© 2006 The Authors International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 389
Journal compilation © 2006 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Blackwell Publishing LtdOxford, UKIJCInternational Journal of Consumer Studies1470-6423Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 20062006304389397Original ArticlePlace image and
urban regenerationC. Kokosalakis
et al.
Correspondence
Centre for Tourism and Consumer Studies, Faculty of Education,
Community and Leisure, Liverpool John Moores University, I.M. Marsh
Campus, Barkhill Road, Liverpool, L17 6BD, UK. E-mail:
c.kokosalakis@2004.ljmu.ac.uk
Original article
Place image and urban regeneration in Liverpool
Christina Kokosalakis1
, Gaynor Bagnall2
, Martin Selby1
and Steve Burns1
1 Centre for Tourism and Consumer Studies, Faculty of Education, Community and Leisure, Liverpool John Moores University, Liverpool, UK
2 ESPaCH, Faculty of Arts, Media and Social Sciences, University of Salford, Salford, UK
Abstract
It is recognized that to date there has been an overemphasis
on received images and their impact on the selection and
evaluation of tourist destinations; this paper will therefore
focus on projected images. While the merit of both semiotic
and discursive approaches to analysing place image are
recognized, it is proposed that the discursive approach is
more appropriate as it takes into account the advantage of
deriving meaning from its broader context. Drawing on
examples from Liverpool, UK, the discussion indicates
ﬁrstly, how projected image is formed by a complex and
dynamic network of agents and secondly the implications
for urban regeneration. Particular reference is made to the
inﬂuence of the media, the circle of growth and the promotion
of culture. Importantly, it is argued that while projected
images can inﬂuence perceptions, the consumer also plays
a key role in this process. It is concluded that while image
campaigns can play a role in the regeneration of the urban
landscape, drawing on the cultural dynamics of the local
population could enhance it further.
Keywords Culture, image, Liverpool, regeneration, sociocultural
implications.
Introduction
The importance of place image is increasingly recognized,
particularly in place marketing studies (Bramwell
and Rawding, 1996; Selby and Morgan, 1996; Baloglu
and McCleary, 1999; Pritchard and Morgan, 2001; Gallarza
et al., 2002; Pike, 2002; O’Leary and Deegan,
2005). One focus has been the use of image campaigns
to gain competitive advantage. It has been demonstrated
how branding is often used to reinforce the
uniqueness of places, which are otherwise more or less
interchangeable in consumers’ minds (Bramwell and
Rawding, 1996; O’Leary and Deegan, 2005). It has also
been argued that image forms the basis of the selection
and evaluation process. As the tourism product is to a
great extent intangible, image is the only means a potential
consumer has of comparing and making choices
about possible holiday destinations (Baloglu and
McCleary, 1999; O’Leary and Deegan, 2005). The projection
of distinctive images can assist in attracting tourists,
because it is suggested that choices are made largely
on the basis of attributes that differentiate the visit from
everyday experience (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996).
However, if the selection process is largely based on
image, then it can be argued that it is in the light of this
ﬁrst impression that the visitor will evaluate the actual
experience of the destination. The more the pre-visit
image is conﬁrmed, the more visitors’ expectations will
be met. The implications for the destination then are
that if the visitor is satisﬁed the more likely he or she is
to repeat the visit or recommend it to others (O’Leary
and Deegan, 2005).
From a sociological perspective, emphasis has been
given to the symbolic consumption of place image. A
connection is made between sociological theories, which
suggest that individuals acquire social distinction
through consumption practices (Bourdieu, 1984), and
the ways in which people associate themselves with the
symbolic signiﬁcance of the image (Bramwell and Rawding,
1996). While such perspectives are clearly valuable,
it can be argued that there is an over-concentration
on received images (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996; Pike,
2002) and the role of destination image in inﬂuencing
tourist decision making and satisfaction (Pike, 2002).
Reviews of destination image studies (Gallarza et al.,
2002; Pike, 2002) underline how the topic has been
treated in conceptual and methodological terms, but fail
to highlight the signiﬁcance of less researched areas,
Place image and urban regeneration • C. Kokosalakis et al.
