Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 181
URBAN BRANDING: AN ANALYSIS OF CITY HOMEPAGE
IMAGERY
CarlGrodach
This paper examines a practically ubiquitous, yet largely overlooked, source of city marketing, the
official city homepage. The extent to which localgovernments use the Web as a marketingtoolis explored
through a comparative analysis of the images featuredon the city, convention, and visitors bureau
homepages in largeand medium-sized U.S. cities. The articlegoes on to analyze the ways in which the
city homepages reflect the population, geography, and built environment of a city and, through a
typology of marketing themes found on the city homepages, to suggest the range of ways they may
package images of city spaces to communicate a brand identity. The research contributes to an
understandingof the ways in which municipalitiesmay attempt to representthe city andsuggests that
most city homepage imagery is orientedtowardmarketinggoals oftourismandattractingandretaining
residents and businesses.
Copyright © 2009, Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc.
Chicago, IL, USA All Rights Reserved
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (AutUmn, 2009) 182
INTRODUCTION
Citiesare no longerjust built; 1hey are imaged.
(Vale and Warner, 2001:23)
The marketing and branding ofcities has become an all-pervasive and well-organized governmental activity
that contributes to the economic and physical restructuring of localities for consumption in a global
economy. Central to the marketing process is the "construction, communication, and management of the
city's image" (Kavaratzis, 2004:58). City images can be key indicators of how a local government wants
visitors to experience their city and a means to create a shared vision among constituents (Kearns and Philo,
1993). Governments may create city images inthe hope of erasing perceptions of industrial decline (Ward,
1998), to downplay racial tension and social polarization (Neill, et al., 1995), or to symbolize a city's presence
on the national or international stage (Gomez, 1998). Although place promotion is in itselfnot new, it has
become a more widespread and systematic activity as cities engage in fierce competition for a finite number
of tourists, residents, and businesses. Municipalities routinely attempt to knit together a range of images
into a singular, coherent message - or brand - with the goal of enhancing the symbolic and economic
value oftheir urban spaces and economies (Mommaas, 2002). Consider the pre-Katrina marketing ofMardi
Gras and French culture to boost the tourist economy ofNew Orleans (Gotham, 2002) or the use ofarchitecture
and ethnicity in crafting Santa Fe's image as the preeminent tourist destination of the Southwest U.S.
(Wilson, 1997).
Promotional images appear in a variety of print media such as tourism and business magazines, the travel
and real estate sections of newspapers, in-flight magazines, travel brochures, and urban lifestyle magazines.
The physical environment may reinforce a specific brand identity ofthe city as well: major cultural facilities
and entertainment complexes, public art installations, renovated historic areas, ethnic neighborhoods, and
city-wide billboards and banners announcing a city's special events can all function as mechanisms for area
revitalization and to revitalize the image of the entire city. However, perhaps the most ubiquitous, yet
overlooked, source of city marketing today is the Internet. Cities of all sizes can maintain a website with
relatively little investment and potentially reach a global audience, who can easily log on to the site at no
cost, provided they have Internet access (Holcomb, 2001). Although governmental websites are ostensibly
created to enhance public access to information about a city, they rarely disclose the city's problems with
the same zeal that they tout its advantages. Indeed, most official city homepages have been designed to
overwhelmingly emphasize a positive, and therefore highly selective, image ofthe city. Not only can people
and places be manipulated to fit the marketing image but also those that do not fit the desired narrative may
inturn be rendered invisible. Understanding the various city imaging strategies that municipal governments
employ is important because these strategies can play a significant role inour perception ofurban places
and influence how we think about cities. We benefit firom research into city marketing processes because it
draws our attention toward how the city is depicted and, by extension, for whom the city is imaged.
While a substantial amount of literature analyzes place promotion and marketing efforts, little research
documents how local governments use the Internet to promote and brand their cities. This work sets out to
provide an initial look at this topic. Through comparative analysis of the images found on the official city
homepages and on the homepages of the convention and visitors bureaus of large and medium-sized U.S.
cities, the study examines the ways in which the city homepages reflect the population, geography, and built
environment of a city. In an attempt to capture the variety of ways that the homepages may provide a
coherent and constructed representation of the city, the article goes on to propose a typology ofmarketing
themes. The analysis indicates that in most cases the collective images found on the official city homepages
display a coherent brand identity. Most city homepages attempt to portray an attractive urban quality oflife,
particularly through images that emphasize a city's entertainment and recreational activities and settings,
while images ofwork, education, and civic life are largely absent. At the same time, unlike the visitors bureau
homepage, which isgeared mainly toward tourists and conventioneers, city homepages seem to assume a
wider set of marketing roles that may appeal to and be representative of a wider audience.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 183
CITY MARKETING AND IMAGING STRATEGIES
The search by urban governments for an identifiable brand identity is indicative ofwhat Pine and Gilmore
(1999) define as the "experience economy." They argue that the leading economic actors have primarily
gone from the production of material goods and services to the staging ofexperiences. While this scenario
does not apply to entire urban economise, by promulgating dramatic and exciting images of their skylines,
cultural complexes, and natural amenities, municipalities follow the lead ofprofit-driven entities like Nike
and Apple, which strive to create an experience around their brand to differentiate themselves in a competitive
marketplace.
Many scholars argue that city marketing has become commonplace due to larger-scale economic and
political changes (Harvey, 1989a). Through increasingly intricate and instantaneous modes ofcommunication,
transportation, and innovations in manufacturing techniques, a more global and flexible economy has
emerged. Heightened global competition between places has increased as the costs of doing business
around the world have diminished and as federal governments have scaled back funding for urban programs.
