The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 15	
  
Analysis	
  of	
  Okuni	
  Sōshi	
  as	
  Sources	
  of	
  the	
  Earliest	
  Kabuki	
  
Ivan	
  R.	
  V.	
  Rumánek	
  
Abstract:	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  is	
  a	
  group	
  of	
  early	
  Tokugawa	
  period	
  documents	
  depicting	
  the	
  supposed	
  
performances	
  of	
  Izumo	
  no	
  Okuni,	
  the	
  legendary	
  founder	
  of	
  the	
  kabuki	
  theatre.	
  They	
  contain	
  
textual	
  and	
  pictorial	
  material	
  that	
  offer	
  us	
  an	
  idea	
  about	
  what	
  the	
  early	
  kabuki	
  might	
  have	
  
looked	
   like,	
   although	
   it	
   is	
   not	
   certain	
   to	
   what	
   extent	
   they	
   are	
   trustworthy	
   in	
   terms	
   of	
  
immediate	
  reference	
  to	
  Izumo	
  no	
  Okuni’s	
  real	
  performances.	
  Their	
  texts	
  even	
  challenge	
  the	
  
very	
  historical	
  existence	
  of	
  Okuni,	
  as	
  she	
  is	
  depicted	
  as	
  the	
  actress	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  the	
  character	
  of	
  
the	
  dancing	
  semi-­‐dramatic	
  skits.	
  Despite	
  this	
  historical	
  controversy,	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  do	
  convey	
  
a	
  general	
  atmosphere	
  and	
  the	
  approximate	
  content	
  of	
  skits	
  which	
  stood	
  at	
  the	
  beginning	
  of	
  a	
  
completely	
  new	
  theatrical	
  genre	
  in	
  Japan.	
  They	
  also	
  testify	
  to	
  how,	
  and	
  to	
  what	
  extent,	
  early	
  
kabuki	
  drew	
  on	
  the	
  previous	
  tradition	
  of	
  nōgaku	
  (nō	
  and	
  kyōgen).	
  
	
  
The	
  emergence	
  of	
  kabuki	
  as	
  a	
  mature	
  theatrical	
  tradition	
  is	
  usually	
  noted	
  to	
  date	
  from	
  the	
  end	
  of	
  the	
  
17th
	
  century.	
  However,	
  there	
  is	
  a	
  certain	
  paradox	
  regarding	
  its	
  genesis:	
  on	
  the	
  one	
  hand,	
  it	
  appears	
  as	
  
an	
   elaborate	
   all-­‐male	
   actor	
   theatre	
   (in	
   contrast	
   to	
   the	
   puppet	
   theatre)	
   in	
   a	
   fully	
   established	
   form	
  
around	
   1700	
   thanks	
   to	
   the	
   playwright	
   Chikamatsu	
   Monzaemon	
   (1653-­‐1724);	
   yet,	
   regarding	
   the	
  
beginnings	
  of	
  kabuki,	
  the	
  founder	
  role	
  is	
  traditionally	
  ascribed	
  to	
  a	
  remarkable,	
  and	
  seemingly	
  isolated,	
  
phenomenon	
  of	
  the	
  female	
  dancer	
  called	
  Izumo	
  no	
  Okuni.	
  She	
  came	
  to	
  Kyoto	
  and	
  swept	
  away	
  the	
  
city’s	
  audiences	
  with	
  her	
  dances	
  as	
  early	
  as	
  1603,	
  and	
  to	
  such	
  an	
  extent	
  that	
  the	
  shogunate	
  had	
  to	
  
issue	
  a	
  whole	
  series	
  of	
  bans	
  regarding	
  this	
  new	
  kind	
  of	
  performing	
  art	
  in	
  an	
  attempt	
  to	
  stop	
  what	
  it	
  
regarded	
   as	
   improprieties,	
   not	
   only	
   during	
   the	
   kabuki	
   performances	
   themselves	
   but	
   especially	
  
offstage.	
  
This	
   study	
   analyses	
   the	
   earliest	
   written,	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   pictorial,	
   documents	
   referring	
   to	
   the	
  
beginnings	
   of	
   kabuki.	
   Though	
   the	
   historical	
   existence	
   of	
   Izumo	
   no	
   Okuni	
   can	
   be	
   doubted,	
   the	
  
performances	
  connected	
  with	
  her,	
  and	
  named	
  after	
  her,	
  cannot;	
  they	
  set	
  in	
  motion	
  a	
  completely	
  new	
  
wave	
  in	
  the	
  theatrical	
  tradition	
  of	
  Japan.	
  This	
  author	
  attempts	
  to	
  identify	
  the	
  role	
  of	
  nō	
  in	
  this	
  process,	
  
based	
  on	
  a	
  hermeneutical	
  study	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi.	
  	
  
Okuni	
  sōshi	
  is	
  the	
  name	
  of	
  a	
  group	
  of	
  the	
  earliest	
  extant	
  documents	
  pertaining	
  to	
  early	
  kabuki	
  
and	
  traditionally	
  (Tsubouchi	
  Shōyō	
  1925,	
  2-­‐19)	
  it	
  is	
  considered	
  as	
  including	
  four	
  materials:	
  
1.	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba	
  	
  	
  国女歌舞妓絵詞.	
  As	
  it	
  is	
  in	
  the	
  possession	
  of	
  Kyoto	
  University	
  
Library,	
  it	
  will	
  be,	
  for	
  the	
  sake	
  of	
  brevity,	
  referred	
  to	
  as	
  the	
  “Kyōdai	
  book”	
  and	
  its	
  text	
  the	
  
“Kyōdai	
  play”	
  (“Kd”	
  in	
  abbreviation).	
  It	
  contains	
  drama-­‐like	
  text	
  sections	
  that	
  alternate	
  with	
  
pictures	
  that	
  represent	
  the	
  first	
  illustration	
  set	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi.	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 16	
  
2.	
  Kabuki	
  (no)	
  Saushi	
  	
  かぶきさうし	
  (“Ss”	
  in	
  abbreviation).	
  It	
  is	
  thought	
  to	
  be	
  several	
  years	
  
younger	
  than	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book.	
  The	
  historical	
  spelling	
  of	
  the	
  diphthong	
  -­‐	
  “saushi”1
	
  is	
  preserved	
  
here;	
   the	
   pronunciation	
   is,	
   nevertheless,	
   modern,	
   i.	
   e.	
   [so:śi].	
   Its	
   text	
   has	
   the	
   character	
   of	
  
a	
  monogatari	
  and	
  is	
  interspersed	
  with	
  pictures	
  which	
  represent	
  the	
  second	
  illustration	
  set.	
  	
  
3.	
   Okuni	
   Kabuki	
   sōshi	
   	
   	
   阿国歌舞伎草紙.	
   In	
   this	
   study,	
   it	
   is	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   “Bunkakan	
  
fragments”	
  (“Bkk”	
  in	
  abbreviation),	
  being	
  in	
  the	
  possession	
  of	
  the	
  Yamato	
  Bunkakan	
  museum.	
  
It	
  represents	
  one	
  panel	
  (page)	
  of	
  text	
  and	
  two	
  pictures.	
  The	
  kotobagaki	
  corresponds	
  almost	
  
exactly	
  to	
  a	
  portion	
  of	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  text,	
  and	
  the	
  two	
  pictures	
  are	
  independent	
  from	
  either	
  
of	
  the	
  preceding	
  two	
  sets	
  and	
  thus	
  represent	
  the	
  third	
  illustration	
  set.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
4.	
   Okuni	
   Kabuki	
   Kozu	
   	
   	
   阿国歌舞伎古図	
   In	
   this	
   thesis,	
   it	
   is	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   “Kottōshū	
  
Fragments”	
  (“Kt”	
  in	
  abbreviation),	
  being	
  contained	
  in	
  one	
  chapter	
  of	
  a	
  book	
  called	
  Kottōshū,	
  
published	
   in	
   the	
   early	
   19th
	
   century,	
   in	
   which	
   the	
   preceding	
   Bunkakan	
   fragments	
   were	
  
reprinted	
   in	
   woodblock.	
   It	
   is	
   not	
   clear	
   whether	
   it	
   was	
   made	
   as	
   a	
  copy	
   directly	
   from	
   the	
  
Bunkakan	
   fragments	
   or	
   from	
   some	
   other	
   copy	
   that	
   shared	
   its	
   origin	
   with	
   the	
   Bunkakan	
  
fragments.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
Each	
  of	
  these	
  sources	
  has	
  several	
  names	
  by	
  which	
  they	
  have	
  been	
  called	
  by	
  various	
  researchers.	
  Many	
  
of	
  those	
  names,	
  when	
  collated	
  in	
  a	
  list,	
  are	
  too	
  similar	
  to	
  be	
  useful,	
  and	
  that	
  is	
  why	
  some	
  of	
  them	
  are	
  
referred	
  to	
  by	
  descriptive	
  names	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  bring	
  out	
  their	
  respective	
  identity	
  and	
  origin	
  more	
  clearly.	
  	
  
All	
   four	
   Okuni	
   sōshi	
   are	
   e-­‐sōshi	
   or	
   “illustrated	
   books”	
   in	
   which	
   a	
   light	
   and	
   simple	
   text	
  
(kotobagaki)	
  is	
  combined	
  with	
  pictures	
  (e).	
  They	
  are	
  generally	
  taken	
  as	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  body	
  of	
  Nara-­‐e-­‐
hon,	
  richly	
  decorated	
  illustrated	
  books	
  produced	
  in	
  early	
  1600s.	
  
Textually,	
  there	
  are	
  actually	
  only	
  two	
  materials	
  –	
  1.	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  (Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba)	
  and	
  
2.	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi,	
  because	
  the	
  remaining	
  two	
  are	
  the	
  same	
  texts,	
  nearly	
  identical	
  to	
  a	
  portion	
  of	
  1.	
  
(with	
   4.	
   probably	
   a	
   woodblock	
   print	
   of	
   3.).	
   Pictorially,	
   however,	
   the	
   Okuni	
   sōshi	
   represent	
   three	
  
sources	
  –	
  1.,	
  2.	
  and	
  3.	
  	
