Mirrort^Humanity CONRAD PHILLIP KOT TAK Mirror for Humanity A Concise Introduction to Cultural Anthropology FIFTH EDITION Conrad Phillip Kottak University of Michigan Mc Graw Hill Higher Education Boston Burr Ridge, IL Dubuque, IA Madison, Wl New York San Francisco St. Louis Bangkok Bogota Caracas Kuala Lumpur Lisbon London Madrid Mexico City Milan Montreal New Delhi Santiago Seoul Singapore Sydney Taipei Toronto I Higher Education MIRROR FOR HUMANITY: A CONCISE INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Published by McGraw-Hill, a business unit of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., 1221 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY, 10020. Copyright © 2007, 2005, 2003, 1999, 1996 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning. Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States. This book is printed on acid-free paper. 3 4567890 DOC/DOC 0 9 8 7 ISBN-13: 978-0-07-353090-1 ISBN-10: 0-07-353090-5 Editor in Chief: Emily Barrosse Publisher: Phillip A. Butcher Senior Sponsoring Editor: Kevin Witt Development Editor: Kate Scheinman _ Designer: Srdjan Savanovic Cover Credit: © Gettyimages.com Senior Photo Research Coordinator: Alexandra Ambrose Freelance Photo Researcher: Barbara Salz Media Producer: Michele Borrelli Production Supervisor: Jason I. Hüls Composition: 10/12 New Aster, by Interactive Composition Corporation-India Printing: 45 # New Era Matte Plus, R.R. Donnelley/Crawfordsville, IN. Credits: The credits section for this book begins on page C-l and is considered an extension of the copyright page. Kottak, Conrad Phillip. Mirror for humanity : a concise introduction to cultural anthropology / Conrad Phillip Kottak.—5th ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-07-353090-1 (softcover: alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-07-353090-5 (softcover: alk. paper) 1. Ethnology. I. Title. GN316.K66 2007 306—dc22 2005054044 The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the authors of McGraw-Hill, and McGraw-Hill does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites. Editorial Assistant: Teresa C. Treacy Senior Marketing Manager: Daniel M. Loch Managing Editor: Jean Dal Porto Project Manager: Jean R. Starr Art Director: Jeanne Schreiber Art Manager: Robin Mouat Masarykova Univerzita Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data www. mhhe. com To My Daughter Juliet Kottak Mavromatis Ordinarily we are unaware of the special lens through which we look at life. It would hardly be fish who discovered the existence of water. Students who had not yet gone beyond the horizon of their own society could not be expected to perceive custom which was the stuff of their own thinking. Anthropology holds up a great mirror to man and lets him look at himself in this infinite variety. (Kluckhohn 1944, p. 16—his emphasis) DEPARTMENT OF PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NEAR EAST IAM/FA MASARYK UNIVERSITY SET Also available from McGraw-Hill by Conrad Kottak Window on Humanity: A Concise Introduction to Anthropology, 2nd ed. (2007) Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity, 11th ed. (2006) Cultural Anthropology, 11th ed. (2006) Physical Anthropology and Archaeology, 2nd ed. (2006) On Being Different: Diversity and Multiculturalism in the North American Mainstream, 3rd ed. (2007) (with Kathryn A. Kozaitis) Assault on Paradise: The Globalization of a Little Community in Brazil, 4th ed. (2006) The Teaching of Anthropology: Problems, Issues, and Decisions edited by Conrad Phillip Kottak, Jane White, Richard Furlow, and Patricia Rice (1997) Brief Contents Chapter 1 Anthropology and Its Applications 1 Chapter 2 Ethics and Methods 22 Chapter 3 Culture 41 Chapter 4 Ethnicity and Race 59 Chapter 5 Language and Communication 85 Chapter 6 Making a Living 107 Chapter 7 Political Systems 133 Chapter 8 Families, Kinship, and Marriage 158 Chapter 9 Gender 184 Chapter 10 Religion 208 Chapter 11 The Modern World System 230 Chapter 12 Colonialism and Development 247 Chapter 13 Cultural Exchange and Survival 269 * • VII Contents LIST OF BOXES xv ABOUT THE AUTHOR xvii PREFACE xix Chapter 1 Anthropology and Its Applications 1 Human Diversity 2 Anthropology 3 Applying Anthropology 5 The Role of the Applied Anthropologist 7 Academic and Applied Anthropology 8 Theory and Practice 9 Anthropology and Education 10 Urban Anthropology 11 Urban versus Rural 11 Medical Anthropology 13 Anthropology and Business 16 Careers and Anthropology 17 Box: Hot Asset in Corporate: Anthropology Degrees 19 Chapter 2 Ethics and Methods 22 Ethics and Anthropology 22 Research Methods 24 Ethnography: Anthropology's Distinctive Strategy 25 Ethnographic Techniques 25 Observation and Participant Observation 26 Conversation, Interviewing, and Interview Schedules 27 The Genealogical Method 28 Key Cultural Consultants 28 Life Histories 29 Local Beliefs and Perceptions, and the Ethnographer's 29 The Evolution of Ethnography 30 ix X Contents Problem-Oriented Ethnography 32 Longitudinal Research 33 Team Research 33 Culture, Space, and Scale 34 Survey Research 35 Box: Even Anthropologists Get Culture Shock 37 Chapter 3 Culture 41 What Is Culture? 41 Culture Is Learned 41 Culture Is Shared 43 Culture Is Symbolic 43 Culture and Nature 44 Culture Is All-Encompassing 45 Culture Is Integrated 45 Culture Can be Adaptive and Maladaptive 47 Culture and the Individual: Agency and Practice 47 Levels of Culture 48 Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Human Rights 50 Universality, Generality, and Particularity 52 Universals and Generalities 52 Particularity: Patterns of Culture 53 Mechanisms of Cultural Change 54 Globalization 55 Box: Touching, Affection, Love, and Sex 56 Chapter 4 Ethnicity and Race 59 Ethnic Groups and Ethnicity 59 Status Shifting 61 Race 63 The Social Construction of Race 64 Hypodescent: Race in the United States 64 Not Us: Race in Japan 67 Phenotype and Fluidity: Race in Brazil 69 Ethnic Groups, Nations, and Nationalities 72 Nationalities and Imagined Communities 72 Ethnic Tolerance and Accommodation 73 Assimilation 73 The Plural Society 73 Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity 74 Roots of Ethnic Conflict 77 Prejudice and Discrimination 77 Chips in the Mosaic 77 Aftermaths of Oppression 78 Box: The Basques 80 Contents Chapter 5 Language and Communication 85 Language 86 Nonverbal Communication 87 