In the process, a new form ofentrepreneurial governance has emerged in which municipalities seem
to be less concerned with the regulation of the private sector than with clearing obstacles for their investments.
They appear less concerned with the provision of public services and facilities and more attuned to
projects that will produce economic growth (Hall and Hubbard, 1998; Harvey, 1989b). City marketing and
branding are wrapped uip in this process because the presentation ofa positive city image can attract the
attention of potential investors, tourists, and residents. However, not only do these ventures often fail to
bring inthe expected benefits, but they also potentially divert resources from other local needs.
In this regard, imaging or branding strategies are illustrative ofwhat Sharon Zukin (1995) has labeled the
"symbolic economy." Through the artful manipulation of images associated with places, the symbolic
economy attracts new land investments, jobs, and businesses. As Zukin (1995:7-8) explains:
Buildinga city depends on how people combine the traditionaleconomicfactors of land,labor,and
capital. But it also depends on how they manipulate symbolic languages of exclusion and
entitlement. The look andfeel ofcities reflect decisions aboutwhat - and who - should be visible
and what shouldnot .... What is new aboutthe symbolic economy since the 1970s is its symbiosis of
image and product,the scope andscale ofselling images on a nationaland even global level, and
the role of the symbolic economy in speakingfor,or representing,the city.
Here, Zukin emphasizes an additional problem associated with city marketing: the tendency to selectively
depict or misrepresent the city and its citizens for promotional purposes. Furthermore, she ties together the
promotion ofcity images with the ways in which they may contribute to substantial changes in the built
environment, often at the expense of disadvantaged communities. Similarly, Vale and Warner (2001:15)
describe "city imaging" as "the process of constructing visually based narratives about the potential of
places." For example, think of how various interests have portrayed inner-city areas slated for urban
renewal. Whereas redevelopment agencies around the country have often argued that they are turning
underutilized and blighted areas into more productive uses, housing advocates and residents declare that
these are affordable, and often multicultural, neighborhoods.Of the many cases of urban redevelopment
and renewal that chronicle such conflicting visions, one ofthe best is Chester Hartman's 2002 CityforSale.:
The TransformationofSan Francisco.
Moreover, particularly since the 1970s and 1980s, as redevelopment activities have focused less on the
production of office space and more on photogenic architecture and entertaining public spaces, urban
design and planning have become even more intertwined with branding and imaging (Vale and Warner,
2001). Just as many people associate San Francisco with the Golden Gate Bridge and Paris with the Eiffel
Tower or the Louvre, the number of post-industrial cities that have worked to overcome perceptions of
urban decline through their own urban icons has increased exponentially. For example, Cleveland has the
Rock 'n' Roll Hall of Fame, and Milwaukee has its new Santiago Calatrava-designed Museum ofArt.
Other cities seek to expand their brand identity. The gambling haven ofReno, Nevada, recently established
the downtown Truckee River White Water Park and Arts District, while Anaheim, California, the home of
Disneyland, actively promotes its carefully manicured suburban neighborhoods.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 184
Municipal governments pursue media-based city imaging strategies as well. As Watson (1991) shows,
promotional texts play a key role in "gilding the smokestacks" of former industrial cities. Her analysis of
imaging strategies inAustralia reveals how cities employ a diverse set ofimages-- from high-tech facilities
to recreational opportunities - to put their industrial past behind them. Similarly, Short and Kim (1998) and
Holcomb (1993) analyze magazine advertisements in U.S. cities and report a remarkable similarity between
place advertisements that portray "a vibrant, growing place with accessible locations, reconstructed city
center, and sunny business climate" (Short and Kim, 1998:60). Greenberg (2000) traces the changing representations
of the city in urban lifestyle magazines and demonstrates how these publications facilitate the
branding ofcities and the associated social restructuring ofurban areas for niche markets ofurban profes-
sionals.
However, while recent scholarship has analyzed the promotional efforts of U.S. cities in such diverse
sources, virtually no research focuses on the use of the Internet as a marketing tool. As Holcomb (2001)
points out, the Internet is probably the most widely employed form of city marketing. The Internet makes
it possible for municipal governments to "combine elements of a town hall, a tourist information bureau, a
chamber of commerce, a business directory, a shopping mall and a local news magazine" for a global
audience (Urban, 2002:49). Virtually every city in the U.S. maintains a website to show offtheir city and
disseminate information on a variety oftopics to citizens, businesses, visitors, and new residents. Unlike
the physical city, websites are a space in which the local government has total control of how the municipality
appears - public officials can selectively decide which buildings, people, and places will symbolize
the city.
Given their ubiquity and potentially wide variety of uses, official city homepages are a good place to
examine the marketing images of municipalities in the U.S. What images do municipalities draw on to
construct an overall city image or brand identity? How do the homepages reflect the local population,
geography, and built environment ofthe city? What are the dominant themes ofcity imaging on the official
city homepages?
CITY MARKETING ON THE INTERNET
This study will explore these questions through an analysis of the images found on the official city
homepages and convention and visitors bureaus ofall 67 U.S. cities with a 2000 U.S. census population of
250,000 or more. The study focuses on the homepage because, as the introductory page of the entire
website, it is intended as the central point of access for visitors. Therefore, it is the logical place that a city
would -attemptto present an overall image or identity. The analysis consists of two parts. First, the study
compares the frequency of each type of image found on the city homepages to those found on the
homepages of the visitors bureaus. The mission ofthe visitors bureau is to market the city as a destination
for potential visitors, while the city homepage is ostensibly provided for residents and others to access
information about municipal services and departments. Comparing the images featured on the two types of
homepages helps to illustrate the extent to which municipal governments use their homepage to market the
city. Second, the study offers a typology of marketing themes to suggest the range of ways that the city
homepages may cormnunicate a brand identity.