390 International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 © 2006 The Authors
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speciﬁcally the lack of critical analysis of projected
images. Few studies recognize the social, cultural and
political implications underlying projected images
(Bramwell and Rawding, 1996; Pritchard and Morgan,
2001), and how these may be exploited in line with the
interests of place marketers and depending upon
whether tourists, residents or investors are being targeted
(Bramwell and Rawding, 1996). Considering the
recognition of how inﬂuential projected images can be
(Selby and Morgan, 1996; Baloglu and McCleary, 1999;
O’Leary and Deegan, 2005), this area appears to
deserve further consideration.This paper therefore will
contribute to this ﬁeld of research by arguing the advantage
of the discursive over the semiotic approach to
analysing place image.Then, drawing on examples from
Liverpool, UK, the discussion will focus ﬁrstly, on how
projected image is formed by a complex and dynamic
network of agents and secondly, the implications for
urban regeneration.
Analysing place image
Place image formation
Gunn’s (1972) inﬂuential work has provided a conceptual
framework for the analysis of place image. Gunn’s
hierarchy of place images suggests that place images are
dynamic and vary according to whether they are consumed
before, during or after a visit. Projected images
are those that originate from various sources associated
with the place and can be categorized into organic and
induced images. Organic images arise from supposedly
unbiased sources such as literature, education, documentaries
and word of mouth. Induced images, on the
other hand, are a result of the destination’s marketing
activities. Received or modiﬁed images represent the
image, as it is perceived by the consumer. An important
point to note here, is that the received image is formed
by ‘stimulus factors’, in other words the place itself and
any external factors associated with it, but also by
‘personal factors’, which can be understood as the sociocultural
and psychological characteristics of the perceiver
(Baloglu and McCleary, 1999). This would
suggest that place image is not static in nature, but varies
according to the point in time when it is consumed
and the proﬁle of the consumer or potential consumer.
More recently, however, Gunn’s theory has been
challenged in terms of the terminology used to refer to
these categories, and importantly it has been recognized
that the distinction between induced and organic images
is not as clearly deﬁned as proposed by Gunn (Selby
and Morgan, 1996; Morgan and Pritchard, 1998). Gartner
(1993) identiﬁed eight ‘image agents’, which function
as a continuum in the image formation process and
which act independently but also in conjunction with
each other. The implications of this development are
that the impact of individual factors on the received
image cannot be easily determined (Morgan and Pritchard,
1998; Hughes and Allen, 2005). For example, the
impact of tourism agencies’ public relations activities on
the news media, or the collaboration of tourist agencies
and ﬁlm makers and travel programmes result in a blurring
of the distinction between the individual image
agents. This then emphasizes the fact that place image
is a complex entity and that its analysis is not a simple
process.
Tourism representations and the circuit of culture
The above discussion indicates that image represents a
dynamic process, consisting of layers of meaning. Even
in the absence of visitation, its structure and formation
is inﬂuenced by various factors (Baloglu and McCleary,
1999). Therefore, analysis of projected images in themselves
can reveal a lot about the socio-cultural and political
background of the place being promoted. If we
accept that language, in its broadest sense, is a key
form of representation, a medium for the production
of meaning and that culture relates to the exchange of
meaning, then it is clear to see how the language of
tourism is rooted in culture, and should therefore be
considered in this context (Hall, 1997).
Further to this argument, it has been noted that tourism
representations comprise a three-way relationship,
and therefore for them to be fully understood, each of
these relationships should be explored (Morgan and
Pritchard, 1998; Echtner, 1999) (see Fig. 1). The ﬁrst
relationship (destination/tourism advertisement) represents
how the place is represented by the advertiser;
the second (tourism advertisement/potential tourist)
indicates how the potential tourist perceives this representation;
and ﬁnally, the third (potential tourist/
© 2006 The Authors International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 391
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C. Kokosalakis et al. • Place image and urban regeneration
destination) corresponds to the symbolic consumption
of the destination. This framework echoes Hall’s (1997)
argument that tourism images are embedded in a circuit
of culture, which reﬂects and creates identities, resulting
in a constant interchange of production and consumption
of images. What we can draw from this is that a
holistic approach to image analysis, which considers the
relationship between the place, the producer and the
consumer, is more valuable than a simple consideration
of the explicit content of the image.
