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Performing the Nation:
China’s Children as Little Red
Pioneers
T.E. Woronov
University of Arizona
Abstract
The Little Red Pioneers, the Chinese Communist Party’s organization for children
aged 7–12, seem anachronistic in China today. This article argues that
the Pioneer organization, rather than being an outdated relic of the nation’s
Maoist past, provides insight into contemporary Chinese nationalism, particularly
the theoretical question of how children are produced as national subjects.
Based in Butler’s concept of performativity, this article argues that children’s
nationalism in China is performed through daily activities and practices
structured by the Little Red Pioneers. [Keywords: China, communism, nationalism,
performance theory, Little Red Pioneers]
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As the International Children’s Day holiday approached at the end of
May in 2001, excitement was building at the Pine Street Elementary
School, a small, working-class school of around 350 students in northwestern
Beijing.1
That year, the sixty first-graders at Pine Street had been
selected to participate in a ceremony at Tiananmen Square, where, along
with several thousand other children, their induction into the Little Red
Pioneers—the Chinese Communist Party’s formal organization for children
aged 7 to 13—would be broadcast to the entire nation via the
national state-owned television network.
Since the 1950s, China has celebrated International Children’s Day on
June 1st as a day of games, songs, and presentations at school, and special
treats at home. And since the beginning of the reform era, roughly
the early 1980s, June 1st has also been designated for holding the ceremonies
to induct the nation’s first-graders into the Little Red Pioneers.
Because 2001 marked the 50th anniversary of the Pioneer organization,
Ministry of Education officials decided to note the occasion by televising
a mass induction of first-graders at Tiananmen Square, something that
had never been attempted before. Being chosen to participate in the celebrations
was considered quite an honor by the Pine Street School teachers
and their students, and with much excitement plans were made to
have the children dressed in their school uniforms and on buses before
dawn, so that they would be lined up on Tiananmen in time for the early
morning ceremony.
On the evening of June 1st, International Children’s Day, I rushed home
to watch the broadcast of that morning’s ceremonies. But neither the
national nor local news had coverage of the Tiananmen ceremonies, nor
did the special children’s variety shows later in the evening. Frantically
flipping stations, I found some coverage of Children’s Day festivities elsewhere
in China, but nothing from Beijing.
Astonished that the children’s induction, which they had been looking
forward to for weeks, did not make it on to television, the following
Monday morning I went looking for Teacher Li, one of Pine Street School’s
first-grade teachers, to find out what happened.
“Oh, what a mess,” she sighed. “I was so exhausted it took me all
weekend to recover.” According to her description, it took several hours
to get the thousands of first-graders2
lined up across Tiananmen Square;
by then it was mid-morning and the temperature was already above 90
degrees Farenheit.
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Teacher Li said:
“The television producers wanted all the children to look and act alike,
but the kids weren’t disciplined enough. They were supposed to all be standing,
but one would get tired and sit down and then everyone around them
would sit down too. And they weren’t supposed to wear their school hats, but
it was so hot that some did to protect their heads from the sun, but then they
didn’t all look alike.”
“So the TV cameras didn’t film anything at all?” I asked.
“Oh, they tried. But Communist Party officials made speeches for hours.
The children were really bored, and the cameras couldn’t get reaction
shots when the kids weren’t either yawning or talking or crying. So the television
people ended up not using anything they filmed. They were pretty
pissed off (fannao le).”
She then added: “After the speeches the people in charge decided to
take all the children through Chairman Mao Memorial Hall.3
Can you imagine
how long it took to line up 10,000 seven-year-old kids to go through
one building?”
Teacher Li then took me to her classroom so that I could talk with her
first-graders directly about their experience. When I asked how they felt
about entering the Pioneers, one said:
“I was so excited about entering the Pioneers and going to Tiananmen, I
woke my parents that morning at 4:00 a.m.”
Others reminded me that although they were happy and excited, once
they were lined up on Tiananmen Square, it was all very difficult (tebie nanshou).
None of the children were allowed to drink any water (because there
are no bathrooms available on the Square); as a result, they were hot, thirsty,
and even a little dizzy.
“I wanted to cry,” said one child, “but I tried not to.”
“Well,” another admitted, “I did cry. I was really hot and thirsty.”
“So,” Teacher Li asked, “did any of you regret going?”
“NO!” was the resounding response. They clamored to tell me: “Entering
the Pioneers is an honor! Once we took the pledge to enter the Pioneers I
forgot about hot and thirsty I was!”
“What did you think of Chairman Mao’s Memorial?” Li then asked.
Most of the children agreed: “It was great.” Why? “Because it was out of
the sun.” Teacher Li had to think about that for a minute; it was not the
answer she was looking for, but she obviously silently agreed with them.
“But how did you feel about seeing Chairman Mao?” I asked.
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
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“It was a little scary,” one child said.
“Why?” I asked, wondering what she might have learned about Mao to
make him a frightening figure. In response, she gave me an exasperated,
“adults-ask-such-stupid-questions” look.
“Because,” she said, rolling her eyes, “he’s dead.”
Yet others were particularly honored by the opportunity, because, they
told me, Chairman Mao had “kicked the butts” of the Japanese devils (ta da
le Riben guizi) during the anti-Japanese war; to demonstrate, several children
jumped out of their seats and gleefully showed me moves copied from
Hong Kong kungfu movies. Here Teacher Li rolled her eyes, sighed deeply,
and intervened:
“Boys and girls, Chairman Mao founded the New China. He led our
Liberation Army to defeat the Japanese and the imperialists. Your grandparents
will never forget this and will always love him.”