The websites were accessed in July 2004 to gather the data. During this period, all municipal governments
and 64 visitors bureaus in the survey maintained a website. While the sophistication of the websites varies,
the vast majority of homepages include images that are clearly visible on multiple types ofWeb browsers.
Each homepage typically contains a clearly visible series ofbanner images at the top ofthe page and/or a
single, larger image in the center of the page. Anumber ofsites include a fixed number ofimages that rotate
each time the user accesses the site, and others include a set of images that continually revolve while the
site is on display.
To conduct the analysis, an inventory was created of all images in the banner and central portion of the
page, including all rotating images, which resulted in 30 categories. The categories include elements ofthe
built environment and architecture such as downtown skylines, cityscapes, public art, infrastructure, his-
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 185
toric buildings, and flagship buildings; urban entertainment activities such as arts and cultural events,
heritage places and symbols, ethnic places and symbols,l shopping, amusement parks, and spectator
sports; natural environments and outdoor activities in both urban and non-urban settings; governmental
symbols such as the city seal or images of elected officials; symbols ofnational and local pride such as flags
or logos unique to a locale; and images of municipal and private sector employees. 2
The components of
each image were coded separately. For example, an image ofa downtown skyline with a park prominently
displayed in the foreground would appear in the categories "downtown skyline" and "park."'3
While every
effort was made to make each category non-overlapping and as exhaustive as possible, in a few instances,
image components fit into more than one category and were tallied as such. For example, a historic city hall
building would be marked as both a historic building and a civic building. This process is unavoidable given
that such images carry multiple meanings and may be featured for this very reason.
The analysis is also based on the demographic characteristics ofthe images on each homepage, which were
classified according to race or ethnicity, age, gender, and the activities of the individuals when clearly
visible. The racial/ethnic categories used are white, African American, Asian, American Indian, and Latino.
To compare age, individuals were grouped into categories of children and teens, young adult, middle age,
and senior. Totals do not include elected officials or those individuals whose race/ethnicity could not be
determined to fall into one ofthese general categories.
Once the categories had been defined and the image components counted, they were used to build the
typology of marketing themes. The themes are based on an analysis ofthe frequency ofthe various types of
images in each category and a qualitative assessment of the role of the images within the context of the
overall theme on each page. Qualitative analysis is necessary, given that an image may take on a different
signification depending on the context in which it is situated. For example, in itself, an image of a downtown
skyline with a verdant landscape extending to the horizon could send the message that the city has
many natural amenities or that the local government cares about a clean environment. However, in combination
with images representative ofbusiness or government, the image could signify endless possibilities
for land development or commercial success.
One drawback to the analysis is that it does not account for the level of input from local officials in the Web
design. Although the city agency responsible for Web services typically maintains the site and homepage,
site design is frequently, although not exclusively, contracted out to a private firm. However, in most
instances, the city does have final approval over all content before it is posted to a site and typically
specifies criteria in advance as to the type ofinformation, graphics, and images that will appear on the site.
Another shortcoming of the analysis is that it is impossible to measure how those who visit the website
actually interpret the images they view or gauge the impact ofthe images on their perception ofa city. City
websites may not be a primary influence on the location and travel decisions made by residents, visitors, or
businesses. Nonetheless, because the analysis focuses on images included on officially sanctioned city
homepages, the results are indicative ofhow a municipal government desires the world to identify its city
and provides a window into one component in the overall imaging process. Given the subjective nature of
this analysis, readers are cautioned to view the findings as one interpretation ofthe complex imagery. As
discussed below, this is particularly the case with the demographic analysis, which by definition is highly
subjective and potentially open to multiple interpretations. Nonetheless, this study represents a first step
toward understanding an under-researched form of city marketing and a basis for future research that may
validate these findings through a more objective record ofhomepage representations.
City Images
Both city and visitors bureau homepages contain virtually the same number ofimages.4
Images of the built
environment and architecture are most frequently found on both sites, appearing on 91% of city sites and
86% of visitors bureau sites (Table 1). Of these, the most common are downtown skylines and cityscapes,
which were observed on 73% and 66% ofcity and visitors bureau sites respectively.Although other images
ofthe built environment are represented at a much lower rate, city homepages contained nearly five times as
many images of parks and almost twice as many images of infrastructure (typically picturesque images of
bridges along a downtown skyline) than visitors bureau sites. The apparent emphasis on picturesque built
environments on city sites potentially reflects local governments' concerns with marketing an attractive
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 186
TABLE 1. Hoomepages containing images of the built environment and architecture.
City Homepage
# of homepages %
Visitors Bureau Hoinepage
# of homepages %
All types 61 91 55 86
Downtown skyline and cityscape 49 73 42 66
Public art 6 9 5 8
Infrastructure and industry 14 2 1 3 8
Infrastructure (historic/decorative) 3 5 0 0
Parks and landscaping 13 19 7 11
Flagship buildings and places (historic) 4 6 14 22
Flagship buildings and places (nonhistoric) 14 21 11 17
H-istoric buildings (regional nonspecific) I 1 16 I 0 16
Historic buildings (nonspecific) 10 15 7 I 1
Civic buildings (historic) 5 8 5 8
Civic buildings (nonhistoric) 3 5 0 0
Convention facilities 2 3 5 8
TABLE 2. I-lomepages containing images of urban entertainment, places, and activities.