The semiotic vs. the discursive approach
Theories of representation and language can be useful
in providing a further understanding of the production
and consumption of place image. Hall (1997, p. 24) identiﬁes
the reﬂective, intentional and constructionist
approaches to exploring the representation of meaning
through language.
The reﬂective approach supposes that meaning can
be found in the object, and that language directly
reﬂects that meaning. Applied to the concept of place
image, we can see how this theory is lacking because it
is clear that there is no objective image of a place, given
that the meaning of a place is subject to the interpretation
imposed by the various agents responsible for projecting
its image.
The intentional approach, which argues that the ‘true’
meaning is the intended meaning which the speaker or
author imposes again, is ﬂawed, because ‘our private
intended meanings, however, personal to us, have to
enter into the rules, codes and conventions of language
to be shared and understood.’ (Hall, 1997, p. 25). In
other words, our intended messages need to take into
account the language of the receiver. In the place promotion
process, ideally, messages are modiﬁed according
to the proﬁle, tastes and demands of the potential
consumer. Furthermore, the intentional approach dismisses
the fact that the receiver interprets messages
through his/her own world view.
The constructionist approach, on the other hand, recognizes
that ‘neither things in themselves nor the individual
users of language can ﬁx meaning in language . . .
It is social actors who use the conceptual systems of
their culture and the linguistic and other representational
systems to construct meaning, to make the world
meaningful and to communicate about that world
meaningfully to others.’ (Hall, 1997, p. 25). In relation
to the production and consumption of place image,
then, this implies that images projected by place marketing
agencies draw on selected physical and conceptual
elements associated with the place which will
hopefully appeal to the potential consumer. The perceiver
makes sense of the image according to his/her
previous knowledge of the place and own personal and
social characteristics, and thus does not necessarily
accept the message intended by the place marketing
organization.Therefore, place image represents a social
construction; an amalgam of physical representations,
situated in a framework of themes and socio-cultural
values; a convergence of the conceptual and representational
systems and values of the producer and consumer
of the image.
Both the semiotic and discursive approaches to image
analysis are largely based on the constructionist theory
discussed above. Semiotics considers meaning and repFigure
1 The tourism semiotic triangle
– a tourism marketing rendition
(Echtner, 1999).
Tourism advertisement (sign)
Destination (designatum) Potential tourist (interpretant)
Place image and urban regeneration • C. Kokosalakis et al.
392 International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 © 2006 The Authors
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resentation through the understanding of language as a
system of signs, whereas the discursive approach is concerned
with the production of knowledge through language
in its particular cultural or historical context
(Hall, 1997). The constructionist approach was adopted
by semioticians, such as Saussure and Pierce, who recognized
that signs are composed of the interrelated elements
of the signiﬁer and the signiﬁed, and therefore
that representations are constructed of layers of meaning.While
the useful application of semiotics in destination
image analysis has been recognized (Echtner,
1999), it is suggested that it is limited in that it fails to
take into account the politics or impact of representations.
In contrast, the discursive approach recognizes
how a particular discourse can control knowledge and
its impact (Foucault, 1980). Discourse can be both
enabling and restrictive, in the sense that by deﬁning a
topic in a certain manner, it excludes other views, other
relationships between the reader, the writer and the
object. However, it is important to note that the ‘power’
of discourse is not governed by one element, but that it
‘is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation’,
‘individuals . . . are not only its inert or consenting
target; they are always also the elements of it articulation.’