The Structure of Language 88 Speech Sounds 88 Language, Thought, and Culture 90 The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis 91 Focal Vocabulary 92 Sociolinguistics 94 Linguistic Diversity within Nations 94 Gender Speech Contrasts 96 Stratification and Symbolic Domination 97 Black English Vernacular (BEV), aka "Ebonics" 99 Historical Linguistics 102 Box: Using Modern Technology to Preserve Linguistic and Cultural Diversity 104 hapter 6 Making a Living 107 Adaptive Strategies 107 Foraging 108 Correlates of Foraging 110 Cultivation 111 Horticulture 111 Agriculture 113 Agricultural Intensification: People and the Environment 115 Pastoralism 116 Economic Systems 117 Production in Nonindustrial Societies 118 Means of Production 119 Alienation in Industrial Economies 120 Economizing and Maximization 122 Alternative Ends 122 Distribution, Exchange 123 The Market Principle 124 Redistribution 124 Reciprocity 124 Coexistence of Exchange Principles 126 Potlatching 126 Box: Scarcity and the Betsileo 129 Chapter 7 Political Systems 133 What Is "The Political"? 133 Types and Trends 134 xii Contents Bands and Tribes 136 Foraging Bands 136 Tribal Cultivators 138 The Village Head 139 The "Big Man" 140 Pantribal Sodalities and Age Grades 142 Nomadic Politics 145 Chiefdoms 146 Political and Economic Systems in Chiefdoms 147 Social Status in Chiefdoms 148 Status Systems in Chiefdoms and States 149 States 151 Population Control 152 Judiciary 153 Enforcement 154 Fiscal Systems 154 Box: Diwaniyas in Kuwait 155 Chapter 8 Families, Kinship, and Marriage 158 Families 159 Nuclear and Extended Families 159 Industrialism and Family Organization 161 Changes in North American Kinship 161 The Family among Foragers 164 Descent 165 Descent Groups 165 Lineages, Clans, and Residence Rules 167 Marriage 168 Incest and Exogamy 169 Endogamy 169 Marital Rights and Same-Sex Marriage 171 Marriage Across Cultures 174 Bridewealth and Dowry 174 Durable Alliances 175 Divorce 176 Plural Marriages 178 Polygyny 178 Polyandry 180 Box: Social Security, Kinship Style 180 Chapter 9 Gender 184 Recurrent Gender Patterns 186 Gender among Foragers 191 Gender among Horticulturalists 192 Reduced Gender Stratification—Matrilineal, Matrilocal Societies Increased Gender Stratification—Patrilineal-Patrilocal Societies Gender among Agriculturalists 194 Patriarchy and Violence 196 Gender and Industrialism 197 The Feminization of Poverty 200 What Determines Gender Variation? 201 Sexual Orientation 201 Box: Indonesia's Matriarchal Minangkabau Offer an Alternative Social System 204 Chapter 10 Religion 208 Expressions of Religion 209 Animism 209 Mana and Taboo 210 Magic and Religion 211 Uncertainty, Anxiety Solace 211 Rituals 213 Rites of Passage 213 Totemism 216 Social Control 217 Kinds of Religion 219 World Religions 220 Religion and Change 223 Revitalization Movements 223 Cargo Cults 224 Secular Rituals 226 Box: Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally 226 Chapter 11 The Modern World System 230 The Emergence of the World System 231 Industrialization 233 Causes of the Industrial Revolution 234 Stratification 235 Industrial Stratification 236 Open and Closed Class Systems 237 The World System Today 239 Industrial Degradation 242 Box: The World System Meets "the Noble Savage" 243 Chapter 12 Colonialism and Development 247 Colonialism 247 British Colonialism 248 French Colonialism 250 Colonialism and Identity 251 Postcolonial Studies 252 Development 252 Neoliberalism 253 The Second World 254 Communism 254 Postsocialist Transitions 255 Development Anthropology 256 The Greening of Java 257 Equity 260 Strategies for Innovation 261 Overinnovation 261 Underdifferentiation 263 Third World Models 264 Box: Culturally Appropriate Marketing 265 Chapter 13 Cultural Exchange and Survival 269 Contact and Domination 269 Development and Environmentalism 270 Religious Change 271 Resistance and Survival 272 Weapons of the Weak 272 Cultural Imperialism 274 Making and Remaking Culture 276 Popular Culture 276 Indigenizing Popular Culture 276 A World System of Images 277 A Transnational Culture of Consumption 278 People in Motion 279 The Continuance of Diversity 281 Box: Cultural Diversity Highest in Resource-Rich Areas GLOSSARY G-l BIBLIOGRAPHY B-l CREDITS C-l INDEX 1-1 List of Boxes HOT ASSET IN CORPORATE: ANTHROPOLOGY DEGREES 19 EVEN ANTHROPOLOGISTS GET CULTURE SHOCK 37 TOUCHING, AFFECTION, LOVE, AND SEX 56 THE BASQUES 80 USING MODERN TECHNOLOGY TO PRESERVE LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY 104 SCARCITY AND THE BETSILEO 129 DMANIYAS IN KUWAIT 155 SOCIAL SECURITY, KINSHIP STYLE 180 INDONESIA'S MATRIARCHAL MINANGKABAU OFFER AN ALTERNATIVE SOCIAL SYSTEM 204 ISLAM EXPANDING GLOBALLY, ADAPTING LOCALLY 226 THE WORLD SYSTEM MEETS "THE NOBLE SAVAGE" 243 CULTURALLY APPROPRIATE MARKETING 265 CULTURAL DIVERSITY HIGHEST IN RESOURCE-RICH AREAS 282 xv About the Author CONRAD PHILLIP KOTTAK (A.B. Columbia College, 1963; Ph.D. Columbia University, 1966) is a professor and chair of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Michigan, where he has taught since 1968. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences. In 1991 he was honored for his teaching by the University and the State of Michigan. In 1992 he received an excellence in teaching award from the College of Literature, Sciences, and the Arts of the University of Michigan. And in 1999 the American Anthropological Association (AAA) awarded Professor Kottak the AAA/Mayfield Award for Excellence in the Undergraduate Teaching of Anthropology. Professor Kottak has done ethnographic field work in Brazil (since 1962), Madagascar (since 1966), and the United States. His general interests are in the processes by which local cultures are incorporated—and resist incorporation—into larger systems. This interest links his earlier work on ecology and state formation in Africa and Madagascar to his more recent research on global change, national and international culture, and the mass media. The fourth edition of Kottak's popular case study Assault on Paradise: The Globalization of a Little Community in Brazil, based on his field work in Arembepe, Bahia, Brazil, was published in 2006 by McGraw-Hill. In a research project during the 1980s, Kottak blended ethnography and survey research in studying "Televisions Behavioral Effects in Brazil." That research is the basis of Kottak's book Prime-Time