City Homepage Visitors Bureau Homepage
# of homepages % # of homepages %
All types 26 39 47 73
Arts and culture 9 13 21 33
Signature events 2 3 8 13
Heritage places, events, and symbols 5 8 13 20
Ethnic places, events, and symbols 8 I2 9 14
Shopping and entertainment activities 5 8 15 24
Gastronomy 1 2 8 13
Themed environmeits/amusement parks 2 3 14 22
Spectator sports and facilities 8 12 10 16
quality of life to new and existing residents, whereas the visitors bureaus target tourists and conventioneers
and likely consider this type of local scenery less attractive to their target audiences.
We found 34% of city sites and 41% of visitors bureau sites include images of some type of historic
architecture, making this the most common type of building displayed on both types of sites overall.
Another common architectural feature on city pages is contemporary flagship buildings and places. Sites as
varied as the Seattle Space Needle and the New Jersey Performing Arts Center appeared on 21% of city
homepages. The highest single type of architecture counted for visitors bureaus was historic flagship
buildings or places, such as the Alamo or Golden Gate Bridge, at 22%. In total, 22% of the city pages and
38% of visitors bureaus featured one or both fonrs of these iconic places. This difference again may be
attributed to the touristic focus of visitors bureaus. Cities look to historic buildings and flagship sites not
only to create the image of a tourist destination but also to help create images of local uniqueness or a
dynamic, cosmopolitan feel. As we will see below, city sites seem to market to a wider audience and,
therefore, use a wider variety of marketing images.
Comparing the type and number of urban entertainment places and activities on each of the sites reinforces
the broader marketing role for city homepages. As expected, a large proportion of visitors bureaus (73%)
include urban entertainment images, such as shopping, sports, and cultural facilities, or heritage and ethnic
districts on their homepages. Significantly fewer city homepages (39%) displayed these images (Table 2).
Although city sites do not participate in tourism and entertainment marketing on the scale of the visitors
bureaus, this is clearly one of the marketing roles of the city sites. Images of the arts and culture such as
museums and arts festivals topped the list of entertainment images for cities, found on 13% of the sites,
followed by those of ethnic places, events, and symbols, such as costumed ethnic performers and ethnic
decorations, found on 12% of the sites. One likely reason that these types of images are most prominently
feattired on city homepages isthat they can represent the city as a vibrant entertainment destination while
showing off its diverse, albeit often aestheticized, cosmopolitan community and generic representations of
ethnicity.
.Journal. of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 187
TA13LE 3. Homepages containing images of natural environments and the outdoors.
City Homepage Visitors Bureau Homepage
# of homepages % # of homepages %
All types 27 40 28 44
Natural environment (urban) 26 39 15 23
Natural environment (nonurban) 4 6 11 17
Outdoor activities (urban) 2 3 2 3
Outdoor activities (nonurban) 3 5 12 19
TABLE 4. Flomepages containing governmental and other images.
City Homepage Visitors Bureau Homepage
# of homepages % # of homepages %
Citysymbols 21 31 0 0
Local elected officials 21 31 0 0
Symbolsoflocal pride 5 7 7 11
Municipal employees 5 8 0 0
Otheremployees 3 5 3 5
Both the city and visitors bureau sites, at roughly equal rates, use images of the natural environment and
outdoor-activities to craft a city image. Images of mountains and deserts, flora and fauna, and boating and
bicycling appear on 40% ofcity homepages and 44% ofvisitors bureau pages (Table 3). Some cities seem to
imply that theirs is a natural or recreational paradise by editing out all urban references, while others try to
demonstrate that their city is filled with opportunities to experience the outdoors. When compared in this
way, city sites emphasize natural environments in an urban setting (39%) more frequently than do visitors
bureaus (23%), lending support to the assertion that local governments are concerned with marketing an
attractive urban quality oflife.
Associated with the emphasis on cities as places to play or to engage in unique experiences is the tendency
to downplay cities as sites of work. Few cities displayed municipal or private sector employees such as
police officers, firefighters, construction workers, or computer technicians on their homepages (Table 4).
When this was the case, however, most framed work as the primary focus ofthe homepage. In addition, city
homepages contain comparatively few governmental or civic references. The city seal and images of local
elected officials such as the mayor each appeared on only 31% of city sites. Moreover, although city
websites represent local government, only 13% displayed images ofcivic buildings such as city hall. In fact,
visitors bureaus actually feature historic civic buildings at the same rate as city homepages (8%). Additionally,
city symbols and references to local pride such as a Texas Longhorn or Sacramento Beehive are slightly
more common on visitors bureau sites.
It is also important to note which images the websites do not include. While it appears that many city
homepages try to emphasize a high quality oflife, few actually show images of residential neighborhoods,
single-family homes, parks, or community events. Only the City of Anaheim's homepage featured such
images. In fact, the site appears to be an attempt to attract prospective residents through images of suburban
enclaves composed ofwide streets, large houses, and buried utility lines. The Baltimore Visitors Bureau,
not the city homepage, highlights various neighborhood events and landmarks around the city such as local
produce markets and an outdoor film event in Little Italy. When cities claim to portray everyday life, they
focus on iconic images such as San Francisco's homepage, which features pristine Victorian houses, cable
cars, and the Golden Gate.Bridge under the heading "images oflife in San Francisco."
loinepage Demographics.