(Foucault, 1980, p. 98). Regarding the texts of
place image, then, we can apply Hall’s (1997, p. 33)
assertion that the ‘reader’ and the ‘writer’ play equal
roles in the production of meaning. Furthermore, we
can conclude that a discursive approach to analysing
representations of place allows us to consider the sociocultural
and political relationships that lie beneath their
surface and in particular the interplay of the voices of
various image agents that impact on the overall image.
Methodology
As proposed by Aitcheson (1999, p. 29, in Pritchard and
Morgan, 2001) ‘space, place and landscape . . . are not
ﬁxed but are in a constant state of transition as a result
of continuous, dialectical struggles of power and resistance
among and between the diversity of landscape
providers, users and mediators.’ The following discussion
therefore intends to argue the advantages of the
discursive over the semiotic approach to analysis discussed
above, in particular the beneﬁt of deriving meaning
from its broader context. Using the image of
Liverpool as an example, it will demonstrate, ﬁrst, how
projected image is formed by a complex and dynamic
network of agents, and second, the implications for
urban regeneration. Based on the premise that ‘Meaning
and representation seem to belong irrevocably to
the interpretative side of the human and cultural sciences,
whose subject matter – society, culture, the
human subject – is not amenable to a positivistic
approach . . .’ (Hall, 1997, p. 42), the study used qualitative
methods.
The data were drawn from a selection of promotional
material, strategies and interviews with key informants
from The Mersey Partnership, which acts as the tourist
board for the region of Merseyside in general.Examples
of promotional material were chosen to reﬂect the different
markets targeted and the content of the images
was analysed.The content of the tourism and marketing
strategies was also analysed. Semi-structured interviews
were carried out with key informants and were recorded
for subsequent analysis. This provided a context for
comparing references from the promotional material
and the strategies. This triangulation of methods generated
a number of common themes but also provided an
insight into the image formation process, which would
not have been possible had the images been analysed in
isolation. The ﬁndings are discussed below.
Place image and urban regeneration
After a period of industrial decline, Liverpool, like
other cities (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996) is investing
in tourism and its cultural heritage in order to bring
about the economic, social and environmental regeneration
of the city. The Mersey Partnership, and The Liverpool
Culture Company, responsible for Liverpool’s
Capital of Culture 2008 campaign, along with other
organizations, are striving to reconstruct the image of
Liverpool.With the rising proﬁle of Liverpool, this time
as a place of consumption rather than of production,
expectations of those consuming the city’s urban landscape
are potentially going to be higher than ever
before. Consequently, it can be suggested that Liverpool’s
promotional bodies cannot afford to create
expectations that they cannot meet, especially in light
of the city’s designation as Capital of Culture 2008 and
its World Heritage Site status.
© 2006 The Authors International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 393
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C. Kokosalakis et al. • Place image and urban regeneration
Place image and the media
The power of the media in inﬂuencing place image is
undisputed. Ashworth and Voogd (1990, p. 80) comment
how cities attempting to market themselves are at
a disadvantage, because they suffer from an ‘antiurban
bias’ that is emphasized by the media. For those who
are not particularly familiar with a certain place, media
images often represent the ‘objective’ ‘reality’ (Avraham,
2000). Therefore, while promotional campaigns
and events may be used to reposition a city, these may
only serve to change certain aspects of the city’s image,
which is ‘compartmentalized’ in the mind of the individual
(Paddison, 1993). The overall image, especially if
that is negative, is difﬁcult to change (Paddison, 1993;
Selby, 2004, p. 25).
Liverpool, in particular, has suffered from negative
representations in the press (Interview 1,1
The Mersey
Partnership, 2005). Promotional campaigns have been
used to try and change this negative image. Figure 2
provides an example of how promotion is being used to
subvert visitors’ preconceptions of Merseyside as an
area with a high crime rate. The image shows a padlock
that is not locked and people sat outside at some kind
of drinking or eating establishment. The implications
are that there is no danger and that people are actually
outside enjoying city life. The words ‘Merseyside is one
of the safest city regions’ reinforce this message. On a
deeper level however, the image is indicative of the
interplay of discourses of different image agents. It is an
attempt by Liverpool’s place marketing organizations
to subvert perceptions of the city as a dangerous place,
held by the general public, fuelled by the media and
originally instigated by not the whole, but a section of
the city’s population. As such the image is representative
of the shifting power relations between the place,
and the various producers and consumers of its image.