  
	
  
The	
  Kyōdai	
  Book	
  
The	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  kotobagaki	
  has	
  the	
  form	
  of	
  a	
  libretto—an	
  early	
  kabuki	
  play.	
  It	
  describes	
  Izumo	
  no	
  
Okuni’s	
  arrival	
  at	
  Kyoto	
  in	
  the	
  springtime	
  and	
  the	
  reader	
  witnesses	
  her	
  starting	
  to	
  perform	
  her	
  dance	
  
at	
   cherry	
   blossom	
   viewing	
   parties.	
   The	
   season	
   of	
   cherry	
   blossoms	
   is	
   in	
   the	
   second	
   or	
   third	
   lunar	
  
month,	
  but	
  other	
  sources	
  mention	
  the	
  fourth	
  or	
  fifth	
  month	
  as	
  the	
  time	
  when	
  Okuni’s	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  
was	
  danced	
  in	
  Kyoto	
  in	
  1603	
  (Tokiyoshi	
  1997,	
  9-­‐10).	
  This	
  seasonal	
  discrepancy	
  can	
  be	
  explained	
  in	
  
such	
  a	
  way	
  that	
  the	
  latter	
  occasion	
  was	
  not	
  the	
  first	
  one	
  and	
  that	
  Izumo	
  no	
  Okuni	
  had	
  performed	
  in	
  
1
	
  This	
  is	
  for	
  two	
  reasons:	
  firstly,	
  to	
  reflect	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  its	
  name,	
  if	
  given	
  in	
  kana,	
  is	
  even	
  nowadays	
  
spelled	
  さうし	
  (i.	
  e.	
  saushi)	
  rather	
  than	
  そうし	
  (soushi),	
  and,	
  secondly,	
  to	
  distinguish	
  this	
  work	
  
clearly	
  from	
  the	
  generic	
  umbrella	
  term	
  kabuki	
  sōshi.	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 17	
  
Kyoto	
   before,	
   with	
   her	
   first	
   Kyoto	
   spring	
   mentioned	
   in	
   the	
   Kyōdai	
   book	
   happening	
   some	
   time	
  
previously.	
  This	
  would	
  also	
  mean	
  that	
  she	
  might	
  really	
  have	
  started	
  her	
  Kyoto	
  career	
  performing	
  in	
  
the	
  yayako	
  (“baby”)	
  odori	
  with	
  which	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  period’s	
  references	
  (Tokiyoshi	
  1997,	
  9-­‐10)	
  	
  relate	
  a	
  
dancer	
  by	
  the	
  name	
  of	
  Kuni,	
  and	
  that	
  only	
  later	
  her	
  performances	
  became	
  distinct	
  from	
  other	
  dances,	
  
winning	
  fame	
  under	
  the	
  new	
  name	
  of	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  
Allegedly,	
  the	
  year	
  1603	
  was	
  a	
  fateful	
  one	
  for	
  Okuni.	
  Nihon	
  Rekishi	
  Daijiten	
  records	
  the	
  results	
  
of	
  the	
  research	
  of	
  various	
  historical	
  documents	
  which	
  more	
  or	
  less	
  confirmed	
  what	
  is	
  stated	
  in	
  the	
  
Kyōdai	
  book,	
  namely	
  that	
  Nagoya	
  Sanzaburō,	
  the	
  “kabukimono”	
  (see	
  below)	
  and	
  Okuni’s	
  lover,	
  died	
  in	
  
a	
  skirmish	
  in	
  that	
  year,	
  4th	
  
	
  month	
  10th
	
  day	
  (or	
  5m	
  3d)	
  (Kawade	
  1958	
  “Nagoya	
  Sanzaburō”).	
  It	
  might	
  
be	
  this	
  date	
  and	
  this	
  occasion	
  which	
  marked	
  Okuni’s	
  special	
  addition	
  to	
  her	
  previous	
  kabuki	
  skits.	
  Her	
  
performances	
   probably	
   contained	
   the	
   life-­‐acclaiming	
   tradition	
   of	
   furyū	
   processions,	
   the	
   mirth	
   of	
  
yayako	
  odori	
  and	
  the	
  erotic	
  flavour	
  connected	
  with	
  the	
  kabukimono	
  figure.	
  This	
  time,	
  she	
  mixed	
  in	
  yet	
  
another	
   flavour—	
   the	
   macabre	
   topic	
   of	
   the	
   spirit	
   of	
   the	
   dead	
   Nagoya	
   appearing	
   during	
   her	
  
performance.	
  For	
  a	
  topic	
  like	
  this,	
  she	
  quite	
  naturally	
  chose	
  the	
  classical	
  nō	
  model	
  of	
  a	
  mugen	
  (dream-­‐
and-­‐spectre)	
  play,	
  to	
  create	
  a	
  tantalizing	
  effect	
  on	
  Kyoto’s	
  audiences.	
  	
  
The	
  libretto	
  containing	
  this	
  new	
  and	
  surprising	
  skit	
  is	
  known	
  to	
  us	
  as	
  the	
  kotobagaki	
  of	
  Kuni	
  
Jo-­‐kabuki	
   Ekotoba,	
   and	
   partly	
   from	
   quotations	
   in	
   Kabuki	
   Saushi.	
   The	
   authenticity	
   of	
   these	
   texts	
   is	
  
questionable,	
  as	
  is	
  their	
  authorship.	
  For	
  the	
  lack	
  of	
  evidence	
  to	
  the	
  contrary,	
  they	
  are	
  here	
  considered	
  
as	
  largely	
  based	
  on	
  the	
  very	
  texts	
  that	
  were	
  uttered	
  in	
  Okuni	
  kabuki	
  performances,	
  a	
  record	
  of	
  them,	
  
more	
  or	
  less	
  precise,	
  from	
  the	
  memory	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  authors.	
  We	
  might	
  never	
  know	
  if	
  Okuni	
  
wrote	
  the	
  extant	
  libretto	
  herself	
  or	
  whether	
  it	
  was	
  someone	
  from	
  her	
  troupe,	
  or	
  indeed	
  a	
  later	
  author	
  
who	
   put	
   down	
   in	
   writing	
   what	
   they	
   had	
   remembered	
   from	
   the	
   performances;	
   at	
   this	
   stage	
   of	
  
research,	
  this	
  is	
  impossible	
  to	
  establish.	
  The	
  truth	
  is	
  that	
  what	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  presents	
  as	
  the	
  libretto	
  of	
  
Okuni’s	
  performance	
  has	
  much	
  in	
  common	
  with	
  nō,	
  as	
  will	
  be	
  shown	
  below.	
  
In	
   a	
   way,	
   Okuni	
   kabuki	
   can	
   be	
   said	
   to	
   have	
   returned	
   to	
   the	
   religious—the	
   topic	
   probably	
  
abandoned	
  by	
  the	
  yayako	
  odori	
  dancers;	
  nevertheless,	
  rather	
  than	
  “religious”,	
  the	
  new	
  performance	
  
must	
   have	
   been	
   perceived	
   as	
   a	
   new,	
   popular	
   kind	
   of	
   “nō”,	
   hued	
   by	
   what	
   Hattori	
   characterized	
   as	
  
“kabukitaru”	
  (Hattori	
  2003,	
  80)	
  touch	
  which	
  perhaps	
  included	
  a	
  distant	
  reflection	
  of	
  the	
  Kirishitan	
  
idea	
  of	
  resurrection.	
  	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 18	
  
The	
  Nō	
  Structure	
  of	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  Play	
  
Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba	
  starts	
  in	
  a	
  perfectly	
  nō-­‐like	
  way,	
  both	
  in	
  content	
  and	
  form.	
  Each	
  classical	
  nō	
  
drama	
   has	
   the	
   structure	
   of	
   particular	
   “modules,”	
   to	
   use	
   Royall	
   Tyler’s	
   wording	
   (Tyler	
   2004),	
   called	
  
shōdan	
  (小段).	
  Some	
  of	
  the	
  shōdans	
  are	
  of	
  general	
  character,	
  like	
  ageuta	
  (higher-­‐register	
  song)	
  and	
  
sageuta	
   (lower-­‐register	
   song),	
   some	
   are	
   specific	
   as	
   to	
   their	
   theme	
   or	
   location	
   within	
   the	
   overall	
  
structure	
  of	
  the	
  play,	
  e.g.	
  nanori,	
  placed	
  in	
  the	
  opening	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  play,	
  is	
  the	
  portion	
  of	
  text,	
  and	
  of	
  
action,	
   in	
   which	
   the	
   arriving	
   waki	
   figure	
   introduces	
   himself.	
   The	
   nō	
   shōdans	
   are	
   furthermore	
  
characterized	
  for	
  their	
  musical	
  properties	
  –	
  whether	
  they	
  are	
  sung	
  or	
  just	
  recited	
  (fushi	
  -­‐	
  kotoba),	
  and,	
  
if	
  sung,	
  whether	
  they	
  share	
  their	
  singing	
  rhythm	
  with	
  that	
  of	
  the	
  drums	
  or	
  not	
  (hyōshi-­‐ai	
  –	
  hyōshi-­‐
awazu).	
  
It	
  is	
  next	
  to	
  impossible	
  to	
  get	
  an	
  idea	
  of	
  some	
  performance	
  of	
  the	
  past	
  if	
  no	
  historical	
  material	
  
survives.	
  In	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  early	
  Okuni	
  kabuki,	
  we	
  are	
  fortunate	
  enough	
  to	
  have	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  materials	
  
to	
  rely	
  on.	
  They	
  can	
  be	
  considered	
  a	
  record,	
  more	
  or	
  less	
  exact,	
  of	
  the	
  action	
  on	
  the	
  stage.	
  
The	
  earliest	
  kabuki	
  text	
  known	
  to	
  us,	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba,	
  has	
  the	
  literary	
  form	
  of	
  a	
  play	
  
text.	
   Ogasawara	
   acknowledged	
   that	
   the	
   performance	
   is	
   depicted	
   in	
   nō-­‐style	
   (2006,	
   158).	
   A	
   close	
  
formal	
  analysis	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  has	
  revealed	
  that	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba	
  starts	
  with	
  an	
  exact	
  nō	
  
shōdan	
  structure.	
  It	
  cannot	
  be	
  said	
  in	
  what	
  way	
  the	
  individual	
  shōdans	
  were	
  declaimed,	
  and	
  the	
  acting	
  
style	
  of	
  the	
  performance	
  is	
  only	
  testified	
  to	
  by	
  a	
  dozen	
  pictures	
  accompanying	
  the	
  text;	
  nevertheless,	
  
the	
  nō	
  structure	
  of	
  the	
  opening	
  part	
  can	
  be	
  identified	
  very	
  clearly.	
  The	
  shōdans	
  are	
  arranged	
  in	
  a	
  
sequence	
   typical	
   for	
   nō	
   and	
   their	
   rhythmical	
   syllabic	
   characteristics	
   fall	
   exactly	
   into	
   those	
   of	
   nō	
   –	
  
melodical	
  fushi	
  shōdans	
  are	
  in	
  the	
  particular	
  syllabic	
  7-­‐5	
  rhythm	
  typical	
  for	
  performing	
  arts.	
  Moreover,	
  
the	
  pictures	
  show	
  a	
  regular	
  nō	
  orchestra	
  –	
  two	
  hand	
  drums,	
  one	
  baton	
  drum	
  and	
  a	
  flute,	
  and	
  it	
  can	
  be	
  
inferred	
   from	
   these	
   indices	
   that	
   the	
   orchestral	
   and	
   melodic	
   quality	
   of	
   the	
   early	
   Okuni	
   kabuki	
  
performance	
  was	
  based	
  on	
  nō	
  music.	
  