The children, somewhat chastised, agreed.
“It was a great honor to see him,” one child responded. “And my parents
said they were very proud of me, even if they couldn’t see me on TV.”
This story seems to describe an anomaly wrapped in an anachronism: a
state spectacle never seen by the public, conducted by children living in
a capitalist economy who vow loyalty to communism and to the Chinese
Communist Party. This paper looks at the Little Red Pioneer system in
urban China today, to argue both that the organization is not an
anachronistic holdover from the socialist era, and that a close study of
children’s daily activities as Pioneers provides privileged insight into the
nature of contemporary Chinese nationalism. This article argues for a
performative approach to nationalism, which, I suggest, augments our
understanding of the ways that children are produced as nationalist subjects,
and which outlines the changing contexts for participation in the
contemporary Chinese nation.
An approach based in performativity helps us understand both the presumed
contradiction in this story—capitalist children vowing loyalty to
the Communist Party—and the supposed “failure” of the children to perform
appropriately for the television cameras. There are, of course,
apparently simple answers to both of these issues: loyalty vows are
required by the totalitarian state, while these children, only 7 years-old,
are simply too young to perform the bodily disciplines appropriately. Yet
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I argue that there is more to this “failed” performance than a poor match
between assigned tasks and children’s capabilities or that it is merely an
example of the state’s power to muster demonstrations in its honor;
instead, this example indicates how nationalism is not (only) something
that children acquire through the state-based institution of Chinese public
schools (cf. Althusser 1971), but is something that they do through
repetitive daily activities (Butler 1990; 1993). As I will discuss below, children’s
nationalism requires repeated performances, reiterations of an
ideal that can never be entirely achieved (Butler 1993). At the same time,
the norms for performances of nationalism are constantly changing in the
context of China’s rapid social and economic changes, rendering them
impossible to achieve fully. Every reiteration of nationalism has the
potential to “fail” in some way, which requires further reiterations. A
close study of how children in particular are being prepared as national
subjects through performativity elucidates the unattainability of the
ideal, as well as the compulsion to continue reiterating the norms of
nationalism during rapid social transformation.
Accounting for Nationalism
Many different theories have been proposed to explain how national subjects
and subjectivities are formed, including through sharing print media
and the development of print capitalism (Anderson 1983), shared language
(Handler 1988; Golden 2001), state-sponsored clubs and other institutions
(Bowie 1997), and commemorative activities (Connerton 1989). Others have
also looked more broadly at the daily life of the nation (Navaro-Yashin
2002), including the “banal nationalism” of daily practice (Billig 1995), and
the politics and poetics of collective identity (Herzfeld 1997).
These works have two broad features in common. First, in spite of predictions
of the end of the nation in today’s globalizing world, these works
agree that “rumors of the death of the nation have been greatly exaggerated”
(Aretxaga 2003:393; Chalfin 2006). While some scholars have argued
that the nation-state form is weakening, as borders are challenged by
transnational corporations, NGOs and other transnational organizations,
as well as cross-border flows of people, material, and global consumer
society, the nation and nationalism are “still alive and kicking”at the turn
of the 21st century (Weiss 2002:37). The point, then, is to account for continuing—and
growing—nationalism in this increasingly global age.
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Accounting for contemporary nationalism is a particular challenge in
China today, where nationalism is an extremely potent force. Observers4
generally agree that the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has deployed
nationalism strategically, as a way to retain legitimacy after abandoning
socialist ideology and embracing capitalism. As one scholar notes, “Chinese
communism is turning to nationalism to legitimate one-party rule” (Chang
1998:83). Today the Communist Party posits itself as the vanguard of the
Chinese nation—not the proletariat—and as the privileged agent to carry
forward the Chinese nation’s long-deferred dream of wealth, power, and
international respect (see Zhao 1998). This has led many western analysts to
assume that Chinese nationalism is therefore a top-down phenomenon:
because the CCP uses nationalism as the grounds of its political legitimacy,
the Party imposes nationalist sentiment on the Chinese people.
More recent research, however, acknowledges that this analysis is simplistic,
and notes instead that “popular nationalism” in China cannot be
explained as solely the effect of top-down Party ideology. By the late
1990s, most scholars agreed that Chinese nationalism was not “the sole
province of state propaganda and intellectual discourse” (Zhao 2004:11),
but is instead a potent combination of popular sentiment, state authority,
and intellectual approval (Guo 2004).
The question remains, however, as to precisely how nationalism is
understood, experienced, and generated by people in their everyday
lives. There is extensive and fascinating historical work on how the
Chinese nation was socially and discursively produced in the early 20th
century (Duara 1995; Fitzgerald 1996), and on the ways that nationalism
was generated through a range of practices during the Republican Era
(1911-1949) including consumption (Gerth 2003) and physical activity
(Morris 2004). Much less of this kind of work, however, has been done in
reform-era China.5
This article is intended to contribute to this line of
inquiry, arguing that the daily practices of the Little Red Pioneers provide
a particularly powerful site from which to view the complex links between
the CCP and the nation’s children, thus illuminating a central question in
China today: how Chinese nationalism is lived and experienced within the
context of the many contradictions of the reform era.
The second broad theme that anthropological theories of nationalism
have in common is the they are predicated on the theory that nations are
imagined communities (Anderson 1983) rather than contemporary reflections
of primordial allegiances (e.g., Huntington 1996). The study of chil-
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dren and children’s nationalism is, from this perspective, particularly
important, because all nations must in some way teach children how to
imagine themselves as members of a national community.