Society: An Anthropological Analysis of Television and Culture (Wadsworth 1990)—a comparative study of the nature and impact of television in Brazil and the United States. xvn XV111 About the Author Kottak's other books include The Past in the Present: History, Ecology and Cultural Variation in Highland Madagascar (1980), Researching American Culture: A Guide for Student Anthropologists (1982) (both University of Michigan Press), and Madagascar: Society and History (1986) (Carolina Academic Press). With Kathryn A. Kozaitis, Kottak is the co-author of On Being Different: Diversity and Multiculturalism in the North American Mainstream (3rd ed., McGraw-Hill, 2007). The most recent editions (eleventh) of his longer texts Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity and Cultural Anthropology were published by McGraw-Hill in summer 2005 along with the second edition of his Physical Anthropology and Archaeology. In addition to Mirror for Humanity: A Concise Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (this book), Kottak is also the author of Window on Humanity: A Concise Introduction to Anthropology (2nd ed. 2007). Conrad Kottak's articles have appeared in academic journals, including American Anthropologist, Journal of Anthropological Research, American Ethnologist, Ethnology, Human Organization, and Luso-Brazilian Review. He also has written for more popular journals, including TransactionJSOClETY, Natural History, Psychology Today, and General Anthropology. In recent research projects, Kottak and his colleagues have investigated the emergence of ecological awareness in Brazil, the social context of deforestation and biodiversity conservation in Madagascar, and popular participation in economic development planning in northeastern Brazil. Since 1999 Professor Kottak has been active in the University of Michigan's Center for the Ethnography of Everyday Life, supported by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. In that capacity, for a research project titled "Media, Family, and Work in a Middle-Class Midwestern Town," Kottak has investigated how middle-class families draw on various media in planning, managing, and evaluating their choices and solutions with respect to the competing demands of work and family. Conrad Kottak appreciates comments about his books from professors and students. He can be readily reached by e-mail at the following Internet address: ckottak@umich.edu. Preface Mirror for Humanity (MFH) is intended to provide a concise, relatively low-cost introduction to cultural anthropology. The combination of shorter length and lower cost increases the instructors options for assigning additional reading—case studies, readers, and other supplements—in a semester course. Based on experience with the first four editions, I can say that MFH also works well in a quarter system, since traditional cultural anthropology texts may be too long for a one-quarter course. As a college student, I was drawn to anthropology by its breadth and because of what it could tell me about the human condition. Cultural anthropology has compiled an impressive body of knowledge about human similarities and differences. I'm eager to introduce that knowledge in the pages that follow. I believe strongly in anthropology's capacity to enlighten and inform. Anthropology's subject matter is intrinsically fascinating, and its focus on diversity helps students understand and interact with their fellow human beings in an increasingly interconnected world and an increasingly diverse North America. I decided to write my first textbook back in 1972, when there were far fewer introductory anthropology texts than there are today. The texts back then tended to be overly encyclopedic. I found them too long and too unfocused for my course and my image of contemporary anthropology. The field of anthropology was changing rapidly. Anthropologists were writing about a "new archaeology" and a "new ethnography." Studies of language as actually used in society were revolutionizing overly formal and static linguistic models. Symbolic and interpretive approaches were joining ecological and materialist ones within cultural anthropology. Cultural anthropology hasn't lost its excitement. Profound changes have affected the people and societies ethnographers have traditionally studied. In cultural anthropology it's increasingly difficult to know when to write in the present and when to write in the past tense. Yet many texts ignore change—except maybe with a chapter tacked on at the end—and write as though cultural anthropology and the people it studies were the same as xix XX Preface they were decades ago. While any competent text must present cultural anthropology's core, it should also demonstrate anthropology's relevance to today's world. I try to keep MFH up-to-date. Because anthropology, reflecting the world itself, seems to change at an increasing rate, the introductory text should not restrict itself to subject matter defined more than a generation ago, ignoring the pervasive changes affecting the peoples, places, and topics traditionally studied by anthropologists. MFH thus includes discussions of ethnicity and nationalism in a global context and of diversity and multicul-turalism in North America. Also highlighted are anthropology's increasingly transnational, multilocal, and longitudinal perspectives. Rapid change notwithstanding, anthropology has a core—the subject matter, perspectives, and approaches that first attracted me when I was an undergraduate. Even the briefest text must expose anthropology's nature, scope, and roles as a science, a humanities field, and a mirror for humanity. Anthropology is a science—a "systematic field of study or body of knowledge that aims, through experiment, observation, and deduction, to produce reliable explanations of phenomena, with reference to the material and physical world" (Webster's New World Encyclopedia 1993, p. 937). Clyde Kluckhohn called anthropology "the science of human similarities and differences," and his statement of the need for such a science still stands: "Anthropology provides a scientific basis for dealing with the crucial dilemma of the world today: how can peoples of different appearance, mutually unintelligible languages, and dissimilar ways of life get along peaceably together?" (Kluckhohn 1944, p. 9). Anthropology also has strong links to the