What	
  follows	
  is	
  the	
  formal	
  analysis	
  of	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba	
  as	
  a	
  libretto,	
  the	
  characteristics	
  
of	
  which	
  are	
  compared	
  with	
  those	
  of	
  classical	
  nō	
  plays.	
  The	
  names	
  of	
  the	
  “shōdan”	
  in	
  the	
  kabuki	
  text	
  
are	
  given	
  in	
  quotation	
  marks	
  to	
  distinguish	
  them	
  from	
  nō	
  shōdan	
  names.	
  For	
  easier	
  orientation,	
  the	
  
numbers	
  of	
  columns	
  in	
  the	
  original	
  manuscript	
  are	
  given	
  and,	
  when	
  necessary,	
  the	
  transcription	
  of	
  
Japanese	
  passages	
  are	
  given,	
  too.	
  
The	
  Kyōdai	
  play—text	
  (kotobagaki)	
  of	
  the	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba—starts	
  with	
  the	
  passage:	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 19	
  
“1.	
  Shidai”	
  
1.	
  Miyako	
  no	
  haru	
  no	
  hanazakari	
  [word	
  repetition	
  mark]	
  
2.	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  ni	
  ideu	
  yo.	
  	
  
	
  
The	
  springtime	
  blossoming	
  in	
  the	
  Capital	
  -­‐	
  
let’s	
  go	
  to	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  	
  
This	
   passage	
   fits	
   perfectly	
   the	
   characteristics	
   of	
   the	
   opening	
   shōdan	
   called	
   shidai	
   by	
   which	
  
most	
  classical	
  nō	
  plays	
  typically	
  start:	
  it	
  has	
  the	
  nō	
  shidai	
  metre	
  –	
  a	
  repetition	
  of	
  the	
  7-­‐5	
  ku	
  (“stanza”),	
  
i.	
  e.	
  twice	
  7-­‐5,	
  followed	
  by	
  an	
  incomplete	
  ku	
  of	
  7-­‐4	
  syllables.	
  The	
  shidai	
  in	
  nō	
  is	
  a	
  song	
  with	
  a	
  distinct	
  
melodic	
  pattern	
  even	
  today	
  (in	
  contrast	
  to	
  most	
  of	
  the	
  vocal	
  parts	
  nowadays	
  which	
  tend	
  to	
  be	
  rather	
  
monotonous).	
  Although	
  obviously	
  no	
  melodic	
  characteristic	
  can	
  be	
  identified	
  for	
  this	
  Kyōdai	
  “shidai,”	
  
it	
  can,	
  nevertheless,	
  be	
  hypothesised	
  that	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  play	
  also	
  started	
  with	
  a	
  melodically	
  interesting	
  
song	
  intended	
  to	
  attract	
  the	
  attention	
  of	
  the	
  audiences	
  at	
  the	
  opening	
  of	
  the	
  performance.	
  
“2.	
  Nanori”	
  
Similar	
   to	
   classical	
   nō,	
   the	
   “shidai”	
   song	
   in	
   the	
   Kyōdai	
   play	
   is	
   followed	
   by	
   a	
   part	
   which	
  
corresponds	
   to	
   the	
   nō	
   shōdan	
   of	
   self-­‐introduction	
   –	
   nanori	
   (columns	
   2-­‐8.).	
   In	
   nō,	
   nanori	
   follows	
  
immediately	
  after	
  the	
  opening	
  shidai	
  song;	
  the	
  waki	
  character	
  declares	
  his	
  identity	
  and	
  intensions	
  by	
  
it;	
  in	
  nō,	
  it	
  is	
  very	
  often	
  a	
  wandering	
  Buddhist	
  monk	
  who	
  on	
  his	
  pilgrimage	
  has	
  “reached	
  this	
  distant	
  
place.”	
  In	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  play,	
  the	
  character	
  is	
  Okuni,	
  a	
  Shinto	
  priest’s	
  daughter	
  who	
  has	
  come	
  all	
  the	
  way	
  
to	
  dance	
  kabuki.	
  In	
  this,	
  too,	
  the	
  nō	
  pattern	
  has	
  been	
  maintained.	
  	
  
An	
  exact	
  translation	
  is	
  hard	
  to	
  give	
  here,	
  because	
  after	
  the	
  introductory	
  “Somosomo”	
  (column	
  
2),	
  there	
  are	
  three	
  possible	
  translations	
  of	
  c.	
  3-­‐6.	
  depending	
  on	
  the	
  position	
  of	
  commas	
  and	
  in	
  view	
  of	
  
different	
  possible	
  syntactic	
  interpretations:	
  
3.	
  kore	
  wa	
  Izumo	
  no	
  kuni	
  (no?)	
  ōyashiro	
  ni	
  tsukaemōsu	
  	
  
4.	
  shanin	
  nite	
  sōrō	
  (,)	
  soregashi	
  ga	
  musume	
  ni	
  
5.	
  kuni	
  to	
  mōsu	
  miko	
  no	
  sōrō	
  wo,	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  
6.	
  to	
  mōsu	
  koto	
  wo	
  narawashi,	
  [...]	
  
	
  
I.	
   I	
   am	
   a	
   priest(ess)	
   of	
   the	
   Izumo	
   Shrine	
   (shanin	
   nite	
   sōrō,	
   soregashi	
   ga	
   musume),	
   I	
   am	
  
someone’s	
  daughter	
  and	
  they	
  call	
  me	
  Kuni	
  the	
  holy	
  maiden.	
  To	
  teach	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  and	
  to...	
  	
  	
  
	
  
II.	
  I	
  am	
  the	
  daughter	
  of	
  a	
  certain	
  priest	
  (shanin	
  nite	
  sōrō	
  soregashi	
  ga	
  musume)	
  of	
  the	
  Izumo	
  
Shrine	
  and	
  they	
  call	
  me	
  Kuni	
  the	
  holy	
  maiden.	
  To	
  teach	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  and	
  to...	
  
	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 20	
  
III.	
   A	
   certain	
   priest	
   of	
   the	
   Izumo	
   Shrine	
   (shanin	
   nite	
   sourō	
   soregashi	
   ga,	
   	
   musume)	
   had	
   a	
  
daughter	
   (musume	
   ni,	
   kuni	
   to	
   mōsu	
   miko	
   no	
   sōrō	
   wo,	
   kabuki	
   odori	
   to	
   mōsu	
   koto	
   wo	
  
narawashi),	
  whom	
  they	
  call	
  Kuni	
  the	
  holy	
  maiden,	
  and	
  he	
  taught	
  to	
  her	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  	
  
And	
  the	
  remaining	
  “nanori”	
  words	
  translate:	
  
(c.	
  6-­‐8)	
  [...]	
  Because	
  the	
  times	
  of	
  the	
  Heavenly	
  rule	
  [of	
  the	
  Emperor]	
  are	
  so	
  peaceful,	
  I	
  humbly	
  
went	
  up	
  to	
  the	
  Capital,	
  thinking	
  I	
  would	
  try	
  and	
  dance	
  there.	
  
In	
  nō,	
  nanori,	
  unlike	
  the	
  shidai,	
  is	
  metrically	
  free	
  and	
  melodically	
  is	
  kotoba,	
  which	
  means	
  that	
  
it	
  follows	
  the	
  natural	
  intonation	
  of	
  the	
  spoken	
  Japanese	
  utterance	
  –	
  only	
  ignoring	
  the	
  accentual	
  falls;	
  
the	
  Kyōdai	
  play	
  “nanori”	
  is	
  also	
  metrically	
  free	
  and	
  it	
  can	
  be	
  surmised	
  that	
  it	
  was	
  declaimed	
  in	
  an	
  
intonation	
  similar	
  to	
  nō	
  kotoba.	
  	
  
“3.	
  Ageuta”	
  
Following	
  exactly	
  the	
  nō	
  rules,	
  the	
  next	
  part	
  is	
  a	
  song	
  in	
  the	
  5:	
  7-­‐5	
  rhythm,	
  the	
  flowery	
  
depiction	
  of	
  the	
  pilgrim’s	
  route.	
  Generally,	
  it	
  is	
  called	
  michiyuki	
  and	
  in	
  nō	
  it	
  is	
  often	
  the	
  ageuta	
  song	
  in	
  
the	
  higher	
  register.	
  We	
  can	
  imagine	
  that	
  the	
  Okuni	
  kabuki	
  singing	
  might	
  have	
  been	
  a	
  variation	
  of	
  this	
  
nō	
  singing	
  style.	
  	
  
Below,	
  the	
  full	
  Japanese	
  original	
  of	
  the	
  “ageuta”	
  is	
  given	
  in	
  transcription	
  so	
  as	
  to	
  show	
  the	
  
syllabic	
  metre	
  of	
  5:	
  7-­‐5.	
  	
  
It	
  is	
  difficult	
  to	
  give	
  a	
  clear,	
  unambiguous	
  translation	
  of	
  these	
  lines	
  which	
  are,	
  as	
  indeed	
  are	
  
many	
  passages	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  texts,	
  full	
  of	
  poetic	
  allusions	
  and	
  puns	
  –	
  especially	
  the	
  traditional	
  
poetic	
  figures	
  of	
  classical	
  poetry,	
  makurakotoba	
  (“pillow	
  words”	
  similar	
  to	
  ornate	
  epithets),	
  
kakekotoba	
  (“pivot	
  words”	
  –	
  puns	
  based	
  on	
  homophony)	
  and	
  utamakura	
  (“pillow	
  of	
  the	
  poem”	
  –	
  
poetical	
  toponyms).	
  These	
  features	
  indicate	
  that	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  texts	
  are	
  clearly	
  based	
  on	
  nō	
  
conventions.	
  