An analysis.of the demographic characteristics of people featured in images on each type ofhomepage also
provides a window into how the municipal governments may wish to portray their cities. In total, we found
only 18 city (27%) and 36 visitors bureau (56%) homepages that displayed individuals with identifiable
characteristics out ofan overall 25 (37%) and 41 (64%) homepages, respectively, that featured people.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 188
TABLE 5. Typology of city homepage marketing themes.
Theme Primary References
Cosmopolitan cities Skyline and cityscape, flagship buildings, arts and culture, multiculturalism
Collage cities Historic built environments, ethnic festivals, local entertainment events, and regional
cuisine
Non-cities Recreational activities in natural settings, lack of urban images
Outdoor urbanism Natural environments and recreational activities in urban settings
City works City employees and governmental officials at work, children playing, families, racial
diversity, landscape scenes symbolic of urban revitalization
Informational No images or images of poor quality, informational links dominate visual focus
On both types of homepages, males and females are represented almost equally (city: 53% male and 47%
female; visitors bureau: 48% male and 52% female). City homepages were found to feature individuals in
relatively similar proportions by age. Seniors were the exception, appearing on only one homepage (40%
children and teens, 24% young adult, and 33% middle age). Visitors bureau sites seemed to portray a more
youthful population that included 52% young adults, 29% children and teens, 16% middle age, and 3%
seniors.
Considering race and ethnicity, white and African American individuals appear with the greatest frequency.
Of the 37% of city homepages that display people, nearly half(48%) include African Americans and 40%
contain whites. This ratio contrasts strongly with those found on the visitors bureau sites. Although, of
those that featured people, 44% displayed African Americans, over four-fifths (83%) included whites on the
homepage. Other groups are found less frequently. On city homepages, Latinos comprise 28% of the total
population, and no Asians orAmerican Indians were found on any homepage. Likewise, on visitors bureau
sites, Latinos make upjust 7% ofthe total population, and only two Asians and oneAmerican Indian appear.
The ratios become more unbalanced when race and ethnicity are grouped by activity. Activities were
categorized according to work, leisure, performance, and other. Nine ofthe 11 Latinos that appear on city
sites and eight ofthe 10 on visitors bureau sites are engaged in performance activities. Latinos make up 82%
ofall performers found on city homepages. These are typically women or girls dressed in colorful dresses
dancing at ethnic festivals. In contrast, of the white individuals whose activities were discernable on city
homepages, 67% were engaged in leisure activities and none were performing. Although at a significantly
lower rate than whites, leisure activities were most common for African Americans on city homepages at
37%, followed by work and other activities at 26% each. In fact, the most frequent activity on city sites
overall was leisure at over double the rate of the next activity, work. On visitors bureau sites, whites were
overwhelmingly engaged in leisure activities (76%), as were nearly halfofAfrican Americans (41%).
The emphasis on leisure and the racialized distinctions ofthe various activities may,on the one hand, be due
to the ease with which such images are recognizable as "ethnic" and, in some instances, may reflect this
author's own presumptions of ethnic identity. Additionally, such images ofethnicity may stand out, given
that just 27% ofthe city homepages featured identifiable subjects - potentially an attempt by many cities
to create a marketing image with which a wide range ofviewers can identify:.5
On the other hand, this finding
may reflect the ways in which images on the city homepages are purposefully used to frame a particular
representation of reality. In this case, the presence of stereotypical references to ethnicity might reflect a
city's misplaced attempt to show its openness to diversity or to present a safe and familiar option for
consumption. The attempt to frame a particular image ofthe city is further reinforced through the typology
Journal of Architectural
26:3 (Autumn, 2009)
and Planning Research
189
I
FIGURE 1. Sample central images from San Francisco city homepage (left)
and visitors bureau homepage (right).
of marketing themes, which suggests the various ways the homepages package images of city spaces and
people into a coherent brand i entity.
A Typology of InternetMarketingThemes
As displayed in Table 5,the city homepages are classified into six overarching themes: (.1) Cosmopolitan
Cities, (2) Collage Cities, (3)Non-cities, (4) Outdoor Urbanism, (5) City Works, and (6) Informational. Each
theme represents a combination of images that relates an identifiable message about the city.
Sixteen of the cities exhibit characteristics of "Cosmopolitan Cities.'' 6
Cities in this group attempt to create
an overall image of the city as a diverse and lively destination point for business and tourist activities.
Cosmopolitan cities focus on dramatic views of the downtown skyline and cityscape, flagship buildings,
cultural facilities (particularly museums and sports arenas), and images that portray an ethnically diverse or
multicultural city. In addition, these cities include few place-specific (other than flagships) or historic references.
For instance, Cleveland's homepage focuses on images of the city's downtown and iconic cultural
facilities such as I.M. Pei's Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and the Browns and Indians Stadiums, while
Milwaukee includes its new Calatrava-designed museum, Newark highlights its Center for the Performing
Arts, and Seattle shows off the Space Needle. Other cities, such as Chicago, attempt to create a brand of
civic cosmopolitanism by highlighting not only their skylines, prominent cultural facilities, and towering
buildings but also images of the city's parks, civic monuments, and children of different racial backgrounds
at play together. The standout destination city is San Francisco. With its exaggerated claim to display
"images of life" in the city through its most iconic places, there is little distinction between the city and
visitors bureau homepages (Figure 1).