Most scholars who address these questions start with inquiries into formal
education, which is “ubiquitously cited as the main motor of nationalism
and the source of patriotic allegiance” (Bryant 2001:583). Bryant notes
that this tendency “goes back at least to Durkheim’s later works on the
nation-state, which had heralded formal education as the ritual par excellence
for the socialization of the youth in what he called ‘moral culture’”
(ibid; Durkheim 1956; 1973). Anderson’s (1983) work on the nation as imagined
community continued in this vein, positing classrooms as a privileged
site for developing the social bonds among classmates that transcended
parochial village loyalities and made national collectivities possible.
From this position have come studies of classrooms as incubators of
nationalist sentiment, and of textbooks as materializations of state ideology.
Studies of textbooks that are produced by national educational ministries
can indeed be mined to understand how states (or agents of the
state) understand their own histories, how some events are remembered
or forgotten, and how changing curricular material reflects changing politics
(e.g., Grinker 1998, Culp 2001, Hein and Selden 2000). If states exist
only as reifications (Abrams 1988, Aretxaga 2003), then textbooks and
other school materials can provide particularly good evidence to show
how the state is reifying itself.
One example of how seriously states take textbooks and classrooms
as incubators of nationalist sentiment is China’s ongoing scrutiny of the
ways that Japanese textbooks portray the Japanese invasion of China (see
e.g. Reilly 2004). This concern—and the political controversies that arise
from it—is based on the assumption that what is taught in schools structures
what children—and, later, adults—can understand about their
nations and histories. At the same time, the CCP has employed its own
attempts to raise patriotism through educational interventions, such as
the patriotic education campaign launched after the 1989 Tiananmen
Massacre, which was designed to teach Chinese children that Western
objections to China’s crackdown on protesters were anti-Chinese, not antiCommunist
(Zhao 2004).
This classroom- and textbook-based approach is extremely useful, and
sheds light on the ways that schools as state apparatuses (cf. Althusser
1971) attempt to produce children as national subjects. But as the many
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studies of nationalism have shown, the nation is also lived and experienced
as part of everyday life. How can we understand the ways that children
become nationalist subjects through practices beyond reading textbooks?
If we accept Connerton’s (1989) claim that national identity is
embodied, and that the nation is incorporated in its members, what kind
of embodied practices are producing children as national subjects? It is in
this context that I suggest that the concept of performativity offers new
insight into nationalism and national subjects.
Performing the Nation
Strongly influenced by Judith Butler’s work (1990, 1993), performativity
theory has developed to describe the processes by which gender identities
are constructed in and through discourses of sexuality (Morris 1995:569).
For Butler, gender is neither an essence nor a biological given, but is
instead a “consequence of the enactment of social norms” (Schein
1999:369). Building on Austin’s (1975) linguistic theories that some utterances
are performative in that they do something rather than describe or
express something, Butler argues that gender is something that is enacted,
rather than being a culturally and historically specific expression of a
pre-existing biological state. Gender is thus not something one has, but
rather is something one does, through “the stylized repetition of acts
through time.” (Butler 1990:141).
Repetition is central to performativity, for gendered subjects are
brought into being not through single acts, but only through reiterations
of social norms. In this way, performativity is linked to the disciplinary
and normalizing strategies described by Foucault (1977) that establish and
respond to categories of the normal and the pathological (Lloyd
1999:196), for Butler proposes that gender is an effect of power secured
through the repeated performance of norms that produce the effect of
coherent substance (Butler 1990:145; Feldman 2005). In this way, “gender
is not an inner core or static essence, but a reiterated enactment of
norms, ones that produce, retroactively, the appearance of gender as an
abiding interior depth” (Butler 1997:14, cited in Mahmood 2001).
Thus, according to Butler, gender performances do three things. First,
they construct the gendered subject, who has “no ontological status apart
from those acts that constitute its reality” (Butler 1993:173). Because
there is no essence or origin outside the enactment of multiple perform-
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ances, the gendered subject is brought into being through these performances.
Butler thus rejects the idea that an autonomous agent authors performative
utterances, and disavows a voluntarist subject who chooses his
or her gender (Lloyd 1995:199). Second, repeated performances of the
normative conceal gender’s lack of a stable essence or foundation, by
“sustaining the idea that biological sex preceeds gender.” (Feldman
2005:221). Butler asserts that “bodily gestures, movements and styles
constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self” (1990:139). There is
thus no a priori sexed subject who learns gender roles; instead, the subject
him/herself is constituted through performances. Third, gendered
performances are compelled to be repeated, because performances can
never fully approximate the socially and historically generated norms of
gender (Butler 1993).
Anthropologists have extended this theoretical perspective beyond
gender, to look at other aspects of performativity. Feldman (2005) argues
that state power can be seen as performative: the state, rather than being
an enduring and pre-constituted entity, is instead produced through the
performance of difference. Schein (1999; 2000) argues that modernity is
at least partly constituted as a performance, through negotiations of cultural
politics by members of the Miao minority group in China. Mahmood
(2001) uses performativity to investigate the agency of Egyptian women
and their veiling practices today.
The concept of performativity can also be usefully extended to help us
think about the construction of children as national subjects, and the
ways that nationalism is performed in some of the same ways that gender
is. From this perspective, nationalism is understood as something children
do, not something they acquire. It thus takes us beyond state-sponsored
textbooks and propaganda, and focuses instead on children’s daily lives
to inquire how and where the nation is performed. These performances
may include reading textbooks, but also a range of other daily activities.