9.	
  Furusato	
  ya	
  	
  
Izumo	
  no	
  kuni	
  wo	
  ato	
  ni	
  mi=(10.)=te,	
  	
  
suwe	
  wa	
  kasumite	
  haru	
  no	
  hi	
  no,	
  	
  
naga=(11.)=to	
  no	
  kō	
  wo	
  suginureba,	
  	
  
kakaru	
  miyo	
  (12.)	
  ni	
  mo	
  au	
  no	
  shuku,	
  	
  
michi	
  sebakaranu	
  hiro=(13.)=shima	
  ya,	
  	
  
toiyoru	
  miya	
  wa	
  Itsukushima,	
  
14.	
  fune	
  no	
  tomari	
  ni	
  narata	
  no	
  hama,	
  	
  
tsuri	
  suru	
  (15.)	
  waza	
  wa	
  ushimado	
  no,	
  	
  
tsuki	
  ni	
  akashi	
  no	
  ura=(16.)=zutai,	
  	
  
nao	
  yuku	
  sue	
  wa	
  yo	
  no	
  naka	
  no,	
  	
  
nani=(17.)=wa	
  no	
  koto	
  mo	
  yoshi-­‐ashi	
  no,	
  	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 21	
  
wakaba	
  ni	
  kaze	
  (18.)	
  no	
  fuku	
  shima	
  no,	
  	
  
minato	
  no	
  nami	
  no	
  osamare=(19.)=ru,	
  	
  
miyo	
  ni	
  wa	
  ima	
  zo	
  ausaka	
  ya,	
  	
  
isogu	
  (20.)	
  kokoro	
  no	
  hodo	
  mo	
  naku	
  	
  
miyako	
  ni	
  hayaku	
  tsuki=(21.)=nikeri.	
  
	
  
9.	
  My	
  birthplace,	
  the	
  province	
  of	
  Izumo,	
  I	
  left	
  
10.	
  behind,	
  in	
  the	
  hazed-­‐over	
  distance	
  of	
  a	
  spring	
  day,	
  I	
  passed	
  Nagato	
  2
	
  
11-­‐2.	
  the	
  provincial	
  capital,	
  stayed	
  at	
  3
	
  Ōno	
  =	
  “the	
  vast	
  [Ō]	
  plain	
  where	
  one	
  meets	
  [au]	
  with”	
  
such	
  [=excellent]	
  times,	
  	
  
12-­‐3	
  Oh,	
  Hiroshima	
  with	
  no	
  narrow	
  roads!	
  –	
  there	
  the	
  shrine	
  to	
  visit	
  is	
  Itsukushima	
  
14.	
  the	
  ship	
  stopped	
  at	
  the	
  beach	
  of	
  Narata,	
  the	
  fishing	
  
15-­‐6.	
  skills	
  at	
  Ushimado,4
	
  the	
  moon	
  there	
  linked	
  the	
  Akashi	
  shore,	
  and	
  the	
  further	
  goal	
  of	
  my	
  
journey	
  –	
  the	
  centre	
  of	
  the	
  world	
  5
	
  –	
  Naniwa	
  
17.	
  the	
  words	
  of	
  leaves,	
  good?	
  bad?	
  6
	
  the	
  young	
  leaves	
  in	
  the	
  wind	
  
18.	
  blowing	
  through	
  the	
  Island	
  of	
  Happiness	
  7
	
  whose	
  port	
  waves	
  calm	
  down	
  
19.	
  in	
  this	
  fair	
  era	
  with	
  which	
  we	
  now	
  meet	
  at	
  the	
  Meeting	
  Slope!	
  With	
  a	
  hurry	
  
20.	
  in	
  my	
  heart,	
  in	
  no	
  time	
  did	
  I	
  quickly	
  reach	
  the	
  Capital.	
  
	
  
“4.	
  Tsukizerifu”	
  
Again	
  in	
  the	
  style	
  of	
  nō,	
  the	
  “ageuta”	
  michiyuki	
  is	
  followed	
  by	
  the	
  shōdan	
  “tsukizerifu”	
  –	
  lit.	
  
words	
  about	
  arrival:	
  
22.	
  And	
  here	
  –	
  as	
  I	
  came	
  to	
  the	
  Capital,	
  (23-­‐4)	
  I	
  felt	
  like	
  viewing	
  the	
  imperial	
  city	
  cherry	
  
blossoms	
  with	
  a	
  peaceful	
  mind.	
  
The	
  clear	
  structure	
  of	
  a	
  sequence	
  of	
  nō-­‐like	
  shōdan	
  is	
  gradually	
  lost	
  as	
  the	
  performance	
  
continues	
  with	
  a	
  portion	
  of	
  text	
  (c.	
  24-­‐43)	
  and	
  the	
  nenbutsu	
  odori	
  (c.	
  44-­‐65),	
  before	
  another	
  nō-­‐like	
  
shōdan	
  was	
  identified	
  as	
  “issei”	
  by	
  Tsubouchi	
  Shōyō	
  (1925,	
  8):	
  
“5.	
  Issei”	
  
In	
  mugen	
  nō,	
  issei	
  is	
  the	
  preparatory	
  shōdan	
  designed	
  to	
  evoke	
  the	
  mood	
  of	
  expectation	
  of	
  
the	
  supranatural.	
  It	
  is	
  usually	
  the	
  arrival	
  of	
  the	
  bōrei,	
  the	
  spirit-­‐of-­‐the-­‐dead,	
  and	
  this	
  is	
  exactly	
  what	
  
happens	
  in	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book:	
  
66.	
  Attracted	
  by	
  the	
  voice	
  of	
  the	
  nenbutsu,	
  
2
	
  Province	
  on	
  the	
  northern	
  coast	
  of	
  the	
  westernmost	
  part	
  of	
  Honshu,	
  west	
  of	
  Izumo.	
  
3
	
  A	
  series	
  of	
  puns	
  follows.	
  
4
	
  A	
  port	
  in	
  the	
  southeast	
  of	
  Okayama	
  prefecture.	
  
5
	
  A	
  makurakotoba,	
  perhaps	
  an	
  allusion	
  or	
  a	
  quotation	
  from	
  a	
  tanka.	
  
6
	
  Yoshi-­‐ashi	
  no	
  -­‐	
  a	
  refrain	
  famous	
  from	
  Zeami’s	
  Yamamba.	
  
7
	
  Pun	
  through	
  pivot	
  fuku.	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 22	
  
67.	
  let	
  me	
  leave	
  the	
  sphere	
  of	
  sin-­‐caused	
  barriers.	
  Hey,	
  Okuni,	
  
68.	
  allow	
  me	
  to	
  humbly	
  talk	
  to	
  you.	
  Do	
  you	
  not	
  recognize	
  me?	
  
69.	
  In	
  the	
  longing	
  for	
  our	
  past,	
  have	
  I	
  	
  
70.	
  come	
  all	
  the	
  way	
  here.	
  	
  
By	
  this,	
  the	
  clear	
  nō-­‐like	
  shōdan	
  list	
  is	
  exhausted	
  and	
  the	
  text	
  continues	
  in	
  its	
  own	
  
independent	
  way	
  -­‐	
  the	
  nō	
  turns	
  into	
  a	
  new	
  style	
  which	
  can	
  be	
  already	
  designated	
  kabuki	
  as	
  the	
  
performance	
  goes	
  on.	
  	
  
	
  
The	
  Texts	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  Sōshi	
  
The	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  is	
  a	
  libretto,	
  or	
  at	
  least	
  has	
  the	
  form	
  of	
  one,	
  and	
  conveys	
  an	
  idea	
  possibly	
  very	
  close	
  
to	
  what	
  actually	
  was	
  played	
  at	
  Okuni	
  kabuki	
  performances.	
  On	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  in	
  the	
  
form	
  of	
  an	
  objective,	
  third-­‐person	
  observer’s	
  rendering	
  of	
  Okuni’s	
  life.	
  It	
  narrates	
  the	
  popularity	
  of	
  
kabuki	
  and	
  offers	
  impressive	
  insights	
  into	
  her	
  performances.	
  It	
  is	
  a	
  monogatari,	
  i.	
  e.	
  work	
  of	
  prose	
  
with	
   a	
   focus	
   different	
   from	
   the	
   Kyōdai	
   book.	
   The	
   account	
   is	
   about	
   Okuni’s	
   life,	
   followed	
   by	
   what	
  
seems	
  to	
  be	
  a	
  spectator’s	
  observation	
  of	
  Okuni’s	
  performance,	
  and	
  the	
  ending	
  is	
  also	
  different.	
  Kabuki	
  
Saushi	
  makes	
  evident	
  that	
  during	
  the	
  several	
  years	
  presumably	
  dividing	
  the	
  birth	
  of	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  and	
  
Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  texts,	
  Okuni	
  had	
  become	
  a	
  legend,	
  a	
  character	
  not	
  only	
  of	
  the	
  dramatic	
  form	
  of	
  early	
  
kabuki	
   but	
   also	
   one	
   of	
   early	
   Edo	
   prose—perhaps	
   even	
   storytelling.	
   This	
   is	
   one	
   of	
   the	
   reasons	
   why	
  
Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  regarded	
  as	
  a	
  historically	
  less	
  reliable	
  source	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  original	
  historical	
  reality	
  
was	
   literarily	
   reshaped.	
   It	
   indeed	
   has	
   the	
   aura	
   of	
   reminiscence	
   of	
   a	
   time	
   long	
   gone—gone	
   forever	
  
perhaps—like	
  the	
  words	
  in	
  columns	
  212,	
  213:	
  
	
  	
  	
  “Among	
  the	
  people	
  of	
  old,	
  some	
  went	
  to	
  see	
  the	
  kabuki	
  theatre	
  to	
  console	
  their	
  hearts.”	
  	
  
This	
  might	
  reflect	
  the	
  atmosphere	
  after	
  the	
  series	
  of	
  bans	
  had	
  started,	
  when	
  kabuki	
  felt	
  like	
  something	
  
gone	
  forever.	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  a	
  tale	
  in	
  which	
  poetic	
  language	
  narrates	
  the	
  story	
  of	
  both	
  Okuni’s	
  life	
  
and	
   performance,	
   inseparably	
   entangled	
   together.	
   It	
   could	
   be	
   imagined	
   that,	
   originally,	
   it	
   was	
   an	
  
oral	
  storytelling	
  piece	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  narrator	
  depicted	
  everything	
  in	
  a	
  colourful	
  storyteller‘s	
  style,	
  later	
  
put	
  down	
  in	
  writing	
  and	
  complemented	
  with	
  illustrations	
  to	
  make	
  an	
  attractive	
  Nara-­‐e-­‐hon.	
  It	
  relates	
  
the	
  tale	
  of	
  Okuni	
  coming	
  to	
  Kyoto,	
  more	
  amazing	
  than	
  all	
  the	
  beauties	
  of	
  literature,	
  and	
  shows	
  her	
  
dance.	
  She	
  is	
  invited	
  to	
  the	
  Imperial	
  Palace	
  and	
  gets	
  a	
  court	
  title	
  as	
  a	
  reward.	
  Rich	
  daimyō	
  lavished	
  
gold	
   and	
   silver	
   on	
   her	
   and	
   she	
   has	
   a	
   residence	
   built	
   next	
   to	
   the	
   Kitano	
   shrine	
   in	
   northern	
   Kyoto.	
  