The 17 "Collage Cities" draw on anything and everything that signifies urban and local to emphasize the
uniqueness of their city as both a tourist destination and one worthy of local pride.7
Rather than concentrating
on iconic images of flagship buildings and downtown cityscapes, the majority of sites in this group
highlight a broad range of image types including heritage, ethnicity, spectator sports, the arts, and local
cuisine. While the primary emphasis is on symbols of local heritage and historic architecture, only three
cities - Boston, Buffalo, and New Orleans - feature historic references exclusively. Southwestern cities
such as Tucson, Albuquerque, and El Paso emphasize Native American and Hispanic or Latino culture
Journal of' Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 190
City of
FIGURE 2. Banner images of "Collage Cities" (El Paso, Memphis, and Tucson).
through images ofmariachi musicians, costumed dancers, and petroglyphs in conjunction with other locally
representative images of cowboys, saguaro cacti, and the facades of mission-style buildings. Most cities
include a potpourri of local references from baseball players and crowded stadium bleachers (Mesa, Memphis,
and Dallas) to costumed Native American and Hispanic dancers (El Paso, Mesa, and San Jose) to giant
cowboy statues, images of Elvis Presley, and astronauts on the moon (Dallas, Memphis, and Houston)
(Figure 2).
"Non-cities" share the common goal of attempting to appear as ifthey are not a city at all. These five cities
tend to edit out or obscure any reference to the urban environment. Instead, Honolulu appears as an
oceanfront resort, while Aurora, Colorado, creates a small-town feel through images oflittle league, graduation
day, and a picturesque mountain backdrop. Anaheim defies traditional representations of the city
through images of its suburban cityscapes that feature wide streets and buried utility lines or parks surrounded
by ranch-style homes (Figure 3). The homepage for Oakland, California, depicts the city through a
very prominent and fantastic image ofa gondola under a big,.blue sky slowly making its way across pristine
Lake Merritt while large trees obscure the view of buildings in the background, belying the city image as a
gritty urban center, as is frequently portrayed in the popular press.
Rather than editing out urban images, 10 cities take oii a brand of"Outdoor Urbanism." Here, the homepage
images fuse the natural with the urban while largely eschewing historical or cultural references.8
One ofthe
primary techniques is to portray the downtown skyline or cityscape against a prominent natural feature
such as a mountain, ocean, river, lake, or some combination of these. For instance, Denver portrays the
gigantic, snow-capped Rocky Mountains cradling the downtown skyline (Figure 4), while Lexington, Kentucky,
and Omaha, Nebraska, seem to float in a forest. Additionally, cities in this group stress that they
possess mtultiple outdoor recreational opportunities and/or pristine natural escapes within or nearby the
city. Cities such as Corpus Christi, Texas, and San Diego emphasize their proximity to water through images
of sailboats and docks against the downtown skyline and secluded beaches. Austin displays images of
wildlife- deer, an owl, and a butterfly- close-up images of flowers, multiple images of rivers, and a
mountain climber alongside both contemporary and archival urban images.
In contrast to the other marketing themes that seem to focus largely on images of tourist and convention
destinations or entertainment amenities, the 16 cities in "City Works" concentrate on images that reflect
civic pride, governmental action, or a revitalized urban core (Figures 5 and 6).9 These cities accomplish this
in three ways. First, cities such as Los Angeles, Charlotte, and Tampa display local workers and city
employees (particularly fire and police) ofdifferent racial backgrounds, as ifto emphasize that the city relies
on its citizens working together for a greater good, while cities such as Washington, D.C. concentrate on
images ofhappy families and multiracial children at play. Second, many ofthese cities use natural settings
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 191
Ciyo Anaei
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* Reserve YourTee Time
* Programs and Classes
* Fail 2004
* Winter 2005
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: Anaheim Conuention Center
Anaheim Library
: Anaheim Magazlne
Anaheim Moseom
BNSF Soundwall
CCIM/Downtown Update
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Flood Zones & Flood
Click for Anaheim Annels Information.
January 25 atThe Grove ofAnaheim, Anaheim Mayor Curt Pringle To
Give State of the City Address At Anaheim Chamber of Commerce
Luncheon
f Anaheim Mayor Curt Pringle wiIIdeliver his 2005 State of
the City oddress at the annual Anaheim Chamber of
Commerce luncheon, sea forJanuary 25 atT...
* Mayor's
Wel[come Letter
* Mayor Curt Pringle
* City Council
- Richard Chavez
- Bob Hernandez
- Lorri Galloway
- Harry Sldhu
* Agendas and Minutes
* Boards and Commissions
Registration Available for Anaheim Winter Youth Sports Program ,
The City of Anaheim's Winter Vouth Basketbali cnd February 5
Cheerleading season is here. The program is open to * St. Catherine's Military
children ages 4-13. Registration is bel.., Academy's Civil War
Reenactment
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FIGURE 3. Anaheim city homepage (revolving image still).
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on police reform and improved
oversight of Denver's uniformed
officers. Couno..
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FIGURE 4. Denver city homepage.
I - Online S.ýices
I * Mayor /City Council 'I
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 192
Tree TrImming Bulky Item Pickup ;Sewer Connections Traffic Coo
FIGURE 5. Snapshot of Los Angeles city hornepage's ticker-style banner image.
to create the impression ofan urban
renaissance through graphic images
of the sun rising behind the
city (Baltimore and Los Angeles) or
manifest destiny through the city
core in the foreground of a landscape
that extends infinitely into
the distance (Detroit, Las Vegas,
and Riverside). Finally, cities such 5.'
as New York and Saint Louis focus
on images ofthe government working
for its citizens through images
ofelected officials in city neighborhoods
or at press conferences, or
symbols ofthe Internet as a tool for
citizen communication.
