture" (58 226) and others to the "staging" of events for tourists
Culture is being packaged, priced and sold like building lots, rights of way, fast food, and room service, as the tourism industry inexorably extends its grasp For the roomed tourist, the tourism industry promises that the world is his/hers to use All the 'natural resources," including cultural traditions, have their price, and if you have the money in hand, it is your right to see whatever you wish         Treating culture as a natural resource or a commodity
over which tourists have nghts is not simply perverse, it is a violation of the peoples' cultural rights (76 136-37)
For Greenwood, this "commoditization" is simply die logic of tourism as an identifiable example of capitalist development
Moral and behavioral changes are certainly occurring, but we must be careful not to indulge in romanticism and ethnocentnsm by setting our descriptions against some Rousseauesque idyll of traditional life For a start, in most cases we are dealing with societies with centuries of exposure to a whole range of economic, political, and cultural influences from the West Long before tourism, those cultures were changing, including in directions that reflected their own understandings of the nature of Western societies (121) Besides, what in a culture is not staged9 What does cultural authenticity consist of1 As Greenwood states, all cultures "are in the process of 'making themselves up* all the time In a general sense all culture is 'staged authenticity' " (77 27) That being so, if change is a permanent state, why should the staging bound up m tounsm be regarded as so destructive, and why should the changes be seen in such a negative light9 The very concept of authenticity requires much closer attention in the arena of tounsm, it requires close empirical work on tourist behavior, motivations, expectations, and the meanings attributed to expenence (149) One might additionally ask what is so abhorrent about inauthentic phenomena'' As Simmel. a lucid explorer of modernity, noted, phenomena we are disposed to call inauthentic or superficial very often reveal the nature of social reality (in 171 465-66) If we turn to another aspect of the negativism surrounding tounsm and social change, we must be careful not to contrast an expanding sphere of monetary relations with some ideal image of a nonmercenary. traditional culture How non-economic and uncalculating were traditional norms of reciprocity? A similar lack of clarity obtains with expressions such as "demonstration effect " We need detailed work showing how new activities affect cultural behavior and what the particular mechanisms of change are
When social scientists have turned from general cultural consequences to analyzing specific areas of change, "consistently contradictory" (82 5. 10) patterns have emerged For almost any effect of tounsm discovered in one case, one can find a counterexample For instance, tounsm ought to have a
INTERNATIONAL TOURISM       337
symbiotic relationship with the environment An area often becomes a tourist destination precisely because of its scenic beauty, wildlife, and so on (88 218-19). That attractiveness must survive to lure tourists Some studies show mat tourism indeed preserves wildlife (132 36), but many others report that tourism has ruined the very environment that created it (207) Likewise tounsm is said to weaken tradition, but it may also, by raising historical consciousness, lead to restoration of ancient monuments and the like (33 218— 19) Ethnic art (70) tells a similarly two-faced story, for tourism brings both the degradation of traditional technique for the mass production of airport art. and the remvigoration of artistic skill (46) McKean, m fact, has protested at the general image of decay and argues, using Bahnese material, mat tounsm can produce a general process of cultural involution whereby tradition, cultural pride, and identity are strengthened and standards of artistic creativity are consciously maintained (126 103-4) Swam, whose study of the effects of tounsm on Cuna women tn Panama captures the contradictory aspect of tounsm well, remarks mat tourism "simultaneously encourages the maintenance of traditions and provides many stimuli for change'" (189 71) In a study of Fijian fire walkers, Brown (20 224) argues that tounsm does not undermine local culture, but rather provides an extra resource with which traditional forms can be continued (In this sense international tounsm subsidizes a form of ethnic conflict between Indians and Fijians ) Other cases indicate further the contradictory potential of international tounsm For instance, some studies argue that tounsm distributes money within a community, others emphasize how tounsm reinforces existing inequality by channeling money to the elites Some argue that tourism stimulates domestic agnculture, others that it leads to people leaving the land and, in some areas, to senous malnutrition Obviously tounsm may have different effects in different regions And also, as was clear in Spam (75), one might get a short-term positive effect on local agnculture, to be followed in the medium term by a set of negative consequences Other accounts are contradictory not because the facts are so but because authors approach their studies with different values It is also conceivable that international tounsm sets in motion, or at least reinforces. different and even antithetical patterns of change