However,	
  she	
  cannot	
  bear	
  the	
  idle	
  life	
  and	
  starts	
  dancing	
  again.	
  Crowds	
  come	
  to	
  see	
  her	
  performance	
  
in	
  the	
  same	
  way	
  as	
  they	
  come	
  to	
  the	
  Kitano	
  deity.	
  A	
  description	
  of	
  the	
  crowded	
  auditorium	
  follows,	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 23	
  
and	
  of	
  the	
  suspense	
  of	
  expectation	
  before	
  Okuni	
  finally	
  appears	
  on	
  the	
  scene.	
  Her	
  pose,	
  her	
  costume	
  
and	
  dance	
  are	
  described	
  in	
  sumptuous	
  detail.	
  Nagoya	
  Sanza	
  appears	
  and	
  they	
  dance	
  together.	
  
After	
  a	
  detailed	
  rendering	
  of	
  the	
  performance(s?),	
  there	
  comes	
  the	
  leave-­‐taking	
  of	
  Okuni	
  and	
  
Nagoya	
  Sanza.	
  They	
  wake	
  up	
  after	
  sleeping	
  together,	
  and	
  she	
  sees	
  off	
  her	
  lover	
  who	
  is	
  returning	
  -­‐	
  to	
  
the	
  other	
  world,	
  supposedly.	
  The	
  ensuing	
  words	
  “waking	
  up	
  from	
  a	
  dream”	
  evoke,	
  in	
  a	
  nō-­‐like	
  style	
  
again,	
  the	
  authorial	
  intention	
  that	
  not	
  only	
  Okuni’s	
  sleep	
  but	
  perhaps	
  the	
  whole	
  performance	
  was	
  a	
  
dream,	
  one	
  in	
  which	
  Okuni	
  was	
  reunited	
  with	
  the	
  deceased	
  Sanza.	
  The	
  closing	
  words	
  of	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  
describe	
  the	
  great	
  benefit	
  that	
  can	
  be	
  drawn	
  from	
  kabuki,	
  how	
  the	
  spirit	
  gets	
  cheered	
  up	
  and	
  how	
  it	
  
all	
  “okashi!	
  okashi!”	
  (“is	
  amusing/funny”),	
  which	
  are	
  its	
  closing	
  words.	
  
The	
  two	
  texts	
  share	
  many	
  passages	
  which	
  are	
  identical,	
  or	
  similar	
  with	
  only	
  slight	
  divergence.	
  
It	
  is	
  these	
  discrepancies,	
  together	
  with	
  the	
  style	
  of	
  the	
  illustrations,	
  which	
  have	
  led	
  Japanese	
  scholars	
  
to	
  presume	
  that	
  the	
  Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba	
  (or	
  its	
  original,	
  if	
  the	
  preserved	
  material	
  is	
  a	
  copy)	
  is	
  older	
  
than	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi.	
  	
  
The	
  Bunkakan	
  text,	
  on	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  is	
  a	
  fragment	
  corresponding	
  to	
  columns	
  116-­‐136	
  of	
  the	
  
Kyōdai	
  book	
  and	
  represents	
  the	
  first	
  Jōruri	
  modoki	
  (“jōruri	
  imitation”)	
  song	
  along	
  with	
  its	
  introductory	
  
words,	
  ending	
  with	
  the	
  first	
  two	
  syllables	
  of	
  the	
  second	
  Jōruri	
  modoki	
  song.	
  A	
  comparison	
  of	
  the	
  ten	
  
differences	
  between	
  the	
  Bunkakan	
  and	
  Kyōdai	
  texts	
  seems	
  to	
  indicate	
  an	
  earlier	
  provenance	
  of	
  the	
  
Bkk,	
  although,	
  on	
  the	
  other	
  hand,	
  Hattori’s	
  analysis	
  of	
  the	
  pictures	
  in	
  the	
  Bkk	
  showed	
  that	
  they	
  might	
  
be	
  the	
  closest	
  to	
  the	
  real	
  Okuni	
  performance	
  
(Hattori	
  1968,	
  8).	
  
The	
  most	
  important	
  structural	
  difference	
  between	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  and	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  performance	
  
is	
  the	
  lack	
  of	
  nenbutsu	
  (Buddhist	
  chanting	
  invoking	
  the	
  spirit	
  of	
  the	
  dead	
  to	
  appear)	
  in	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi.	
  
Based	
  on	
  its	
  diction	
  and	
  pictorial	
  style,	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  has	
  been	
  considered	
  as	
  the	
  younger	
  of	
  the	
  two	
  
(Shōyō,	
  Hattori).	
  However,	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  nenbutsu	
  is	
  not	
  mentioned	
  here	
  does	
  not	
  necessarily	
  mean	
  
that	
  it	
  was	
  not	
  there—the	
  author	
  might	
  just	
  have	
  chosen	
  not	
  to	
  mention	
  it.	
  Nevertheless,	
  it	
  could	
  be	
  
hypothesised	
   that	
   precisely	
   the	
   absence	
   of	
   the	
   nenbutsu	
   skit,	
   with	
   Nagoya	
   appearing	
   without	
   any	
  
previous	
   religious	
   ritual,	
   might	
   indicate	
   an	
   older	
   form,	
   a	
   phase	
   in	
   which	
   nenbutsu	
   was	
   not	
   yet	
  
integrated	
  into	
  the	
  kabuki	
  performance	
  but	
  in	
  which	
  Nagoya	
  was	
  already	
  appearing	
  as	
  returning	
  from	
  
the	
  afterworld	
  “feeling	
  attachment	
  to	
  Okuni’s	
  kabuki”	
  (Ss	
  c	
  88-­‐89).	
  The	
  described	
  performance,	
  if	
  a	
  
single	
  one	
  at	
  all,	
  is	
  rather	
  incoherent	
  in	
  comparison	
  with	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  play	
  which	
  would,	
  thus,	
  reflect	
  a	
  
newer,	
  more	
  mature	
  version	
  with	
  some	
  further	
  reworking	
  done	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  nenbutsu	
  was	
  added	
  as	
  
the	
  dramatic	
  element	
  immediately	
  connected	
  with	
  Nagoya’s	
  arrival.	
  	
  
	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 24	
  
The	
  Kabukibito	
  
The	
  depiction	
  of	
  kabukibito	
  and	
  their	
  ways	
  was	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  new	
  topics	
  early	
  kabuki	
  introduced,	
  and	
  
according	
   to	
   some	
   scholars	
   was	
   the	
   nucleus,	
   the	
   kabuki	
   itself.	
   The	
   Tōdaiki	
   chronicle	
   (of	
   unknown	
  
authorship	
   or	
   date	
   of	
   compilation)	
   for	
   the	
   fourth	
   (rather	
   than	
   fifth)	
   month	
   of	
   1603	
   says:	
   “At	
   the	
  
moment,	
  the	
  kabuki	
  dance	
  is	
  in	
  vogue.	
  A	
  shrine	
  maiden	
  from	
  the	
  country	
  of	
  Izumo	
  (her	
  name	
  is	
  Kuni,	
  
yet	
   she	
   is	
   not	
   pretty)	
   was	
   the	
   first	
   to	
   dance	
   it,	
   coming	
   to	
   the	
   Capital.”	
   It	
   goes	
   on	
   to	
   say	
   that	
   she	
  
imitated	
  the	
  outrageous	
  men	
  with	
  their	
  strange	
  clothes	
  and	
  swords	
  and	
  their	
  ways	
  in	
  the	
  tea	
  house.	
  
The	
  whole	
  city	
  was	
  thrilled	
  about	
  her	
  and	
  she	
  even	
  danced	
  in	
  the	
  Fushimi	
  Palace	
  built	
  by	
  Hideyoshi	
  
(Ihara	
  1972,	
  5).	
  
These	
   outrageous	
   men	
   with	
   strange	
   clothes	
   and	
   swords	
   were	
   the	
   kabukibito.	
   Tsubaki	
  
translates	
  kabuki	
  as	
  wild	
  and	
  takes	
  Okuni	
  dressing	
  as	
  a	
  man	
  for	
  a	
  reflection	
  of	
  the	
  “wild“	
  (kabuki)	
  spirit	
  
that	
  became	
  the	
  heart	
  of	
  kabuki.	
  He	
  maintains	
  that	
  the	
  early	
  kabuki	
  era	
  was	
  marked	
  by	
  this	
  kabuki	
  
spirit,	
  which	
  was	
  taken	
  up	
  by	
  the	
  machishū,	
  Kyoto’s	
  new	
  townspeople	
  with	
  commercial	
  wealth,	
  and	
  
became	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  driving	
  forces	
  behind	
  the	
  early	
  modern	
  culture	
  (Tsubaki	
  2002,	
  1).	
  The	
  kabuki	
  social	
  
movement	
  tried	
  to	
  oppose	
  the	
  medieval	
  set	
  of	
  rules	
  and	
  regulations,	
  and	
  was	
  supported	
  by	
  a	
  new	
  
stratum	
  of	
  townspeople	
  (Kawade	
  1958,	
  134).	
  It	
  seems	
  that	
  this	
  driving	
  force	
  of	
  modern	
  culture	
  had	
  
a	
  negative,	
  violent	
  aspect	
  to	
  it;	
  concretely	
  speaking,	
  kabukimono	
  were	
  gangs	
  of	
  dissolute	
  young	
  men	
  
around	
  1600	
  who,	
  dressed	
  in	
  outrageous	
  clothes	
  and	
  carrying	
  overly	
  long	
  swords,	
  swaggered	
  about	
  
the	
   streets	
   of	
   Kyoto	
   causing	
   trouble	
  (Shively	
  1991,	
  749)	
   and	
   made	
   life	
  in	
  the	
  cities,	
  chiefly	
  in	
  Edo,	
  
insecure	
   before	
   the	
   Tokugawa	
   shogunate	
   took	
   over	
   (Barth	
   1972,	
   194).	
   This	
   meaning	
   for	
   the	
   word	
  
kabuki	
  is	
  also	
  found	
  in	
  the	
  Portuguese	
  dictionary	
  Vocabulario	
  da	
  lingoa	
  de	
  Iapam	
  
(Leims	
  1990,	
  67)	
  	
  as	
  
early	
  as	
  1603,	
  the	
  same	
  year	
  as	
  the	
  first	
  record	
  of	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  The	
  compilers	
  of	
  the	
  Vocabulario	
  were	
  
active	
  in	
  Kyushu	
  and	
  obviously	
  could	
  not	
  follow	
  the	
  most	
  recent	
  goings	
  on	
  in	
  Kyoto,	
  yet	
  in	
  its	
  fifth	
  
meaning,	
   “cabuqi”	
   is	
   characterized	
   as	
   losing	
   one’s	
   control	
   or	
   taking	
   more	
   liberty	
   than	
   is	
   given	
   in	
  
something	
  or	
  in	
  trying	
  to	
  answer	
  more	
  quickly	
  or	
  hastily	
  than	
  appropriate;	
  “cabuqimono”	
  and	
  “cabuita	
  
fito”	
  is	
  a	
  person	
  of	
  these	
  characteristics,	
  with	
  the	
  addition	
  “or	
  is	
  happy	
  more	
  than	
  appropriate	
  when	
  
hearing	
   news	
   etc”	
   which	
   corresponds	
   to	
   the	
   eccentric	
   properties	
   kabukimono	
   seem	
   to	
   have	
   been	
  
known	
   by.	
   Mezur	
   cites	
   Ortolani’s	
   view	
   that	
   many	
   of	
   the	
   kabukimono	
   were	
   executed	
   for	
   their	
  
subversive	
  behaviour	
  (Ortolani	
  1990,	
  164-­‐5)	
  The	
  troubles	
  kabukimono	
  caused	
  lasted	
  for	
  some	
  time;	
  