humanities. Cultural anthropology may well be the most humanistic of academic fields because of its fundamental respect for human diversity. Anthropologists listen to, record, and represent voices from a multitude of nations and cultures. We strive to convince our students of the value of local knowledge, of diverse worldviews and perspectives. Cultural anthropology brings a comparative and nonelitist perspective to forms of creative expression, including art, narratives, music, and dance. Cultural anthropology is influenced by and influences the humanities. For example, adopting an anthropological view of creativity in its social and cultural context, recent approaches in the humanities have paid greater attention to mass and popular culture and to local creative expressions. Anthropology's final basic role is as a mirror for humanity—a term derived from Clyde Kluckhohn s metaphor, expressed in his book Mirror for Man (1944), which suggested the title of this text. By looking at other cultures we can see ourselves more clearly: Ordinarily we are unaware of the special lens through which we look at life. It would hardly be fish who discovered the existence of water. Students who had not yet gone beyond the horizon of their own society could not be expected to perceive custom which was the stuff of their own thinking. Anthropology holds up a great mirror to man and lets him look at himself in his infinite variety. (Kluckhohn 1944, p. 16) Preface xxi This point reminds me of one of my teachers, Margaret Mead, who is remembered for her unparalleled success in demonstrating anthropology's value and relevance in allowing Americans to reflect on cultural variation and the plasticity of human nature. Mead represented anthropology so effectively because she viewed it as a humanistic science of unique value in understanding and improving the human condition. This book is written in the belief that anthropologists should remember and emulate Dr. Mead's example. CONTENT AND ORGANIZATION No single or monolithic theoretical perspective orients this book. My e-mail, along with reviewers' comments, confirms that instructors with a wide range of views and approaches have been pleased with MFH as a teaching tool. Mirror for Humanity, guided by very thoughtful reviewers, covers core and basics, as well as prominent current issues and approaches. MFH has five important chapters not consistently found in cultural anthropology texts: "Ethnicity and Race" (4), "Gender" (9), "The Modern World System" (11), "Colonialism and Development" (12), and "Cultural Exchange and Survival" (13). These and other chapters explore the nature, role, and preservation of human diversity in the face of conquest, colonialism, and globalization. I recognize and try to show how linkages in the modern world system have both enlarged and erased old boundaries and distinctions as described in standard anthropology textbooks. People travel more than ever, but many migrants maintain their ties with home, so that they live multilocally. With so many people "in motion," the unit of anthropological study has expanded to include not only local communities, but also transnational diasporas. I am pleased to have been one of the textbook authors chosen to participate in the Gender in the Curriculum Project of the American Anthropological Association. In that project I was paired with Yolanda Moses (now a former president of the Association), who commented extensively on, and met with me to discuss, the treatment of gender (in writing and in the photo program) in my texts Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity and Cultural Anthropology. I continue to draw on the lessons I learned. Gender issues are the focus of a separate chapter (9) here, but they are also considered throughout the text. In considering ethnic, national, and transnational cultural identities, Chapter 4 examines multiculturalism in North America along with ethnic expression and conflict in eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Central Asia. Chapter 13 focuses on issues of cultural exchange, creativity, and survival in a global culture driven by flows of people, technology, finance, images, information, and ideology. Indigenous peoples use various strategies to resist attacks on their autonomy, identity, and livelihood. New forms of political mobilization and cultural expression have emerged from the interplay of local, regional, national, and international cultural forces. MFH concludes with three chapters especially relevant to anthropology's role in todays world: "The Modern World System" (11), "Colonialism and Development" (12), and "Cultural Exchange and Survival" (13). WHAT'S NEW IN THE FIFTH EDITION Despite additions, cuts, revisions, and updating, the chapter titles and order remain the same as in the fourth edition. Throughout the book, charts, tables, and statistics have been updated with the most recent figures available. Five new end-of-chapter boxes and one substantially revised box are intended to bring home anthropology's relevance to current debates, issues, and events. CHAPTER-BY-CHAPTER CHANGES Here are specific changes, chapter by chapter: 1. Chapter 1 ("Anthropology and Its Applications") introduces anthropology as a four-field, integrated discipline with academic and applied dimensions that focus on human diversity in time and space. There are examples of applied anthropology from the various subfields. New information on urban growth in developing countries has been added. 2. Chapter 2 ("Ethics and Methods") focuses on ethical issues and research methods in cultural anthropology. I highlight ethical dilemmas that anthropologists increasingly confront. This chapter shows students how cultural anthropologists do their work and how that work is relevant in understanding ourselves. There is a new section titled "Culture, Space, and Scale" and a new box on field work. 3. Chapter 3 ("Culture") examines the anthropological concept of culture, including its symbolic and adaptive features. This chapter has been updated based on recent writing and statistics. There is a new section on "Culture and the Individual: Agency and Practice," plus an expanded and clarified discussion of cultural particularities and patterns of culture. The section on globalization has been revised and updated. 