Performativity also helps us re-think the agency of the child as national
subject. Rather than being an a priori subject onto which the nation is
either forced (through propaganda) or chosen (by children who elect to
become patriotic), an approach based in performativity argues that the
child is instead constituted as a national subject through repetitive performances
of the nation. In other words, a cognitive theory of nationalism
presupposes an a priori child who is then imbued with nationalist sentiment
through the institutional vehicle of schools. Yet rather than
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656
positing the child as a pre-national subject who learns what it means to
be part of a nation through cognitively-based material and then chooses
his or her national identity, a performative analysis argues that part of the
maturation process for contemporary children entails repeated performances
of the nation, which then, over time, constitute the child as a
national subject. Thus in looking at children’s performances, we can more
clearly see nationalism as a convention, a set of norms about being
Chinese that both precede and constrain children.
This then raises an ethnographic question: what kinds of performances
are normative in different societies today? Following Connerton (1989),
what are the embodied forms of collective memory and social practice?
How might these differ from or extend “inscribed” practices based in text?
My argument is that the Chinese child is produced through performances of
the nation, which are embodied and habituated through repetition in daily
life. Since performativity is “rooted within a matrix of discursive norms”
(Diamond 1996:5), the following sections explore the Little Red Pioneers as
the matrix of nationalism for Chinese children, and looks at the ways that
Pioneer activities are performative acts, which “are part of regulatory practices
that produce social categories and the norms of membership within
them. They are sites where hegemonic definitions of the collective body
relate to multiple injunctions of individual bodies” (Fortier 1999:43).
Focusing on the daily practices of young children (ages 7-10) in Beijing, the
following sections look at the Pioneers as a performance, where the social
category of the Chinese nation is (re)produced through daily practices.
The Little Red Pioneers
Although children are annually inducted into the Little Red Pioneers on or
around International Children’s Day on June 1st, the nationally-broadcast
public performance in 2001 was highly unusual. The Pine Street School
teachers explained that special ceremonies were called for that year,
because 2001 marked the 50th anniversary of the formal Little Red Pioneer
organization.6
Modeled on a similar institution in the Soviet Union (Lane
1981), the Pioneers serve as the first Communist Party affiliation for
Chinese children aged seven to thirteen; after that, qualified teenagers can
apply for membership in the Communist Youth League (Qingnian tuan).
The goal of the Pioneers has long been to inculcate in children organizational
and leadership skills, discipline, collectivism, obedience to Party
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directives, and patriotism.7
Through the 1970s Pioneer membership was
highly competitive: in order to enter the organization, children had to
prove their moral and political worthiness, as well as demonstrate that
they came from an appropriate class background.8
In fact, during the
Cultural Revolution era (1966-1976), a primary goal of the Pioneers was to
teach children how to recognize and reject class enemies (Unger 1982).
By the time I arrived in China in the late 1990s, however, membership
in the Pioneers was largely pro forma, and in Beijing virtually all children
were automatically inducted into the organization upon finishing first
grade. The only exceptions were those very few who either had not yet
passed their seventh birthday by the end of the school year, or those for
whom membership was postponed for a year as punishment for bad
behavior in first grade. The teachers explained that the Pioneers’ admission
standards had been changed in order to avoid the bad feelings and
rivalry among the children that competitive membership had sparked. In
my experience, every first grader in the two elementary schools in which
I conducted research in 1999-2001 entered the Pioneers on June 1st.
While the switch to automatic Pioneer induction meant that members
no longer focus on identifying and excluding class enemies,9
at the institutional
level the Little Red Pioneer organization still has strong formal
ties with the Chinese Communist Party. In Beijing, every elementary
school’s Pioneer cell is linked to the Communist Youth Organization in
their local school district, and each school assigns at least one teacher to
supervise Pioneer activities and report regularly to district-level Party
authorities. Every semester, these authorities then specify curricular
themes for home-room teachers to address each month with their students;
in 2000, for example, these included activities to celebrate Macao’s
return to the Chinese Motherland at the end of the year, and to mark
anniversaries of events in Communist Party history.
Using these assigned themes, Pioneers in the older grades (the fifth and
sixth graders) are also responsible for designing and drawing murals on the
large chalkboards on the back wall of every classroom. Between 1999-2001,
when I conducted field work in two elementary schools in Beijing, themes
for back-of-the-classroom blackboards included pictures of rocket ships
with descriptions of China’s space program, exhortations condemning Falun
Gong,10
essays and drawings about Macao and Hong Kong returning to the
Motherland, and suggestions for how students could best emulate the selfless
spirit of Lei Feng.11
At one of my research field sites, an elite elemen-
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tary school called University School that served children of faculty and staff
at one of China’s most prestigious universities, the school’s Little Red
Pioneer cell was also responsible for decorating the school’s hallways. Every
few months the elected Pioneer leaders in each classroom would collect
essays by their classmates on these same themes, then select the best ones
to display prominently on bulletin boards lining the school’s hallways. One
example that I found particularly striking was posted in the hallways in late
October, 2000. The children had been assigned to write about their reactions
to the annual National Day Parade in Tiananmen Square, held a few
weeks earlier on October 1st. According to their posted essays, many of the
University School children had attended the parade in person. In the essays,
more than one child expressed: “I saw our Liberation Army march along
Tiananmen Square while our leader Jiang Zemin watched. I especially liked
seeing the weapons displayed. Seeing this makes me want to grow up to be
a scientist, so that I can build better weapons to defend the Motherland.”
This is an excellent example of the ongoing production of social memory,
in Connerton’s (1989) sense: Children attend national commemorations,
where, proudly sporting their red scarves, they stand at attention to recognize
the nation’s achievements, then inscribe their patriotic fervor in publicly-displayed
essays. At the same time, these assigned essay themes also
crossed content areas, as Party officials used the Pioneer system to build
children’s love of the nation, respect for Party history and ideological conformity
with Party policies, as well as inculcating high modernist yearnings
towards national development through science and technology.