Barth	
   mentions	
   that	
   the	
   battle	
   of	
   Osaka	
   Castle	
   in	
   1614-­‐15	
   contributed	
   to	
   the	
   worsening	
   of	
   the	
  
situation	
  because	
  after	
  it,	
  rōnin	
  who	
  had	
  lost	
  their	
  occupation	
  went	
  to	
  Edo	
  and	
  other	
  cities,	
  seeking	
  to	
  
vent	
  their	
  war	
  frustration	
  and	
  aggression,	
  roaming	
  the	
  streets	
  in	
  shocking	
  dress	
  and	
  hairdos	
  and	
  often	
  
engaging	
  in	
  acts	
  of	
  violence,	
  riots	
  and	
  indecencies	
  (Ortolani	
  1990,	
  164).	
  It	
  was	
  not	
  until	
  the	
  end	
  of	
  the	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 25	
  
17th
	
  century	
  that	
  the	
  shogunate	
  finally	
  managed	
  to	
  get	
  these	
  gangs,	
  later	
  also	
  called	
  hatamoto	
  yakko	
  
and	
  machi	
  yakko,	
  under	
  control	
  (Barth	
  1972,	
  194).	
  
It	
  is	
  therefore	
  possible	
  that	
  Okuni	
  kabuki,	
  besides	
  being	
  inspired	
  by	
  kabukimono,	
  might	
  have	
  
influenced	
  the	
  kabukimono	
  “vogue”	
  as	
  well.	
  In	
  connection	
  with	
  the	
  new	
  kabuki	
  performances,	
  the	
  
words	
   kabukibito,	
   identical	
   with	
   otokodate,	
   seems	
   to	
   have	
   changed	
   meaning,	
   informed	
   by	
   Okuni	
  
kabuki	
  skits.	
  The	
  verb	
  kabuku	
  came	
  to	
  mean	
  “to	
  walk	
  about	
  in	
  unusual	
  outfit,	
  to	
  behave	
  (speak	
  and	
  
act)	
  in	
  a	
  sensual,	
  erotic	
  (好色めいた)	
  manner"	
  (Hirano	
  1989,	
  509),	
  which	
  is	
  the	
  meaning	
  obviously	
  
connected	
  with	
  the	
  kabuki	
  tea	
  house	
  skits	
  of	
  Okuni	
  kabuki,	
  and	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  also	
  use	
  it	
  in	
  the	
  sense	
  
of	
  “dancing	
  (the	
  specific	
  dance	
  called)	
  kabuki”.	
  Whether	
  the	
  previous	
  references	
  to	
  the	
  name	
  Kuni	
  
actually	
  referred	
  to	
  the	
  founder	
  of	
  kabuki	
  odori	
  or	
  not,	
  the	
  later	
  reference	
  from	
  1603	
  marked	
  her	
  
performance	
  as	
  distinct	
  from	
  both	
  the	
  previous	
  yayako	
  odori	
  and	
  boys‘s	
  dances	
  by	
  introducing	
  the	
  
figure	
  of	
  kabukimono	
  and	
  basing	
  her	
  skits	
  on	
  it.	
  
Ogasawara	
  writes	
  that	
  the	
  epoch-­‐making	
  idea	
  for	
  Okuni	
  to	
  include	
  in	
  her	
  performance	
  the	
  
topic	
  of	
  chaya	
  kayoi	
  –	
  frequenting	
  the	
  “tea	
  house”	
  (presumably	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  various	
  kinds	
  of	
  brothels)	
  -­‐	
  
might	
  indeed	
  be	
  connected,	
  as	
  the	
  folk	
  rendering	
  has	
  it,	
  with	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  she	
  shared	
  the	
  stage	
  with	
  
kyōgen	
  actors.	
  She	
  gained	
  eternal	
  fame	
  for	
  herself	
  by	
  adopting	
  what	
  represented	
  the	
  “the	
  climax	
  of	
  
the	
   times”	
   (Ogasawara	
   1975,	
   142)	
   –	
   the	
   chaya	
   asobi,	
   the	
   most	
   topical	
   theme	
   of	
   fashionable	
  
amusement.	
  According	
  to	
  Ogasawara’s	
  marebito	
  theory,	
  marebito,	
  the	
  visiting	
  deity,	
  was	
  for	
  the	
  first	
  
time	
  in	
  history	
  united	
  with	
  the	
  chaya	
  goer	
  as	
  a	
  hero;	
  the	
  shrine	
  maidens	
  welcoming	
  the	
  deity	
  were	
  
transformed	
  into	
  the	
  chaya	
  women	
  or	
  prostitutes;	
  these	
  four	
  character	
  types	
  merged	
  in	
  a	
  single	
  skit	
  
and	
   determined	
   the	
   basic	
   structure	
   that	
   kabuki	
   would	
   continue	
   to	
   have	
   from	
   that	
   point	
   on	
  
(Ogasawara	
  1975,	
  142-­‐3).	
  
	
  
Performance	
  Structure	
  in	
  the	
  Sōshi	
  
It	
  is	
  clear	
  from	
  the	
  content	
  of	
  the	
  two	
  sōshi	
  texts	
  that	
  they	
  refer	
  to	
  different	
  performances,	
  because—
although	
   some	
   of	
   the	
   numbers	
   of	
   the	
   programme	
   are	
   similar—most	
   of	
   them	
   actually	
   differ.	
   The	
  
springtime	
   performance	
   described	
   in	
   Kabuki	
   Saushi	
   is	
   longer	
   and	
   more	
   composite,	
   and	
   the	
   vital	
  
difference	
  is	
  that	
  the	
  nō	
  structure	
  seen	
  in	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  text	
  is	
  only	
  represented	
  in	
  the	
  former	
  by	
  the	
  
opening	
  shidai:	
  (Ss	
  c	
  41-­‐2)	
  	
  
The	
  springtime	
  blossoming	
  in	
  the	
  Capital	
  -­‐	
  let’s	
  go	
  to	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  	
  	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 26	
  
Ogasawara	
  called	
  the	
  nō	
  structure	
  in	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  text	
  as	
  a	
  “stitching	
  together	
  in	
  the	
  nō-­‐like	
  
manner”	
   (Ogasawara	
   2006,	
   108)	
   of	
   individual	
   skits;	
   this	
   would	
   mean	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   originally	
  
independent	
   skits	
   –	
   nenbutsu	
   odori,	
   chaya-­‐gayoi	
   (or	
   chaya	
   no	
   asobi)	
   and	
   furo-­‐agari,	
   additionally	
  
connected	
  to	
  each	
  other	
  to	
  form	
  the	
  integral	
  plot	
  of	
  the	
  early	
  kabuki	
  play.	
   While	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  
presents	
  the	
  succession	
  of	
  scenes	
  as	
  one	
  performance,	
  it	
  cannot	
  be	
  clearly	
  established	
  from	
  Kabuki	
  
Saushi	
  whether	
  it	
  is	
  a	
  realistic	
  description	
  of	
  a	
  real	
  performance	
  as	
  it	
  uninterruptedly	
  proceeded,	
  or	
  
just	
  a	
  collection	
  of	
  impressions	
  of	
  individual	
  scenes	
  not	
  necessarily	
  in	
  their	
  sequential	
  order	
  in	
  one	
  
successive	
  performance	
  programme.	
  This	
  would	
  also	
  account	
  for	
  the	
  absence	
  of	
  the	
  nenbutsu	
  number,	
  
which	
  might	
  just	
  have	
  been	
  omitted	
  by	
  the	
  author	
  for	
  some	
  reason.	
  	
  
The	
  structure	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  kabuki	
  performance	
  as	
  presented	
  by	
  the	
  two	
  Okuni	
  sōshi	
  texts	
  can	
  
be	
  compared	
  as	
  follows	
  -­‐	
  the	
  corresponding	
  parts	
  are	
  underlined:	
  
	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  (Kuni	
  Jo-­‐kabuki	
  Ekotoba)	
  
1.	
  nō-­‐like	
  opening:	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  shidai,	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  nanori,	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  ageuta	
  (=	
  michiyuki),	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  tsukizerifu,	
  
2.	
  Okuni	
  starts	
  dancing	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  issei	
  
3.	
  Nenbutsu	
  odori	
  
4.	
  Sanza	
  appearing	
  
5.	
  Kabuki	
  odori:	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  I.-­‐V.	
  
6.	
  Kaze	
  mo	
  fukanu	
  passage	
  	
  
7.	
  Jōruri	
  modoki	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  I.,	
  II.	
  	
  
8.	
  leavetaking	
  (offstage?)	
  
9.	
  honjimono	
  style	
  ending	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  
Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  	
  
1.	
  nō-­‐like	
  opening:	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  shidai	
  
2.	
  yayako	
  odori	
  style	
  musume	
  odori	
  	
  
3.	
  kyōgen:	
  Narihira	
  kyōran	
  
4.	
  Sanza	
  appearing	
  
5.	
  Inviting	
  Sanza	
  in	
  	
  
6.	
  Kabuki	
  odori:	
  	
  	
  
	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  I.,	
  V.,	
  IV.,	
  III.,	
  II.,	
  +	
  three	
  more	
  (VI.,	
  VII.,	
  VIII.)	
  