4. Chapter 4 ("Ethnicity and Race") offers cross-cultural examples of variation in racial classification and ethnic relations. This chapter has been updated thoroughly, with the most recent sources and census data available in several key tables and new visuals. There is a new box on Basque ethnicity in Europe and the United States. 5. Chapter 5 ("Language and Communication") introduces methods and topics in linguistic anthropology, including descriptive and historical linguistics, sociolinguistics, and language and culture. The ebonies section has been revised substantially, with new information on Creole languages. 6. Chapter 6 ("Making a Living") surveys economic anthropology, including systems of food production and exchange systems. This chapter has been Preface * » » XXlll updated throughout, with an added case study of industrial alienation and a revised box on changing concepts of scarcity among the Betsileo. 7. Chapter 7 ("Political Systems") has been revised, updated, and slightly reorganized, with a new introductory section titled "What Is 'the Political?" 8. Chapter 8 ("Families, Kinship, and Marriage") discusses families, households, kinship, and marriage cross-culturally, and also with reference to the most recent U.S. and Canadian census data. Also covered are divorce (with new case material) and same-sex marriage, revised to reflect recent legal actions and events in the United States and Canada. There is a new box on "Social Security, Kinship Style." 9. Chapter 9 ("Gender") examines cross-cultural similarities and differences in male and female roles, rights, and responsibilities. Systems of gender stratification are examined. There is information on contemporary gender roles and issues, including the feminization of poverty. The latest relevant census data are included. The section on patriarchy has been revised, as has the section on sexual orientation. 10. Chapter 10 ("Religion") surveys classic anthropological approaches to religion, while also discussing contemporary world religions. This chapter features a new introduction and a new box on Islam's expansion, an expanded discussion of defining religion, and new examples of magical and religious behavior in the contemporary United States. 11. Chapter 11 ("The Modern World System") examines the emergence and nature of the modern world system, including industrial and postindus-trial systems of socioeconomic stratification and their impact on nonin-dustrial societies. This chapter has been updated and revised, with new discussions of outsourcing and global energy consumption (illustrated with a new table). 12. Chapter 12 ("Colonialism and Development") discusses the colonial systems and development policies that have impinged on the people and societies anthropology traditionally has studied. This chapter has been revised heavily. There are new sections on neoliberalism, Communism and its fall, and postsocialist transitions. 13. Chapter 13 ("Cultural Exchange and Survival") continues the examination of how development and globalization affect the peoples, societies, and communities where anthropologists traditionally have worked. It shows how local people actively confront the world system and the products of globalization. This chapter concludes with a final consideration of the role of the anthropologist in ensuring the continuance and preservation of cultural diversity. There is a new box on global cultural diversity. PEDAGOGY This fifth edition incorporates suggestions made by users of my other texts as well as reviewers of previous editions of MFH. The result, I hope, is a xxiv Preface sound, well-organized, interesting, and "user-friendly" introduction to cultural anthropology. MFH contains boxes at the end of each chapter, intended to give students a chance to consider anthropology's relevance to today's world and to their own lives. Some boxes examine current events or debates. Others are more personal accounts, which add human feeling to the presentation of cultural anthropology's subject matter. Many boxes illustrate a point with examples familiar to students from their enculturation or everyday experience. A glossary defining key terms presented in each chapter is found at the end of the book, along with a bibliography of references cited. End-of-chapter summaries are numbered, to make major points stand out. SUPPLEMENTS As a full-service publisher of quality educational products, McGraw-Hill does much more than just sell textbooks. It creates and publishes an extensive array of print, video, and digital supplements for students and instructors. This edition of MFH includes an exciting supplements package. Orders of new (versus used) textbooks help defray the cost of developing such supplements, which is substantial. Please consult your local McGraw-Hill representative for more information on any of the supplements. FOR THE STUDENT Student's Online Learning Center—this free Web-based student supplement features a variety of helpful resources. Visit http://www.mhhe. com/kottakmfh5 for study tools, interactive maps and exercises, anthropology and career links, and PowerWeb. PowerWeb for Anthropology gives students password-protected, course-specific articles with assessments from current research journals and popular press articles, refereed and selected by anthropology instructors. FOR THE INSTRUCTOR Instructor's Resource CD-ROM—this indispensable instructor supplement features a comprehensive Instructor's Manual, Test Bank, and PowerPoint lecture slides, as well as McGraw-Hill's EZ Test—a flexible and easy-to-use electronic testing program. The program allows instructors to create tests from book-specific items. It accommodates a wide range of question types and instructors may add their own questions. Multiple versions of the test can be created and any test can be exported for use with course management systems such as WebCT, BlackBoard, or PageOut. EZ Test Online is a Preface XXV new service and gives you a place to easily administer your EZ Test created exams and quizzes online. The program is available for Windows and Macintosh environments. Instructor's Online Learning Center—this password-protected Web-based supplement offers access to important instructor support materials and downloadable supplements. Visit http://www.mhhe.com/kottakmfh5 for the Instructor's Manual, PowerPoint lecture slides, numerous map and professional resources, as well as access to all the tools available to students, including PowerWeb. Videotapes—a wide variety of videotapes from the Films for the Humanities and Social Sciences series is available to adopters of the text. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I'm grateful to many colleagues at McGraw-Hill. Kevin Witt has been supportive, enthusiastic, and inventive as McGraw-Hill's senior editor for anthropology. Teresa Treacy handled the review process and numerous details. I welcomed the chance to work with developmental editor Kate Scheinman, who did an excellent job of synthesizing the new reviews and who helped keep things moving on a quick schedule. I continue to enjoy working with Phil Butcher, McGraw-Hill's publisher of anthropology. I deeply appreciate Phil's unflagging support; we have been friends and colleagues for more than a decade. I would like to thank Jean Starr for her excellent work as project manager, guiding the manuscript through production and keeping everything moving on schedule. Jason Huls, production supervisor, worked with the printer to make sure everything came out right. It's always a pleasure to work with Barbara Salz, freelance photo researcher, with whom I've worked for well over a decade. I want to thank Jason Sherman for his excellent work on the supplements for MFH, as well as for his hard and creative work on the last three editions of my longer texts. I also thank Sharon O'Donnell for her copyediting, Srdjan Savanovic for conceiving and executing the design; and Dan Loch, a knowledgeable, creative, and enthusiastic marketing manager. Robin Mouat and Alex Amborse also deserve thanks as art editor and photo research coordinator. Thanks, too, to Michele Borrelli, media producer, for creating the OLC. I also thank Karyn Morrison, who has handled the literary permissions. I'm very grateful to the following prepublication reviewers of this and previous editions of MFH and Window on Humanity. Sue L. Aki—University of Texas at San Antonio Linda Allen—Kirkwood Community College Diane Everett Barbolla—San Diego Mesa College Beau Bowers—Central Piedmont Community College Jim Brady—California State University, Los Angeles Larisa Lee Broyles—State University, San Bernardino William L. Coleman—University of North Carolina, Greensboro Les W. Field—University of New Mexico Elizabeth Fortenbery—Pierce Community College Christopher Hays—University of Wisconsin-Washington County Katherine Hirschfeld—University of Oklahoma Hilary Kahn—Indiana University—Indianapolis Jami Leibowitz—East Carolina University William Leons—University of Toledo Daniel Maher—Westark College Garry Morgan—Northwestern College Martin Oppenheimer—Kansas State University Gerald F. Reid—Sacred Heart University Carolyn Rock—Valdosta State University Eugene E. Ruyle—California State University, Long Beach Andris Skreija—University of Nebraska-Omaha Betty A. Smith—Kennesaw State University Shannon Speed—University of Texas at Austin Emily Stovel—Ripon College Ted Swedenburg—University of Arkansas Mark Tromans—Broward Community College Thomas Williamson—St. Olaf College I was delighted by the enthusiasm expressed in their comments, especially by those who have used MFH in their courses. My thanks also to several colleagues, especially Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney (University of Wisconsin-Madison), Norman Whitten (University of Illinois-Champaign-Urbana), Karla Valdes (Riverside Community College), and Michael McCrath (South Seattle Community College), for taking the time to e-mail me (some more than once) their helpful comments. Students, too, regularly share their insights about MFH via e-mail. Anyone—student or instructor—with access to e-mail can reach me at the following address: ckottak@umich.edu. As usual, my family has offered me understanding, support, and inspiration during the preparation of MFH. Dr. Nicholas Kottak regularly shares his insights with me, as does Isabel Wagley Kottak, my companion in the field and in life for four decades. This book is dedicated to my daughter, Preface xxvii Dr. Juliet Kottak Mavromatis, who continues our family tradition of exploring human diversity and diagnosing and treating the human condition. During a teaching career that began in 1968, I have benefited from the knowledge, help, and advice of so many friends, colleagues, teaching assistants, and students that I can no longer fit their names into a short preface. I hope they know who they are and accept my thanks. Since 1968 I've taught Anthropology 101 (Introduction to Anthropology), with the help of several teaching assistants (graduate student instructors) each time. Feedback from students and teaching assistants keeps me up-to-date on the interests, needs, and views of the people for whom MFH is written. I continue to believe that effective textbooks are based in enthusiasm and in practice—in the enjoyment of teaching. I hope this product of my experience will continue to be helpful to others. Conrad Phillip Kottak Ann Arbor, Michigan ckottak@umich.edu Anthropology and Its Applications URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY Urban versus Rural MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY ANTHROPOLOGY AND BUSINESS CAREERS AND ANTHROPOLOGY Box: Hot Asset in Corporate "That's just human nature." "People are pretty much the same all over the world." Such opinions, which we hear in conversations, in the mass media, and in a dozen scenes in daily life, promote the erroneous idea that people in other countries have the same desires, feelings, values, and aspirations that we do. Such statements proclaim that because people are essentially the same, they are eager to receive the ideas, beliefs, values, institutions, practices, and products of an expansive North American culture. Often this assumption turns out to be wrong. Anthropology offers a broader view—a distinctive comparative, cross-cultural perspective. Most people think that anthropologists study nonindus-trial societies, and they do. My research has taken me to remote villages in Brazil and Madagascar, a large island off the southeast coast of Africa. In 2 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications Brazil I sailed with fishermen in simple sailboats on Atlantic waters. Among Madagascar's Betsileo people I worked in rice fields and took part in ceremonies in which I entered tombs to rewrap the corpses of decaying ancestors. However, anthropology