Ideologically, the strong links between the Pioneers and the
Communist Party are most clearly evinced during the annual
International Children’s Day celebrations, which, unlike the spectacle
described at the beginning of this paper, usually take place within the
confines of each elementary school. During these celebrations, Pioneer
members carry and salute the national flag, take loyalty oaths to the
Chinese Communist Party, and perform patriotic plays or soliloquies that
they write themselves as paeans to the Party and the Chinese motherland.
The climax of these performances is always the ritual tying of a red scarf
around the neck of each of the first graders, to mark their entry into the
Pioneers. This red scarf is a sacred symbol (Chan 1985; Unger 1982) that
represents a corner of the national flag stained by the blood of the revolutionary
martyrs; wearing it daily around their necks is supposed to symbolize
a child’s ties to the Party and the nation, and their remembrance
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of those who died for the revolution. And, lest the younger children not
fully understand this point, in the weeks leading up to Children’s Day, the
older children formally instruct the first graders in how to tie, wear, and
appropriately respect the scarves they will soon receive (cf. Bowie 1997).
During initiation, children chant the Little Red Pioneer pledge:
“I am a Little Red Pioneer! Beneath the Pioneer flag I swear that I am
determined to obey the teachings of the Chinese Communist Party,
that I will study, work and labor diligently, and that I am prepared to
dedicate all my efforts to the cause of communism.”
The pledge is performative in Austin’s (1975) sense: “an act of enunciation
that brings into being the object it names” (Morris 1995:572).
Children become Pioneers by declaring themselves so, and then repeat
the pledge at regular Pioneer events during the school year, including celebrations
for National Day and other major state holidays. Each child also
wears a red scarf to school every day, thus reiterating their link to the
nation through the Pioneers, and thereby performing the norms of
national membership on a daily basis.
But these performances extend beyond the pledge and the red scarves,
for children’s subjectivity as Pioneers is also reiterated in the context of
extensive structural links between schools and the CCP. Structurally, the
Pioneer system in each school mirrors the hierarchical organization of the
Party. Starting in second grade, the Pioneers in each homeroom class
elect ranked leaders; in the older grades, teachers also elevate some children
to school-wide Pioneer leadership positions. The rights and responsibilities
of these various leadership positions vary in different schools.
For example, University School had a special conference room dedicated
to the Pioneer organization; it featured a huge mural of Chinese scientists
planting the national flag in Antarctica, as well as posters with the text of
the Pioneer anthem and pledge (see Figure 1). In the corner stood a large
bust of Lei Feng. And, as I discovered one day when a teacher and I tried
to use the room for a short meeting during the lunch hour, a cabinet in
another corner of the room held a large color television. That day, we
found the room full of the school’s fifth- and sixth-grade Pioneer leaders,
eating lunch and happily watching Japanese cartoons (dubbed into
Chinese) via cable on the TV. The teacher in charge of University School’s
Pioneer activities later explained that this was one of the privileges of
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
660
being chosen as a high-ranked cadre at their school: having a special
room and access to cartoons was one way to make these positions highly
coveted among all the children. Not to mention, of course, that this was
also an important lesson in the special privileges of Party-based power in
China, and what children can expect when they become adults.
Pioneers and the Nation
This reproduction of Party hierarchy and privilege, the ritual of bestowing
of the red scarf, the performativity of the loyalty oaths and the children’s
swearing to dedicate themselves to the cause of communism all make it
seem that membership in the Little Red Pioneers produces a direct and
unmediated relationship between children and the Chinese Party-State. On
the level of daily practice, however, the Little Red Pioneers operate much
FIGURE 1: Little Red Pioneer meeting room at University School, showing a
mural of Chinese scientists in Antarctica, and a bust of Lei Feng (back right
corner). The slogan above the mural reads: “Be Prepared to Struggle to
Achieve Communism!”
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more like a school-based youth group focused on Chinese patriotism,
school spirit, and social service, than a system for turning young children
into communist ideologues. In the daily life of elementary schools, the
Pioneer system is a way to organize and discipline children, and a means
of teaching them skills in both leadership and obedience. Most importantly,
though, the Pioneer system manages and disciplines children’s time and
space (cf. Foucault 1977).
Decorating classrooms, washing the blackboard between classes, and
sweeping and mopping the floors were all tasks assigned to the Little Red
Pioneers, and which the children organized and completed daily, largely
without adult intervention or supervision. Pioneers at University and Pine
Street schools ran recycling drives, participated in tree-planting activities
on the outskirts of the city, and organized visits to elderly shut-ins. The
students at both schools spent long hours preparing for Pioneer-sponsored
weekend competitions in chorus, band, exercise, track and field,
calligraphy and other extra-curricular activities. Today, the Little Red
Pioneers organization is the site of the inculcation of collectivist morality—no
longer a collectivism that identifies and excludes class enemies,
but a nationalist, social-service based collectivity. Thus, while at the level
of slogans and organization the Pioneers are very explicitly part of the
Communist party, in practice the system is largely de-politicized, or, perhaps
more accurately, “de-socialist-ized.”