7.	
  audience	
  joins	
  in	
  dancing,	
  12	
  more	
  songs	
  	
  
8.	
  (as	
  encore)	
  Furoagari	
  dance	
  	
  
(offstage:	
  
	
  	
  9.	
  leavetaking	
  
10.	
  “okashi!”	
  ending)	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 27	
  
Okuni’s	
  dance	
  in	
  the	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  starts	
  amidst	
  the	
  cheerful	
  and	
  breathtaking	
  atmosphere	
  of	
  
blossoming	
  cherry	
  trees.	
  Similarly,	
  it	
  is	
  in	
  this	
  season	
  that	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book	
  has	
  Okuni	
  come	
  to	
  Kyoto	
  
and	
  start	
  dancing	
  there.	
  As	
  Shively	
  writes,	
  it	
  is	
  evident	
  from	
  popular	
  stories	
  and	
  Kyoto	
  guides	
  that	
  
visiting	
  temples	
  and	
  shrines	
  on	
  days	
  of	
  special	
  events	
  was	
  a	
  favourite	
  form	
  of	
  entertainment	
  (Shively	
  
1991,	
  739),	
  and	
  the	
  cherry	
  tree	
  season	
  was	
  the	
  best.	
  In	
  the	
  Kyōdai	
  book,	
  Okuni	
  starts	
  performing	
  on	
  
the	
  25th
	
  day	
  of	
  the	
  1st
	
  month:	
  (Kd	
  c	
  41-­‐43)	
  this	
  is	
  the	
  gathering	
  of	
  all	
  people,	
  high	
  and	
  low,	
  on	
  the	
  25th
	
  
day	
  of	
  the	
  New	
  Year,	
  visiting	
  the	
  shrine,	
  and	
  at	
  this	
  occasion,	
  I	
  would	
  like	
  to	
  start	
  kabuki	
  odori.	
  
As	
  stated	
  above,	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  possibilities	
  is	
  that	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  based	
  on	
  an	
  oral	
  storytelling	
  
tradition,	
   perhaps	
   of	
   the	
   kojōruri	
   or	
   sekkyō	
   style:	
   most	
   of	
   the	
   book	
   is	
   prosodic,	
   in	
   the	
   5-­‐7	
   or	
   7-­‐5	
  
syllabic	
  rhythm,	
  and	
  not	
  only	
  in	
  the	
  quotations	
  of	
  the	
  songs	
  on	
  the	
  stage,	
  but	
  even	
  the	
  narrator’s	
  
words	
   are	
   often	
   prosodic,	
   which	
   might	
   suggest	
   the	
   storytelling	
   tradition.	
   A	
  lot	
   of	
   the	
   narrator‘s	
  
attention	
  has	
  previously	
  been	
  given	
  to	
  Okuni‘s	
  life	
  in	
  Kyoto,	
  her	
  success,	
  recognition	
  and	
  the	
  fortune	
  
she	
  achieved.	
  As	
  the	
  plot	
  progresses	
  towards	
  her	
  performance,	
  the	
  verses	
  assume	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  the	
  
7-­‐5	
  structure,	
  which	
  is	
  what	
  I	
  term	
  the	
  stage	
  ku,	
  typical	
  of	
  performing	
  arts	
  from	
  the	
  shirabyōshi	
  times	
  
(12th
	
  century),	
  as	
  discussed	
  in	
  Rumánek	
  2012.	
  
Thus,	
   Okuni	
   starts	
   dancing	
   at	
   a	
  cherry	
   blossom	
   viewing	
   venue	
   in	
   the	
   most	
   gorgeous	
  
atmosphere	
  imaginable,	
  with	
  a	
  classical	
  poem	
  quoted8
,	
  and	
  this	
  is	
  when	
  the	
  words	
  about	
  the	
  spring	
  
time	
   in	
   the	
   Capital	
   are	
   sung	
   –	
   which	
   is	
   the	
   opening	
   shōdan	
   of	
   the	
   Kyōdai	
   nō	
   beginning.	
   In	
   Kabuki	
  
Saushi,	
  however,	
  these	
  are	
  not	
  the	
  opening	
  words	
  of	
  the	
  performance	
  because	
  they	
  are	
  followed	
  by	
  
another	
  narratological	
  rupture	
  when	
  performance	
  quotation	
  transforms	
  into	
  narration	
  again,	
  offering	
  
detailed	
  descriptions	
  of	
  the	
  atmosphere	
  in	
  the	
  auditorium	
  before	
  the	
  performance,	
  the	
  suspense	
  of	
  
the	
   expecting	
   spectators,	
   in	
   contrast	
   to	
   the	
   nō-­‐like	
   straightforward	
   dramatic	
   pace	
   with	
   which	
   the	
  
Kyōdai	
   play	
   progresses.	
   Kabuki	
   Saushi,	
   it	
   seems,	
   makes	
   free	
   use	
   of	
   the	
   original	
   libretto	
   for	
   its	
  
storytelling	
   purposes,	
   choosing	
   from	
   it	
   freely	
   according	
   to	
   the	
   author’s	
   (perhaps	
   narrator‘s)	
  
preference.	
   At	
   last,	
   Okuni	
   appears	
   and	
   performs	
   her	
   first	
   dance	
   in	
   Kabuki	
   Saushi,	
   after	
   which	
   she	
  
disappears	
  into	
  the	
  dressing	
  room	
  again.	
  
What	
  follows	
  in	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  called	
  “kyōgen”	
  (described	
  as	
  “mai-­‐kyōgen	
  of	
  Narihira’s	
  love	
  
monogurui”	
  in	
  Geinōshi	
  Kenkyūkai	
  	
  1986,	
  14)	
  and	
  is	
  a	
  (presumably	
  dancing)	
  piece	
  about	
  Narihira,	
  a	
  
figure	
   based	
   on	
   the	
   9th
	
   century	
   prince-­‐made-­‐commoner	
   and	
   poet,	
   famous	
   for	
   his	
   (often	
   highly	
  
scandalous)	
   love	
   affairs.	
   The	
   narrator	
   comments	
   that	
   Narihira’s	
   heart	
   was	
   in	
   frenzy	
   because	
   of	
   his	
  
8
	
  It	
  is	
  a	
  tanka	
  by	
  Sosei	
  Hōshi	
  (Kokinshū	
  56)	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  springtime	
  Kyoto	
  of	
  the	
  cherry	
  blossom	
  
season	
  was	
  represented	
  by	
  the	
  metaphor	
  of	
  brocade.	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 28	
  
dissipation	
   and	
   his	
   figure	
   is	
   described	
   with	
   the	
   belt	
   worn	
   very	
   low,	
   wound	
   around	
   a	
   womanish	
  
kimono.	
  From	
  the	
  description,	
  it	
  can	
  be	
  imagined	
  that	
  this	
  piece	
  was	
  done	
  in	
  a	
  humorous,	
  parodic	
  way	
  
when	
  Narihira	
  “sings	
  about	
  all	
  forms	
  of	
  love	
  in	
  all	
  sorts	
  of	
  kouta,	
  dancing	
  along,”	
  and	
  this	
  parody	
  is	
  
designated	
  as	
  Narihira	
  kyōran.	
  	
  
In	
  his	
  analysis	
  of	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi,	
  Hattori	
  (Geinōshi	
  Kenkyūkai	
  1986,	
  14)	
  maintains	
  that	
  it	
  was	
  
written	
   as	
   an	
   impression	
   of	
   seeing	
   the	
   wakashu	
   kabuki	
   performance.	
   On	
   the	
   other	
   hand,	
   Moriya	
  
Takeshi9
	
  sees	
  the	
  appearance	
  of	
  the	
  beautiful	
  Narihira	
  as	
  the	
  reflection	
  of	
  a	
  trend,	
  in	
  Kan’ei	
  (1624-­‐
1630),	
  of	
  a	
  return	
  to	
  classical	
  topics.	
  Thus	
  Narihira,	
  once	
  a	
  popular	
  figure	
  in	
  nō,	
  found	
  his	
  way	
  into	
  
kabuki.	
  	
  
Narihira	
   kyōran	
   is	
   the	
   number	
   in	
   which	
   gender	
   reversal,	
   a	
   typical	
   feature	
   of	
   Okuni	
   kabuki,	
  
virtually	
  starts.	
  The	
  narration	
  depicts	
  his	
  outfit	
  as	
  half	
  male	
  (kazaori	
  cap	
  and	
  a	
  sword)	
  and	
  half	
  female	
  
(coloured	
  kosode).	
  In	
  fact,	
  the	
  latter	
  might	
  be	
  a	
  subversive	
  reinterpretation	
  of	
  the	
  Heian	
  courtier’s	
  
garment	
  which,	
  in	
  the	
  popular	
  entertainment	
  that	
  was	
  kabuki,	
  was	
  reinterpreted	
  as	
  womanish	
  and	
  
thus	
  used	
  humorously:	
  (Ss	
  c	
  70-­‐72)	
  which	
  was	
  an	
  outfit	
  which	
  puzzled	
  everyone	
  –	
  you	
  saw	
  a	
  woman	
  
and	
  then	
  realized	
  it	
  was	
  a	
  man,	
  or	
  vice	
  versa,	
  thinking	
  you	
  saw	
  a	
  man	
  you	
  then	
  saw	
  a	
  woman.	
  	
  
Narihira’s	
   effeminate	
   air	
   was	
   a	
   tradition	
   reaching	
   back	
   to	
   times	
   long	
   before	
   Okuni	
   kabuki.	
  
Already	
  as	
  hero	
  of	
  the	
  classical	
  nō	
  Izutsu,	
  Narihira	
  wears	
  a	
  special	
  kind	
  of	
  costume,	
  combining	
  the	
  
courtier’s	
  hat	
  and	
  specially	
  patterned	
  coat	
  that	
  identify	
  Narihira	
  with	
  the	
  female	
  kimono	
  of	
  the	
  female	
  
character,	
  Aritsune’s	
  daughter.	
  “It	
  is	
  a	
  “half-­‐man,	
  half-­‐woman”	
  combination,	
  which	
  shows	
  that	
  while	
  
she	
  is	
  still	
  Aritsune’s	
  daughter,	
  she	
  is	
  also	
  now	
  Narihira”	
  (Looser	
  2008,	
  186).	
  Thanks	
  to	
  this	
  between-­‐
gender-­‐ness	
  of	
  Narihira,	
  he	
  was	
  also	
  a	
  welcome	
  character	
  in	
  later	
  performances	
  of	
  wakashu	
  kabuki;	
  
this	
  way	
  of	
  representation	
  of	
  the	
  famous	
  9th
	
  century	
  personage	
  did	
  not	
  leave	
  the	
  stage	
  of	
  early	
  kabuki	
  
well	
  into	
  the	
  yarō	
  kabuki	
  period	
  (Mezur	
  2005,	
  167).	
  
Narihira	
  in	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  is	
  a	
  messenger:	
  a	
  parallel	
  can	
  be	
  drawn	
  between	
  him	
  and	
  the	
  figure	
  
of	
  Nagoya	
  Sanza	
  who	
  is	
  to	
  appear	
  next	
  and	
  who,	
  similarly	
  to	
  Narihira,	
  is	
  (c	
  84-­‐90)	
  a	
  womanizer	
  of	
  
exquisite	
  taste	
  [...]	
  A	
  kabukimono	
  of	
  excellent	
  figure,	
  he	
  had	
  arduously	
  led	
  the	
  lifestyle	
  of	
  falling	
  in	
  
love,	
  sent	
  messengers	
  with	
  notes	
  to	
  women	
  regardless	
  of	
  their	
  social	
  statuses	
  and	
  had	
  them	
  at	
  his	
  
wish;	
  they	
  called	
  him	
  the	
  kabukimono	
  who	
  knew	
  how	
  to	
  flow	
  through	
  life,	
  but	
  now,	
  it	
  is	
  only	
  his	
  name	
  
that	
  has	
  remained	
  in	
  the	
  world.	
  