Finally, six cities' homepages function
primarily as "Informational
Websites."'10
These concentrate
on providing information without
the use of images or with those of
poor graphic quality. FIGURE 6. Baltimore city homepage.
CONCLUSION
A detailed inventory and comparison of the images displayed on the official city and visitors bureau
homepages suggests that city homepages are a means for local governments to market and brand their
cities. Both types of sites draw on virtually the same pool of images - particularly iconic elements ofthe
local built environment, entertainment places and activities, and other urban scenes - to emphasize a
unique and stimulating locale. Similar to a visitors bureau homepage, many city sites display images of
leisure activities more frequently than those that signify work, education, and civic life, and they rarely
feature images ofresidential neighborhoods and low-density, suburban environments.
City homepages appear to diverge from visitors bureau sites in a number ofways in that they take on a wider
marketing role and target a wider audience than tourists and conventioneers. While city sites do employ the
standard references to culture, sports, flagship buildings, historic architecture, and natural environments,
they do not display a uniform or homogenous city image. City homepages not only brand the city as a place
to play but are also, as the typology of city marketing themes proposes, crafted around multiple themes,
from those that emphasize the city as a cosmopolitan destination point to those that attempt to obscure any
urban references at all. Further, the marketing themes do not coincide with any particular region. For example,
the "rustbelt" cities of the upper Midwest and East Coast display multiple imaging strategies to
demonstrate that there are no more smokestacks (Short, 1999). Whereas Cleveland and Milwaukee portray
cities as destinations for fun and leisure, Baltimore and Detroit depict an urban renaissance and infer
limitless opportunities.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 193
In addition, the images can transmit multiple meanings. For instance, numerous sites refer to local heritage
or ethnicity in the form of ethnic performances such as Latino women or children dancing in colorful outfits
to crowded audiences before the backdrop of historic architecture. This type of image may not only be
intended to promote tourism, but also to signify that a city embraces its diversity and supports community
activities. More importantly, this example aptly illustrates that despite their variation, city homepages may
package the population and built environment of a city in service to the production of a coherent brand
identity and at the expense of objectifying and generalizing cultural meanings.
Taken together, the multiple combinations of images that appear on the city homepages (with the exception
of informational websites) signal an attempt to depict a positive quality of life. Thus, it appears many local
governments heed the advice of Clark (2004), Florida (2002), and others, who argue that cities need to
recognize that quality of life issues are increasingly critical in the location decisions of prospective residents
and businesses. However, city imaging on the Internet largely focuses on a particular set of quality of life
images. Those that refer to entertainment activities, local heritage, the arts, and the outdoors - amenities
that are considered attractive to Florida's creative class and, more generally, to tourists - are most prominent,
while images that refer to work, schools, and public safety - factors that are important to many
residents - are largely absent. In this way, the official city homepage seems to have become an integral
component of a larger project in which local governments rearrange and represent the city to appeal to
tourists and middle- and upper-class tastes (Eisinger,2000; Harvey, 1989a).
Ultimately, this study provides a means of examining how local governments want people to think about
their city. The purpose of the city homepage is to transmit information about a municipality to existing and
prospective residents, businesses, and visitors. However, as the typology of marketing themes illustrates,
most local governments do not passively provide information but instead actively attempt to shape how the
viewer interprets it. The use of the Internet in this way signifies an expansion of the city marketing apparatus,
yet unlike the physical environment or even promotional material, a homepage can be easily and frequently
altered to fabricate a narrative around a city even when it is lacking iconic structures, unique histories, or
other identifiable features. As such, the strong marketing role has implications for the ways in which municipalities
approach the Web as a resource to deliver information. Although not directly explored here, the
preponderance of marketing images and the lack of focus on public services and civic engagement imply
that the imaging role overshadows other potential uses of the city homepage, such as providing information
about public meetings or improving access to municipal services and departments. Future research could
tackle this issue by examining how city websites are actually used.
As the aesthetic dimensions of places and quality of life amenities are increasingly on the agendas of
municipal governments, marketing and branding will likely remain a critical strategy to distinguish a city and
to boost its economic development potential. Thus, an understanding of the various ways that local governments
brand cities is a significant concern for urban planners and designers. Examining the images featured
on official city homepages - and the types of images that are not featured - provides an opportunity to
reflect not only on how cities are depicted on the Internet but also on how the contemporary climate of interurban
competition shapes representations of the city at large.
APPENDIX: DESCRIPTION OF IMAGE CATEGORIES
"* Downtown skyline: image of downtown that shows prominent contemporary and/or historic buildings against the sky.
"* Cityscape: image that focuses on a particular view or scene within a city that includes nondescript features such as
buildings, roadways, and street lighting and does not include any of these elements as the primary subject of the image.
. Public art: image of any officially sanctioned object located in public space for aesthetic or commemorative purposes
such as a statue, sculpture, or monument.
. Infrastructure and industry: images of contemporary transportation and communications infrastructure such as
buildings, tunnels, or telephone poles. With the exception of the Houston city homepage, which features a shipping
yard, all images in this category are of bridges.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 194
Infrastructure (historic/decorative): image of infrastructure that is primarily decorative in purpose such as Ifaux gas
lamp lighting.
* Parks and landscaping features: images of parks, landscaping plants, features such as water fountains, and any other
human constructions using natural elements in an urban context.
* Flagship buildings and places (historic): images of prominent and recognizable non-governmental buildings, public
places, and landmarks constructed prior to 1960 that are frequently associated with a city. Examples include Sears Tower
in Chicago and Coit Tower in San Francisco.