Given that tounsm has a range of potentials, it can be a source of social dmsiveness and conflict Crystal (44 119-22) explains how tounsm initially strengthened the solidarity of the Tana Tonya m Sulawesi because it emphasized their cultural particularity Later, however (44 123), as tounsm began to be a force for the commercialization of religious ceremonies, snipping them of local meaning, conflicts between traditionalists and modernists were created Crystal is ultimately uncertain (44 125) whether tounsm will turn out to be a source of economic development or a pnrae cause of cultural dissolution Far more negative is Greenwood's analysis of the Alarde ntual in Fuentena-
338        CRICK
bia This was a ritual essentially for local participants, not for outsiders When the Spanish tounst authorities decided that the spectacle could be a tourist attraction, volunteer performers were not forthcoming If a culture is an integrated system of meanings, Greenwood argued, selling local culture in tourism will be destructive "Making their culture a public performance took the municipal government a few minutes with that act, a 350-year-old ritual died'" (76 137) Ironically the Alarde, which commemorates local resistance to foreign invasion, crumbled m the modern tounstic economy This case of repeating a ceremony for tounsts, hke other tounstic accommodations— shortening or rescheduling cultural performances so that they are more palatable to tounsts in a hurry—is not unique The authonties could have chosen differently, Crystal notes that the outcome for the Tana Toraja will depend in part on the attitude of the national tounsm planners Tounsm clearly opens up the possibility of new conflicts within small communities and between such communities and larger, embracing political structures
As Cohen insists, only detailed ethnographic study will enable us to compare data on different types of cultures, different types and numbers of tounsts. different types of tounstic niches, and so on. so that the concrete social processes operating in any particular case can be analyzed Perhaps tounsm is a contradictory phenomenon Perhaps tounsm, like capitalism, has within it the seeds of its own destruction, as two early wnters on the subject argued (164 250. 213 2) If so. then international tounsm is no manna from heaven, no easy passport to development But we must again be careful to see whose perceptions and evaluations we are dealing with It is sinking that in many social science disciplines (e g economics and geography) we rarely hear the local voice on these issues Nor does that voice often ennch anthropological writings (172 255) Perhaps this state of affairs would be rectified if tounsm became an explicit focus for ethnographic research rather than an incidental afterthought to other projects Without close attention to the local voice {voices, for tounsm produces a range of local reactions), our social scientific work nsks being descnptrvely poor and ethnocentnc We need to know the local perceptions and understandings of tounsm, we need to know the local perceptions of change and continuity, and we need to recognise that any culture is likely to have contradictory things to say about both International tounsm may be about our culture rather than that of the destination country (192 187), and unless the anthropological approach to international tounsm accords a crucial status to the full range of local voices, it nsks putting itself in the same position
Acknowledgment
This paper first appeared in 1988 under a slightly different title in Vol 1, No I of Criticism Heresy and Interpretation, Department of Asian Languages and Anthropology, University of Melbourne
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196   Turner, V 1982 From Ritual to Theatre The Human Seriousness of Play New York Performing Arts Journal
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205   Wagner, U 1981 Tounsm in the Gambia Development or dependency'' Ethnos 46 190-206
206   Weales, G 1968/9 The stranger came Anttoch Rev (Winter) 427-34
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208   Wild, R A 1980 Review of Hosts and Guests  Oceania 51 153
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211    World Tounsm Organisation 1980 Manila Declaration on World Tourism Madnd WTO
212   World Tourism Organisation 1986 Tounsm bill of rights and tounst code Contours 2(5) 18-22
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