9
	
  守屋毅	
  Miyako	
  no	
  geinō	
  (Geinōshi	
  Kenkyūkai	
  1986,	
  14).	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 29	
  
The	
   lifestyle	
   of	
   falling	
   in	
   love	
   (irogonomi)	
   and	
   sending	
   messengers	
   with	
   notes	
   to	
   women	
  
regardless	
  of	
  their	
  social	
  status	
  are	
  signs	
  which	
  unite	
  the	
  figures	
  of	
  Nagoya	
  and	
  Narihira.	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
The	
  Images	
  
The	
  images	
  are	
  useful	
  in	
  that	
  they	
  offer	
  us	
  some	
  idea	
  about	
  the	
  possible	
  staging	
  of	
  Okuni	
  kabuki,	
  
although	
  not	
  necessarily	
  a	
  completely	
  reliable	
  reflection	
  of	
  the	
  historical	
  reality	
  –	
  Kimbrough	
  warns	
  
that	
  the	
  depictions	
  (especially	
  in	
  Nara-­‐e-­‐hon	
  kojōruri	
  and	
  sekkyō	
  stories)	
  of	
  performances	
  may	
  not	
  
always	
  be	
  trustworthy	
  (Kimbrough	
  2013,	
  11).	
  
What	
   all	
   the	
   three	
   illustration	
   sets	
   have	
   in	
   common	
   is	
   the	
   depiction	
   of	
   what	
   is	
   generally	
  
considered	
  as	
  the	
  arrival	
  of	
  the	
  bōrei	
  ghost	
  of	
  Nagoya	
  Sanza:	
  
	
  
	
  
1.	
  Bōrei	
  image	
  –	
  Kd	
  (Kd	
  pic.	
  7)	
  
	
  
	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 30	
  
2.	
  Bōrei	
  image	
  -­‐	
  Ss	
  (Ss	
  pic.	
  8)	
  
	
  
	
  3.	
  Bōrei	
  image	
  –	
  Bkk	
  (Bkk	
  pic.	
  1)	
  
In	
  all	
  three	
  of	
  them,	
  a	
  male	
  figure	
  is	
  seen	
  in	
  front	
  of	
  the	
  stage	
  (or,	
  in	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi,	
  
in	
  front	
  of	
  an	
  engawa	
  veranda)	
  upon	
  which	
  Okuni	
  stands.	
  This	
  represents	
  a	
  break	
  from	
  the	
  nō	
  staging	
  
since	
  in	
  the	
  mugen	
  nō	
  plays,	
  in	
  the	
  presentday	
  staging	
  at	
  least,	
  the	
  appearing	
  spirit	
  or	
  ghost	
  comes	
  
onto	
  the	
  stage	
  down	
  the	
  hashigakari	
  bridge;	
  in	
  early	
  kabuki,	
  he	
  apparently	
  came	
  from	
  the	
  side	
  of	
  the	
  
audience;	
  not	
  only	
  do	
  we	
  see	
  him	
  do	
  so	
  in	
  the	
  pictures,	
  but	
  the	
  kotobagaki	
  says	
  so,	
  too:	
  
Who	
  is	
  it	
  amidst	
  the	
  gathered	
  crowd	
  of	
  high	
  and	
  low?	
  Should	
  I	
  know	
  you?	
  Who	
  would	
  you	
  be?	
  
(Kd	
  c.	
  71-­‐73)	
  
A	
  sense	
  of	
  humour	
  and	
  parody	
  can	
  be	
  identified:	
  “Though	
  it	
  is	
  humble,	
  please	
  do	
  deign	
  to	
  
come	
  in,	
  she	
  invites	
  master	
  Sanza	
  in.	
  And	
  so,	
  you	
  a	
  kabukibito	
  of	
  old,	
  tell	
  us,	
  please,	
  how	
  the	
  world	
  
used	
   to	
   be	
   then”	
   (Ss	
   c.	
   115-­‐117)	
   A	
   slight	
   mockery	
   can	
   be	
   imagined	
   here	
   as	
   the	
   tea	
   house	
   lady	
   is	
  
actually	
  talking	
  to	
  someone	
  who	
  has	
  been	
  dead	
  and	
  by	
  this	
  kind	
  of	
  speech	
  she	
  seems	
  to	
  distance	
  
herself	
  from	
  what	
  used	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  reality	
  of	
  the	
  deceased	
  person’s	
  life.	
  This	
  attempt	
  at	
  humour	
  adds	
  to	
  
the	
   general	
   light	
   tone	
   and	
   runs	
   counter	
   to	
   the	
   common	
   and	
   supposedly	
   natural	
   awe	
   felt	
   at	
   the	
  
apparition	
  of	
  a	
  ghost.	
  	
  
Hattori	
  writes	
  that	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  taken	
  for	
  granted	
  (Hattori	
  2003,	
  76)	
  	
  that	
  the	
  chaya	
  no	
  asobi	
  
was	
  the	
  most	
  favourite	
  and	
  most	
  typical	
  skit	
  of	
  early	
  kabuki	
  and	
  that	
  its	
  attraction	
  consisted	
  in	
  gender	
  
reversal	
  with	
  Okuni	
  enacting	
  the	
  kabukimono	
  visiting	
  the	
  chaya	
  and	
  a	
  kyōgenshi	
  playing	
  the	
  chaya	
  no	
  
kaka,	
  or	
  tea	
  house	
  lady.	
  This	
  cast	
  is	
  based	
  on	
  the	
  chaya	
  no	
  asobi	
  scene	
  in	
  the	
  Bunkakan	
  fragments	
  
which	
  show	
  three	
  characters	
  presumably	
  representing:	
  	
  
1.	
  Okuni	
  playing	
  the	
  kabukimono,	
  	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 31	
  
2.	
  a	
  kyōgenshi	
  playing	
  the	
  chaya	
  no	
  kaka,	
  and	
  	
  
3.	
  the	
  saruwaka	
  playing	
  the	
  joker.	
  	
  
	
  
	
  
4.	
  Chaya	
  figures	
  –	
  Bkk	
  (Bkk	
  pic.	
  2)	
  
Out	
  of	
  the	
  three	
  sets,	
  the	
  Bunkakan	
  images	
  are	
  considered	
  as	
  the	
  earliest,	
  and	
  thus	
  this	
  cast	
  is	
  
supposed	
  to	
  be	
  the	
  original	
  one.	
  These	
  figures	
  can	
  be	
  seen	
  in	
  Kabuki	
  Saushi	
  as	
  well:	
  
	
  
The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Vol. 8 (2015) 32	
  
5.	
  Saruwaka	
  and	
  kaka	
  -­‐	
  Ss	
  (Ss	
  pic.	
  10)	
  
Conclusion	
  
It	
   is	
   nowadays	
   difficult	
   to	
   appreciate	
   fully	
   how	
   enthralling	
   Okuni’s	
   kabuki	
   odori	
   must	
   have	
   been	
  
when	
  it	
  gained	
  sensational	
  acclaim	
  and	
  Kyoto’s	
  audiences	
  were	
  swept	
  away,	
  as	
  can	
  be	
  imagined	
  on	
  
the	
  basis	
  of	
  the	
  Okuni	
  sōshi.	
  These	
  materials	
  can,	
  however,	
  give	
  us	
  an	
  idea	
  about	
  the	
  staging,	
  the	
  
figures	
   and	
   the	
   structure.	
   They	
   complement	
   our	
   understanding	
   of	
   how	
   new	
   and	
   fresh	
   Okuni’s	
  
performance	
  was.	
  Presumably	
  attractive,	
  sensual	
  and	
  amusing	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  time,	
  it	
  modernised	
  the	
  
nō/kyōgen	
  theatre	
  tradition	
  to	
  a	
  point	
  where	
  the	
  development	
  took	
  on	
  a	
  completely	
  new	
  direction	
  
and	
  kabuki	
  was	
  born.	
  
	
  
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  T.	
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   to	
   shite	
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   NARA-­‐E-­‐HON	
  
OKUNI	
  KABUKI”	
  	
  to	
  the	
  reprint	
  of	
  Nara-­‐e-­‐hon	
  Okuni	
  kabuki.	
  Tokyo:	
  Yoneyamadō.	
  
—.	
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  saushi	
  ni	
  tsuite”	
  to	
  the	
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  of	
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  Hattori	
  Yukio,	
  Takei	
  Kyōzō,	
  Masaki	
  Yumi,	
  Satō	
  Eri,	
  Higashi	
  Harumi,	
  Tsuchida	
  Mamoru,	
  Mizuta	
  Kayano,	
  
Kuroishi	
  Yōko,	
  Ueno	
  Noriko,	
  Hirose	
  Chisako,	
  Hayashi	
  Kimiko,	
  Matsuzaki	
  Hitoshi,	
  and	
  Kodama	
  
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  1997.	
  Iwanami	
  Kōza	
  -­‐	
  Kabuki-­‐Bunraku	
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  II.	
  	
  -­‐	
  Kabuki	
  no	
  rekishi	
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  Iwanami	
  
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  T.	
  1958.	
  Nihon	
  rekishi	
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  1	
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  -­‐	
  ichi),	
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  3	
  (ena	
  –	
  omi),	
  Vol.	
  4	
  (omu	
  -­‐	
  kahe),	
  Vol.	
  6	
  
(kina	
  -­‐	
  kuyo),	
  Vol.	
  9	
  (saka	
  -­‐	
  shiha),	
  Vol.	
  14	
  (toha	
  -­‐	
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  Hōsei	
  Daigaku	
  Shuppankyoku.	
  	
  
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  11.	
  
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   Ritual	
   to	
   Contemporary	
   Pluralism.	
  
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  University	
  Press.	
  
	
  Nakabe	
  Yoshitaka.	
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  no	
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  January	
  2012.	
  
http://www.kintetsu.jp/yamato/shuppan/binotayori/pdf/99/1992_99_2_2p.pdf	
  
Nara-­‐e-­‐hon	
  Kokusai	
  Kenkyū	
  Kaigi.	
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  no	
  sekai.	
  Tokyo:	
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  Ogasawara,	
   Kyōko.	
   1975.	
   “Kabuki	
   no	
   Seiritsu.”	
   In	
   Kokubungaku:	
   Kaishaku	
   to	
   Kyōzai	
   Kenkyū	
  
20/VI/1975,	
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