My fieldwork generated many examples of how this took place. During
the International Children’s Day and Pioneer induction celebrations at
both Pine Street and University Schools, children’s declarations of love for
the Party and dedication to the goals of communism were mixed with
other kinds of entertainment prepared by the same students. During ceremonies
at both schools, I observed children performing choreographed
disco dancing, displays of kungfu prowess, a fashion show, recitations of
Tang Dynasty poetry, and arias from Chinese operas. The students themselves
generally arranged the agendas (although the teachers were more
involved in the more professionalized performances at the University
School). They did not in any way mark the different performance registers,
as they easily mixed styles, genres, and metaphors. International
Children’s Day is thus a kind of global bricolage by Beijing children, as they
pick and choose elements from traditional high Chinese culture (Tang poetry),
low culture (Peking opera and martial arts), global youth culture (albeit
a few years out of date, judging by the American disco music chosen), and
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
662
Communist ideology. It is a fairly accurate representation, in fact, of their
lives in contemporary Beijing, and of the constitution of contemporary
Chinese nationalism: an ever-changing bricolage of communist ideology,
pride in Chinese history and culture, and links to global modernity. The
fact that the Children’s Day celebrations now accommodate these different
kinds of performances indicates the continuously changing norms for participation
in the Chinese nation, as well as how children’s performances
constitute them as modern national subjects.
Another example of how Pioneer activities combined a range of practices
was found on the blackboard-lined walls along the entranceway at
Pine Street School. Every few weeks the Little Red Pioneer leaders of the
school (in 5th and 6th grades), in consultation with the school’s art
teacher, designed and drew elaborate messages to the student body on
these blackboards. One posted near the end of the semester taught students
the appropriate bodily disciplines necessary to perform well on the
upcoming end-of-term exams (see Figure 2). Titled “The end of the semester
is here!” the picture showed children washing their hands before
meals (to prevent sickness which would influence ability to study); children
going to bed and getting up early; and illustrated the proper sitting
position at a desk and the right position for a lamp so as to maximize
studying effort and minimize eye strain. Two negative examples were also
included: one, a child watching television until late at night; another of
children eating unclean food from an itinerant sidewalk snack seller,
which makes them too sick to study.12
This Pioneer-sponsored didactic
material shows the ways that the Pioneers are naturalized as part of daily
bodily disciplines which produce the right kinds of bodies, which then
produce morality via good study habits and good grades.
In fact, the Pioneer system is so deeply naturalized as the only possible
means to inculcate appropriate behavior and to keep schools running
by organizing children’s time, that every teacher I met in Beijing at some
point asked me to describe to them the workings of the Little Red Pioneer
system in the United States. This question flustered me, but once I realized
that they were not teasing me, I was at a loss of where to begin to
explain the decentralized American educational system. More as a joke
than an explanation, I finally resorted to reminding them that there is no
Communist Party in the U.S. empowered to run such a system. Their
response, however, was more puzzlement: even if a different political
party ran the organization, surely some kind of equivalent system must
663
T.E. WORONOV
exist. Otherwise, how were American children organized? How did they
spend their free time? How were classrooms kept clean?
Pioneer activities are thus naturalized and repeated every day: children
live the Pioneers and the Chinese nation through a series of embodied
activities that they perform as national subjects. Their nationalism is
inscribed not only through formal rituals, but through repeated daily practices
that include wearing red scarves and swearing fealty to the Communist
Party, and also recycling, cleaning classrooms, and learning disco dancing.
Their induction, loyalty oaths, and red scarves are not an anachronism, but
are the ways that children are performing and embodying nationalism, one
inflected by Party history. At the same time, these practices are part of the
contemporary moment, inscribing children into the capitalist moral economy.
Party membership is directly linked to capitalist-style benefits (watching
cartoons), while the Party organization for children has also become a
place to teach the role of adults in the new, neoliberal moral order. Now
FIGURE 2: Blackboard at entrance to Pine Street School. The caption reads:
“The end of the semester is here!”
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
664
that the Chinese State has withdrawn from the social service sector and
smashed the “iron rice bowl” that marked the Mao era, individuals must
learn how to donate time, money and energy to society. Rather than building
collectivism, as in the past, now the Party guides individualist interventions
in the social field through social service.13
At the same time, children and teachers assume that just as their lives
reflect increasing global influences, these practices must be just as naturalized
globally as they are in China. Since their performances of nationalism
now incorporate elements from global youth culture, it makes sense for
them to assume that other children’s performances are similar to theirs.
Western observers are deeply vexed by the apparent contradiction of a
Communist Party leading a capitalist economy. The ethnographic data
above shows how this is not necessarily experienced as a contradiction in
children’s daily practices—not because they are subjected to tyrannical
power which dictates what they must think and feel, but because they perform
their membership in the Pioneers through activities that reflect the
continuously changing norms for moral participation in the nation. Lauding
the Communist Party is mixed with disco dancing; displays of rocket ships
and Party heroes mix with adumbrations to eat right and get enough sleep.
All are part of the daily performances under the purview of the Pioneers.
The repetitions of Pioneer life are multiple, linked to the ways that the
Party, via the Pioneers, is producing the nation and its future.
Fear of Water: Performance, Reiteration
and “Getting it Wrong”
On International Children’s Day in 2000, in a ceremony with the
University School first-graders and children from a dozen other schools in
Haidian District in northwestern Beijing, I was inducted as an honorary
member of the Little Red Pioneers. At the end of the ceremony a reporter
from the local Haidian cable TV station interviewed some of the participants.
Several teachers and I watched as the reporter held a microphone
up to one of the seven-year-olds who was wearing his new red scarf, and
asked him: “How do you feel?” The child stood up very straight, took a
deep breath, and responded: “This is the happiest day of my life. Because.
Because. Because….” He then turned to the reporter, shrugged his shoulders,
and cheerfully admitted: “I forgot.” The reporter, teachers, and I all
roared with laughter.