However, it is not just the pictorial representations
of promotional material, but a range of promotional
activities that are implemented to reconstruct the
image of the city. Recent events such as the city’s designation
as European Capital of Culture 2008 and the
awarding of World Heritage Site status have given rise
to more positive media coverage. The city has ‘gone
from getting very very negative press to getting a much
more neutral press’ (Interview 1,2
The Mersey Partnership,
2005). While Liverpool’s image alone is not monitored,
it is reported that Merseyside’s image score in
general increased by 11% in 2004 (The Mersey Partnership,
2005) and there were 121 positive mentions in
the media (The Mersey Partnership, 2004a). Attempts
to inﬂuence the image portrayed by the media include
public relations initiatives such as familiarization visits,
where the media experience selective features of the
city. Thus, again, we see the shifting nature of the distribution
of power between various image agents – the
media on the one hand, and the place marketing organization
on the other. The above example however,
demonstrates how the impact of individual image
agents becomes increasingly difﬁcult to ascertain, given
that they are working together in favour of the city. So,
1
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005).
Figure 2 National advertising campaign (The Mersey
Partnership).
2
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005).
Place image and urban regeneration • C. Kokosalakis et al.
394 International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 © 2006 The Authors
Journal compilation © 2006 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
while Liverpool’s image has not been totally transformed,
marketing activities have assisted in improving
its image. However, the ultimate aim is to achieve even
more positive press coverage (Interview 1,3
The Mersey
Partnership, 2005).
Image and the circle of growth
The inﬂuence of image has also been linked to the concept
of the ‘circle of growth’ (Bramwell and Rawding,
1996). The promotion of tourism theoretically attracts
visitors, which in turn encourages investment and economic
development, which reinforces a positive image
and so the circle continues. Thus, image campaigns can
be considered a crucial component of the circuit of culture,
which reﬂect and reinforce power. Traditional
industrial cities draw on their cultural heritage to position
themselves as tourist destinations. However, this
process seems to be extended even further. Suggestions
that tourism destination brands are being positioned as
place brands appear to be justiﬁed (Morgan et al., 2002,
p. 4), as image campaigns are now directed not only at
potential visitors, but at potential investors and residents.
Theoretically, the more attractive a place is seen
to be, the more people will invest in it and the more the
place will ﬂourish.
This approach can be seen reﬂected in the promotional
campaigns for Liverpool, which is marketed as ‘A
great place to invest, live, work and visit’ (The Mersey
Partnership, 2004b). The promotional message is exploited
according to the market targeted. For example,
on the one hand Liverpool is presented as a cultural
centre to visitors (see Fig. 3), but on the other hand it is
depicted as a thriving location in which to invest (see
Fig. 2). It is implied that potential investors need not be
deceived by preconceptions of Merseyside as an unsafe
area, but should consider its cultural life and the opportunities
this presents. If we analyse these images separately
then they exist to convey the meanings described
above. However, if we consider them in the wider context
of promoting the city as ‘A great place to invest,
live, work and visit’ then we can see how they are both
related to the discourse of power relations within the
‘circle of growth’. Image is used to entice investors and
visitors into the city region with the hope that more will
follow. Based on the ‘circle of growth’ (Bramwell and
Rawding, 1996) theory, the more investors and visitors
invest in the city, the more it will be perceived as an
attractive location to visit and invest in.