is much more than the study of nonindustrial peoples. It is a comparative science that examines all societies, ancient and modern, simple and complex. Most of the other social sciences tend to focus on a single society, usually an industrial nation such as the United States or Canada. Anthropology offers a unique cross-cultural perspective, constantly comparing the customs of one society with those of others. To become a cultural anthropologist, one normally does ethnography (the firsthand, personal study of local settings). Ethnographic field work usually entails spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their way of life. No matter how much the ethnographer discovers about the society, he or she remains an alien there. That experience of alienation has a profound impact. Having learned to respect other customs and beliefs, anthropologists can never forget that there is a wider world. There are normal ways of thinking and acting other than our own. HUMAN DIVERSITY Humans are the most adaptable animals in the world. In the Andes of South America, people awaken in villages 16,000 feet above sea level and then trek 1,500 feet higher to work in tin mines. Tribes in the Australian desert worship animals and discuss philosophy. People survive malaria in the tropics. Human beings have walked on the moon. The model of the Starship Enterprise in Washington's Smithsonian Institution symbolizes the desire to seek out new life and civilizations, to boldly go where no one has gone before. Wishes to know the unknown, control the uncontrollable, and bring order to chaos find expression among all peoples. Flexibility and adaptability are basic human attributes, and human diversity is the subject matter of anthropology Students are often surprised by the breadth of anthropology, which is a uniquely holistic science. It studies the whole of the human condition: past, present, and future; biology, society, language, and culture. People share society—organized life in groups—with other animals. Culture, however, is distinctly human. Cultures are traditions and customs, transmitted through learning that play a large role in determining the beliefs and behavior of the people exposed to them. Children learn these traditions by growing up in a particular society. Cultural traditions include customs and opinions, developed over the generations, about proper and improper behavior. Cultural traditions answer such questions as: How should we do things? How do we interpret the world? How do we tell right from wrong? A common culture produces consistencies in behavior and thought in a given society. Anthropology 3 The most critical element of cultural traditions is their transmission through learning rather than biological inheritance. Culture is not itself biological, but it rests on capacities that are based in hominid biology. (Hominids are members of the zoological family that includes fossil and living humans.) Human adaptation (the process by which organisms cope with environmental stresses) involves an interplay between culture and biology. For more than a million years, hominids have had at least some of the biological capacities on which culture depends. These abilities are to learn, to think symbolically, to use language, and to employ tools and other cultural features in organizing their lives and adapting to their environments. Bound neither by time nor by space, anthropology attempts to answer major questions of human existence. By examining ancient bones and tools, anthropologists solve the mysteries of hominid origins. When did our own ancestors separate from those remote great-aunts and great-uncles whose descendants are the apes? Where and when did Homo sapiens originate? How has our species changed? What are we now and where are we going? How have changes in culture and society influenced and been influenced by biological change? ANTHROPOLOGY The academic discipline of anthropology, also known as general anthropology, includes four main subdisciplines or subfields: sociocultu-ral, archaeological, biological, and linguistic anthropology. (From here on, I will use the shorter term cultural anthropology as a synonym for "sociocul-tural anthropology.") Cultural anthropologists study human society and culture. They describe, interpret, and explain social and cultural similarities and differences. To study and interpret cultural diversity, cultural anthropologists engage in two kinds of activity: ethnography (based on field work) and ethnology (based on cross-cultural comparison). Ethnography provides an account of a particular community, society, or culture. During ethnographic field work the ethnographer gathers data, which he or she organizes, describes, analyzes, and interprets to build and present that account, which may be in the form of a book, article, or film. Ethnology examines, analyzes, and compares the results of ethnography—the data gathered in different societies. It uses such data to compare and contrast and to make generalizations about society and culture. Ethnologists look beyond the particular to the more general. They strive to explain cultural differences and similarities and to build theory to enhance our understanding of how social and cultural systems work. Ethnology gets its data for comparison not just from ethnography but also from the other subfields. For example, archaeological anthropology (more simply, archaeology) reconstructs, describes, and interprets human behavior and cultural patterns through material remains. Archaeologists are best known for studying prehistory (the period before the invention of 4 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications Through cross-cultural comparison, we see that many differences between the sexes arise from cultural learning and expectations rather than from biology. This female porter in Calcutta, India, has loaded heavy bricks on her head for transport to a construction site. writing, around 6,000 years ago), but they also study historical and even living cultures through their material remains. The subject matter of biological, or physical, anthropology is human biological diversity in time and space. Biological anthropologists study hominid evolution, human genetics, and human biological plasticity (the body's ability to cope with stresses, such as heat, cold, and altitude). Also part of biological anthropology