665
T.E. WORONOV
A similar story occurred one afternoon near the end of the school year
in Spring, 2000. I was drawn to the fourth grade teachers’ room14
at Pine
Street School one afternoon by the sound of a sudden howl of laughter.
When I entered, one of the teachers, still chuckling, handed me a student’s
homework paper. The homework assignment was a worksheet that
had been written by the Haidian District education authorities, that students
were to complete as part of the preparations for their upcoming
end-of-semester exams, which were standardized across the district. The
worksheet read:
“I am sitting on a plane next to Grandma. I look out the window and
watch the clouds and ocean below me. My heart races and my blood
pounds. Soon I will be back in the Motherland. I enjoyed my time in
the U.S. with Grandma and Grandpa. My classmates in America were
kind to me, and before I left they even offered me to give me a new
little red scarf. I declined, though, because I wanted to keep wearing
the scarf that my classmates in Beijing had given me before I
left. Oh—how exciting! The plane is touching down in Beijing! I
stride down the gangway towards my waiting mother. ‘Mama!’ I
announce proudly, ‘I’m back!’”15
The first question on the homework worksheet read: “Why, when ‘you’
look out the window of the airplane, is ‘your’ heart racing and your blood
pounding?” Virtually all of the fourth-grade students had responded correctly,
“because I’m so excited about returning to the Motherland!” Yet
two of the Pine Street fourth-grade students had instead answered:
“Because I’m afraid of water!” For several weeks afterwards, this line
could bring the teachers room to tears of laughter.
I recount these stories in order to return to the question raised at the
beginning of this paper: how to understand the ways that children continue
to “get it wrong,” the many ways that they “fail” to perform the nation
appropriately. Thousands of children on Tiananmen Square do not perform
appropriately for the television cameras; some may forget why joining
the Little Red Pioneers is “the most important day” of their short
lives, while others confuse the nationalist lesson in a text with the problem
of grammatical deixis.
There are two possible explanations for these mistakes: first, that they
are developmental, that the children are simply too young to understand
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
666
what is expected of them or to carry out the bodily or intellectual disciplines
required. Their tender age might also explain the teachers’ and
parents’ reactions, the adults’ tendency to laugh and see these failures as
examples of kids “saying the darndest things.” A second possibility is to
see these “mistakes” as a form of children’s resistance, a choice on their
part to resist adults’ disciplines, regulations, and imposed meanings of
nationalism, and an effort to generate their own meaning of the nation.
I suggest, however, an alternative explanation, based in performativity.
These “failures” in performances of nationalism occur because in
China today, the nationalist ideal is always in some way unattainable. As
Butler notes in her discussion of gender performances:
To the extent that the naming of the “girl” is transitive, that is, initiates
the process by which a certain “girling” is compelled, the term
or, rather, its symbolic power, governs the formation of a corporeally
enacted femininity that never fully approximates the norm. This
is a “girl,”however, who is compelled to “cite” the norm in order to
qualify and remain a viable subject. Femininity is thus not the product
of a choice, but the forcible citation of a norm, one whose complex
historicity is indissociable from relations of discipline, regulation,
punishment (Butler 1993:232).
In other words, gender performances never fully approximate the
norm; therefore, additional reiterative performances are always compelled
in order to continuously produce the gendered subject. If, as Lloyd
claims, “gender performativity may be inevitable, but it is always open
and incomplete” (Lloyd 1999:200), then the same may be true of children’s
performances of nationalism. These “failures,” then, are an example
of the ways that regimes of nationalism in China today do not “fully
legislate or contain their own ideals” (ibid.), making the ideal unattainable.
Nationalism is an ever-changing mix of the socialist past, the glories
of “traditional” Chinese culture, and global consumerism; therefore, no
performance can ever contain or embrace all aspects. Further performances
of the nation are always necessary.
In this respect, the fact that the ideal is unattainable—and the ways
that children strive, but sometimes fail, to perform the nation appropriately—tells
us something important about nationalism in contemporary
China. The many elements in the bricolage of contemporary children’s
667
T.E. WORONOV
lives, including the socialist, capitalist, consumerist, and global, are not
experienced as contradictory or mutually exclusive; instead, they come
together to produce children as Chinese subjects, embedded in the complexity
of the contemporary world. Thus the puzzle that vexes many
Western observers of China—how a capitalist economy can be run by a
communist party—is no puzzle at all to the children inducted into the
Little Red Pioneers. Their practices of nationalism include paeans of loyalty
to the Communist Party, consumption of Japanese cartoons as a “privilege”
of Party rank, and disco dancing. They are caught in a regime of
childhood that is both so highly naturalized and so linked to the global
consumer market, that education officials can write homework essays
about American children’s wearing of red Pioneer scarves. These come
together in a not-quite-seamless whole, reiterated every day.
At the same time, it is important to note that adults’ reaction to these
“failed” performances is laughter. Not all “mistakes” by children are
treated so lightly by adults; even errors that can clearly be attributed to
their youth, such as math or grammar mistakes on school assignments, or
incorrect moral stances in their interactions with others, are vigorously
corrected by adults (Woronov, n.d.). Yet I suggest that there are so few
repercussions for these “failed” performances of nationalism because in
the many other reiterations of nationalism, children’s performances are
so successful. Even at age 7, the children I knew were deeply patriotic.
They may not always get the details correctly, and the regulation and discipline
are still being worked out, but by age 7 these children had already
been produced as Chinese subjects through their repeated performances.