* Flagship buildings and places (non-historic): images of prominent and recognizable non-governmental buildings, public
places, and landmarks constructed after 1960 that are frequently associated with a city. Examples range from those
designed by renowned architects such as the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland to restoration projects such as
Faneuil Hall in Boston and other well-known landmarks such as the Space Needle in Seattle.
* Historic building (regional nonspecific): images of buildings constructed prior to the 1950s in a style widely identified
with a particular region, such as Antebellum (Southern U.S.), adobe or mission-style architecture (Southwestern U.S.), or
Colonial revival (New England), and that are not clearly identifiable as "flagship" buildings.
* Historic building (nonspecific): images of neoclassical or modernist building facades or portions of facades such as
columns that do not rellect a particular regional style and that are not clearly identifiable as "flagship" buildings.
* Civic buildings (historic): images of governmental buildings, such as a city hall or courthouse, constructed prior to
1960.
Civic buildings (non-historic): images of governmental buildings built since 1960.
Convention faicilities: images of convention centers and facilities.
Arts and culture: interior and exterior images of museums, performing arts facilities, art galleries. and any item
symbolic of these such as musical instruments or sculpture, excluding public art.
* Signature events: images of high-profile events widely associated with a particular city such as the Indianapolis 500 or
the Kentucky Derby in Louisville.
* Heritage places, events, and symbols: images of historical places, events, and symbols widely associated with a city
such as the moon landing with Houston or cowboys with the Southwest U.S., but excluding architecture, sporting events,
and references to ethnic heritage.
* Ethnic places, events, and symbols: images of places, events, and symbols associated with racial or ethnic groups such
as Latino and Native American dancers, festivals, or traditional clothing.
* Shopping and entertainment districts and activities: images of urban areas dominated by retail and nightlife
establishments and people participating in these activities.
Gastronomy: images of cuisine or references to cooking that are typical of the region or locality.
* Themed environments and amusement parks: images of entertainment areas designed around a particular concept such
as amusement parks, aquariums, and science museums.
Spectator sports and facilities: images of sporting events and facilities.
* Natural environments (urban): images of environmental scenes not principally constructed by human intervention but
that are part of an urban setting. Examples include water (lakes, rivers, bays, and oceans), landscapes (mountains,
beaches, and deserts), and flora and fauna not found in parks.
* Natural environment (non-urban): images of environmental scenes as described above that appear exclusive of any
urban reference.
* Outdoor activities (urban): images of recreational activities such as golfing, boating, or mountain climbing that appear
in an urban context.
* Outdoor activities (non-urban): images of recreational activities such as golfing, boating, or bicycling exclusive of any
urban reference.
* City symbols: images of official city symbols including a city seal, logo, or flag.
* Local elected officials: images of a city's mayor and city council members.
Pride: Images of symbols of national and local pride unique to a locale not including offlicial symbols of local
government. Examples include the U.S. flag or Texas Longhorn cattle.
Journal of Architectural and Planning Research
26:3 (Autumn, 2009) 195
* Municipal employees: images of municipal employees other than elected officials.
Private-sector employees: images of employees other than municipal employees and elected officials.
NOTES
I. Ethnic places and symbols are included as "urban entertainment," because in virtually every case, these images
depict a festival or celebration such as Latino women or children dancing in colorful costumes or decorations in a
Chinatown district.
2. A detailed description of each category is available in the Appendix.
3. This analysis did not take the size of each image into account. This potential shortcoming is mitigated, however,
given that each website contains relatively the same available space to display information.
4. A total of 356 images, or an average of 5.31 images per page, were counted for city homepages, and 354 images,
or an average of 5.53 images per page, were counted for visitors bureau homepages. The total image count reflects the
total components of each image, not the total number of images on each page.
5. I thank an anonymous reviewer for this point.
6. Nine of these cities - Atlanta, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Phoenix, and
San Francisco - display larger, more numerous, or more prominent images than the other cities. The remaining seven
cities - Kansas City, Miami, Minneapolis, Nashville, Seattle, Toledo, and Tulsa - display more modest images, but
still primarily feature images suggestive of this category.
7. The cities in this category include Albuquerque, Boston, Buffalo, Colorado Springs, Dallas, El Paso, Fresno,
Houston, Louisville, Memphis, Mesa, New Orleans, San Antonio, San Jose, Santa Ana, Tucson, and Virginia Beach.
8. In eight of the cities in this category - Austin, Corpus Christi, Denver, Indianapolis, Jacksonville, Lexington,
Omaha, and San Diego - images take a prominent role on the homepage. The images on the homepages of Portland
and Pittsburgh are not as strong but still place the homepages in this category.
9. The cities in this category with prominent images include Baltimore, Charlotte, Cincinnati, Detroit, Las Vegas, Los
Angeles, Memphis, Newark, New York, Riverside, Tampa, Washington D.C., and Wichita. Columbus, St. Louis, and St.
Paul fit this category despite less prominent images on their homepages.
10. These cities are Arlington, Fort Worth, Long Beach, Oklahoma City, Raleigh, and Sacramento.
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Additional information may be obtained by writing directly to the author at the School ofUrban and Public
Affairs, University ofTexas at Arlington, Arlington, TX 76019-0588, USA; email: grodach@uta.edu.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Carl Grodach is Assistant Professor in the School of Urban and Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Arlington.
His research centers on issues of urban redevelopment, city marketing, and cultural policy and planning.
Manuscript revisions completed 13 April 2009.
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TITLE: Urban Branding: An Analysis of City Homepage Imagery
SOURCE: J Archit Plann Res 26 no3 Aut 2009
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