However, the challenge for place marketers is to be
able to promote an image distinctive enough to achieve
a competitive advantage. The key to this is not just
producing clever slogans, but actually selling an ‘experience’
(Morgan et al., 2002, p. 5). Nevertheless, image
projection alone does not equate with successful marketing;
place marketers must also ensure that the place
product meets expectations. Here, word-of-mouth plays
a crucial role in the formation of place image (Baloglu
and McCleary, 1999). Numerous examples can be drawn
from the case of Liverpool to indicate how the place
product is being developed to ensure that a quality
experience is provided. While the typical physical features
of Liverpool’s place product are being enhanced,
considerable effort is currently being spent on improving
customer service and co-ordinating the industry at
all levels. An initiative known as ‘The Liverpool Welcome’
has been put in place to encourage all service
providers to work together in providing quality customer
service, by rewarding those who meet the mark,
but penalizing those who don’t. Furthermore, the product
is being developed at a deeper level through collaboration
with the education and training sector, who are
3
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005).
Figure 3 National advertising campaign (The Mersey
Partnership).
© 2006 The Authors International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 395
Journal compilation © 2006 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
C. Kokosalakis et al. • Place image and urban regeneration
encouraged to promote tourism as a lucrative career
and provide recruits with quality skills (Interviews 1 and
2,4
The Mersey Partnership, 2005). The desired result is
to enhance the image of the city by raising the standard
of the tourism product and thus increase the chances of
a satisfactory experience and recommendation. There
are also stated social beneﬁts such as the creation of
employment opportunities. In practice, however, it
appears that it is not so easy to convince local organizations
of the beneﬁts of training their employees, or to
change perceptions that some local jobseekers have of
the tourism and leisure industry,
‘A lot of the local people who are unemployed don’t
want to work in the jobs . . . people’s perception of
the industry is that it’s long hours, it’s unsociable
hours and it’s poor pay.’ (Interview 2,5
The Mersey
Partnership, 2005)
Here, we see how the ‘circle of growth’ does not
merely depend on the efforts of the tourism industry but
also on the wider community’s co-operation.Therefore,
going beyond mere pictorial representations aids our
understanding of the underlying dynamics of place
image formation.
Image and the promotion of culture
It has been noted that many cities’ marketing strategies
focus to a great extent on their cultural and heritage
attractions (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996; Hughes and
Allen, 2005). While an emphasis on culture can be beneﬁcial
in perpetuating the heritage of a place, it has been
suggested that this is a strategy designed to attract the
more afﬂuent short break market (Bramwell and Rawding,
1996). This also appears to be the case with the
promotion of Liverpool (Interview 1,6
The Mersey Partnership,
2005) (see Fig. 3). In this sense, the marketing
organization has control over the image of the city in
choosing who they wish to attract. Higher-income
groups are likely to spend more and thus boost the city’s
economy further and in turn the city’s overall image.
However, while an emphasis on culture may be of
advantage in enhancing the image of a city, it can also
be problematic for a number of reasons.
Foucault’s (1980) arguments on the power of discourse
are instructive here, for in choosing to represent
certain features of a place’s cultural heritage, others
are immediately excluded. By highlighting distinctive
attributes, images are taken out of context and thus
become very standardized, and promoters risk projecting
an image very similar to other cities (Hughes and
Allen, 2005). Furthermore, images tend to be tailored
to the expectations of tourists (Hughes and Allen,
2005), which also presents difﬁculties because residents
and tourists tend to have different perceptions of the
same place, but also different expectations and usage of
its cultural facilities (Ashworth and Voogd, 1990, p. 80).
The ‘lived culture’, which is likely to embody the images
most residents hold, is unlikely to be represented in
promotional campaigns, such as in the example used
here (see Fig. 3). Therefore, it has to be asked, whose
representation of the city is being portrayed? Finally,
and possibly most importantly, it is argued that the
images projected rarely bear any relevance to the lived
reality of many residents, or take any account of the
reality of social problems experienced by many city
dwellers (Paddison, 1993; Bramwell and Rawding,
1996). The consumption of ‘culture’ is considered by
many to be beyond their means or simply of no interest.
Nevertheless, in Liverpool, an initiative known as
‘Creative Communities’, part of the Capital of Culture
campaign, aims at engaging the local community in the
cultural life of the city through various projects (Interviews
1 and 2,7
The Mersey Partnership, 2005). These
projects aim to reverse the perceptions of some who
see the Capital of Culture as only relevant to visitors or
to those who are likely to reap the economic beneﬁts.