This is not surprising: in Butler’s scheme, 7-year-old children are fully
aware if they are boys or girls, and understand the norms of gendered
performances, even as their daily lives require on-going reiterations of
gender. In China, children know that they are subjects of the Chinese
nation, which they love dearly.
This leads to the second possible explanation for their “failed” performances,
that of resistance. I have argued above against relying solely
on a cognitive approach to nationalism, and suggest that like gender,
nationalism is not a choice that children make, but instead performed as
the citation of a norm (Butler 1993). Like all subjects, children perform
within the parameters that are open to them, which, I argue, are the everchanging
contexts of Chinese nationalism. Their personal views are rarely
solicited or expressed in these contexts. During the Children’s Day cele-
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
668
brations they perform in spectacles that are highly scripted; contents of
essays and themes for blackboards and coloring projects that line the
halls of schools are not spaces for children to develop their individuality
or learn how to work out the “meaning” of the nation. In this respect,
areas where they “fail” are not sites of resistance to the norms of the
nation, but instead are sign posts pointing to the wide range of practices
that are possible as performances of the contemporary nation. In fact,
asking the children directly about their patriotism leads to the same kind
of incredulous eye-rolling I described at the beginning of the paper. “Of
course we love the Motherland!” was the response I would invariably get
to any question I was able to frame about their patriotism, a response usually
accompanied by a snort of exasperation at the dumb questions foreigners
ask. Or, as one child advised me: “You should come to the
Children’s Day celebration at school. There you can see what we think.”
Children’s mistakes in these performances—forgetting why entering the
Pioneers is an honor, not performing for television cameras—does not
challenge their fundamental patriotism, and does not express resistance
on their part to the disciplines of the nation-state.
I therefore argue against a solely cognitive approach to children’s
nationalism. Textbooks are important, and reading and memorizing the
content of state-sponsored textbooks is one of the many ways that the
nation is repeatedly performed in daily life. But the state is reified in
many ways in their lives; in China, children’s connection with the nationstate
extends to the Party-sponsored Little Red Pioneers. Children wear
red scarves while disco dancing, recycling batteries, and imitating Hong
Kong kungfu movies.
And, since children perform the nation in different ways than adults,
they provide privileged insight into the performativity of the nation.
Apart from the military, most adults are not required to wear a token of
their patriotism everyday—such as a red scarf—nor do adults celebrate
national holidays today by writing and performing skits, poems and
dances of love for the Motherland. Children, however, still do, and expand
our theories of nationalism in the process.
669
T.E. WORONOV
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Research for this project was generously supported by the American Council of Learned
Societies, the Committee on Scholarly Communication with China, and the Spencer
Foundation. I am particularly grateful for the help and guidance of the teachers, students,
and administrators at the Pine Street and University Schools in Beijing, who took
me in as part of their communities, and inducted me into the Little Red Pioneers—
twice. I am also extremely grateful to those who have helped me with the many reiterations
of this paper, and thank Leticia Veloso, Fabio Lanza, Jennifer Roth-Gordon,
Susan Shaw, Jane Zavisca, Norma Mendoza-Denton, and an anonymous reviewer for
this journal, for their suggestions.
ENDNOTES
1
The names of all the schools and individuals have been changed. Unless otherwise
noted, all translations from Chinese are my own.
2
Teacher Li said that there were “yiwan” children on the Square that day, which literally
means “ten thousand,” but is often used colloquially in China to mean “an
extremely large but unspecified number.” From her description, I assume that between
8 and 12 thousand children participated in this performance.
3
Chairman Mao’s Memorial Hall is located near the south end of Tiananmen Square.
Visitors to the Hall are required to enter and traverse the displays in single file
(Wakeman 1988; Wagner 1992).
4
There is a tremendous literature on the multiplicities of Chinese nationalism in the
post-Mao era (roughly late 1970s-today). See e.g. Unger 1996; Pan et. al. 2005; Dittmer
and Kim 1993; Wei and Liu 2002; Zhao 2004; Gries 2005.
5
Exceptions include Brownell 1995; Lozada 2006, and several studies on ethnicity and
nationalism in China, e.g., Schein 2000; Gladney 2004.
6
Little Red Pioneer groups do participate in other state “parades,” particularly on
National Day on October 1st, but filming a mass induction into the Pioneers on
International Children’s Day was unique (Wu 2005).
7
The Pioneers came out of CCP experiments with children’s groups in the 1930s, when
these qualities were first identified and various institutional forms for inculcating them
were first developed (Unger 1982; Woronov n.d.).
8
See Unger 1982 for a discussion of the changing constitution of “appropriate class
background” for Pioneer—and, later, Red Guard—membership.
9
In 1978, the Chinese leadership officially declared that class struggle in China had
come to an end.
10
Falun Gong is a quasi-religious group established in the early 1990s by charismatic
leader Li Hongzhi that espouses a set of meditation practices. The PRC government
banned the group in 1999, labeling it an “evil cult.”
11
Lei Feng was an extremely important Cultural Revolution-era model for selfless socialist
morality, love of the Party and the nation, and devotion to the Party. His image and
example are still used in China today (see Farquhar 2002; Landsberger 2001).
12
This drawing of “unclean” food sold to unsuspecting children by “dirty” migrant
workers indexes the complex relationships between local Beijingers and the growing
migrant population. See Woronov 2004.
13
I thank Char Mackley for her help with this argument.
Performing the Nation: China’s Children as Little Red Pioneers
670
14
In Beijing public schools, each grade’s teachers share an office space, where they prepare
classes and correct homework.
15
The expression “I’m back!” (Wo huilai le!) had been widely used in public service
announcements that year to celebrate the return of Macao to the Chinese motherland.
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