This is achieved in part by encouraging disadvantaged
or under-represented groups of the community to par-
4
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005). Interview 2: Tourism Skills Development Manager, The
Mersey Partnership (2005).
5
Interview 2: Tourism Skills Development Manager, The Mersey Partnership
(2005).
6
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005).
7
Interview 1: Head of Tourism Sector Development, The Mersey Partnership
(2005). Interview 2: Tourism Skills Development Manager, The
Mersey Partnership (2005).
Place image and urban regeneration • C. Kokosalakis et al.
396 International Journal of Consumer Studies, 30, 4, July 2006, pp389–397 © 2006 The Authors
Journal compilation © 2006 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
ticipate in projects that allow them to represent the city
in a way meaningful to them and thus they become
active agents in the production as well as the consumption
of the city’s image. However, while this initiative
may be improving the city’s image locally, it could be
developed by drawing further on the diverse cultural
dynamics of the city’s population to promote the city
externally. It appears that an emphasis on culture is
contributing to the improved image projected outside
the city, nonetheless, the approach appears to use isolated
images of mainstream culture, which seem to
dilute the unique character of the city. Were promotional
activities to draw more on residents’ experiences
this could have the joint effect of encouraging the local
population to co-operate in the promotion of the city
and also of increasing the congruence between images
projected to visitors and their actual experience of the
city.
Finally, the above analysis of Liverpool’s image and
the dynamic context within which it is produced and
consumed demonstrate the overall advantage of the discursive
approach to image analysis. As meanings are
cultural, images are better understood when placed in
the socio-cultural context from which they derive.
Conclusions and limitations
The above discussion intends to indicate how the discursive
approach provides a more holistic framework
for the analysis of place image, by acknowledging that
representations are bound in a circuit of culture involving
the object, author(s) and reader(s). It follows that
the meaning of representations of place is not dictated
by ofﬁcial image agents such as marketing organizations
but is caught up in shifting power relations between
various image agents including diverse groups of place
consumers such as visitors or residents, who often represent
conﬂicting discourses.While marketing organizations
are able to inﬂuence place image by targeting
certain groups and by choosing which elements of the
city to promote, their impact is difﬁcult to ascertain
when they work in conjunction with other agents or
when other agents are working against them. Furthermore,
as public perceptions and values often inform the
overall image, the consumer of the image also becomes
involved in the image formation process.
Drawing on examples from the case of Liverpool
highlights these points further. Promotional images but
also a range of other marketing activities are being
implemented in an attempt to subvert negative perceptions.
Public relations activities in particular appear to
be getting the media on side. Furthermore, a connection
can be drawn between the city’s tourism marketing
activities and the ‘circle of growth’ concept. Various
initiatives are in place to ensure that the product is not
only promoted but developed at every level in order to
ensure visitors’ satisfaction and thus the potential of
attracting further visitors and investors. Moreover, Liverpool
appears to be using its cultural assets to promote
tourism. However, the images used are not particularly
resonant of the unique character of the city. It is suggested
that using the diverse cultural dynamics of the
city’s population to promote the city could reduce the
risk of consumers’ pre-visit image not matching the reality
of their experience and could also encourage the
participation of the local community in the city’s cultural
life, which could in turn address some of the negative
issues affecting the image of the city. So, while
there is some indication of the changing identity of the
city, to what extent this can be sustained and to whom
this applies remains to be seen.
Since so far only one element of the tourism relationship
has been ofﬁcially examined, that is the relationship
between the destination and how it is represented
by the various image agents, the conclusions that can be
drawn are limited. On the surface it seems that the city
is changing, however, it remains to actually engage with
residents and visitors to the city in order to determine
what image they hold of the city.
Acknowledgements
The study is funded by the Faculty of Education, Community
and Leisure, Liverpool John Moores University.
The authors would like to thank the staff of The Mersey
Partnership for their contributions to the research.
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