is primatology—the study of the biology, evolution, behavior, and social life of monkeys, apes, and other nonhuman primates. Biological anthropologists collaborate with archaeologists in reconstructing cultural as well as biological aspects of human evolution. Often found with fossils are tools, which suggest the habits, customs, and lifestyles of the hominids that used them. Human biological and cultural evolution have been interrelated and complementary, and humans continue to adapt both biologically and culturally. We don't know (and probably never will know) when hominids began to speak. However, well-developed, grammatically complex languages have existed for thousands of years. Like the other subfields, linguistic anthropology examines variation in time and space. Linguistic anthropologists study languages of the present and make inferences about those of Applying Anthropology 5 the past. Linguistic techniques are also useful to ethnographers because they permit the rapid learning of unwritten languages. Linguistic and cultural anthropologists collaborate in studying links between language and other aspects of culture. Most American anthropologists, myself included, specialize in cultural anthropology. However, most are also familiar with the basics of the other subfields. Large departments of anthropology usually include members of each subfield. There are historical reasons for the inclusion of four subdisciplines in a single field. American anthropology arose a century ago out of concern for the history and cultures of the native populations of North America ("American Indians"). Interest in the origins and diversity of Native Americans brought together studies of customs, social life, language, and physical traits. Such a unified anthropology did not develop in Europe, where the subdisciplines tend to exist separately. The subdisciplines influence each other as anthropologists talk, read professional books and journals, and associate in professional organizations. General anthropology explores the basics of human biology, psychology, society, and culture and considers their interrelations. Anthropologists share certain key assumptions. One is that sound conclusions about "human nature" can't be drawn from a single nation, society, or cultural tradition. We often hear "nature-nurture" and "genetics-environment" questions. For example, consider gender differences. Do male and female capacities, attitudes, and behavior reflect biological or cultural variation? Are there universal emotional and intellectual contrasts between the sexes? Are females less aggressive than males? Is male dominance a human universal? By examining diverse societies, anthropology shows that many contrasts between men and women arise from cultural learning rather than from biology. Anthropology is not a science of the exotic carried on by quaint scholars in ivory towers. Rather, it is a holistic, comparative field with a lot to tell the public. Anthropology's foremost professional organization, the American Anthropological Association, has formally acknowledged a public service role by recognizing that anthropology has two dimensions: (1) theoretical/ academic anthropology and (2) practicing or applied anthropology. The latter refers to the application of anthropological data, perspectives, theory, and methods to identify, assess, and solve contemporary social problems. More and more anthropologists from the four subfields now work in such "applied" areas as public health, family planning, and economic development. APPLYING ANTHROPOLOGY Erve Chambers (1987, p. 309) defines applied anthropology as the "field of inquiry concerned with the relationships between anthropological knowledge and the uses of that knowledge in the world beyond anthropology." Applied anthropologists (aka. practicing anthropologists) work (regularly or 6 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications occasionally, full or part time) for nonacademic clients. These clients include governments, development agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), tribal and ethnic associations, interest groups, social service and educational agencies, and businesses (see the box at the end of the chapter). Applied anthropologists work for groups that promote, manage, and assess programs aimed at influencing human behavior and social conditions. The scope of applied anthropology includes change and development abroad and social problems and policies in North America (see Ervin 2005). Applied anthropologists come from all four subdisciplines. Biological anthropologists work in the fields of public health, nutrition, genetic counseling, Like other forensic anthropologists, Dr. Kathy Reichs (shown here) and her mystery novel alter ego, Temperance Brennan, work with the police, medical examiners, the courts, and international organizations to identify victims of crimes, accidents, wars, and terrorism. Dr. Temperance Brennan came to TV in Fall 2005 as the heroine of the Fox series "Bones." Applying Anthropology 7 substance abuse, epidemiology, aging, and mental illness. They apply their knowledge of human anatomy and physiology to the improvement of automobile safety standards and to the design of airplanes and spacecraft. In forensic work, biological anthropologists help police identify skeletal remains. Similarly, forensic archaeologists reconstruct crimes by analyzing physical evidence. Applied archaeology, usually called public archaeology, includes such activities as cultural resource management, contract archaeology, public educational programs, and historic preservation. An important role for public archaeology has been created by legislation requiring evaluation of sites threatened by dams, highways, and other construction activities. To decide what needs saving, and to preserve significant information about the past when sites cannot be saved, is the work of cultural resource management (CRM). Cultural resource managers typically work for federal, state, or county agencies. Applied cultural anthropologists sometimes work with the public archaeologists, assessing the human problems generated by the proposed change and determining how they can be reduced. Cultural anthropologists also work with social workers, businesspeople, advertising professionals, factory workers, nurses, physicians, gerontolo-gists, mental-health professionals, and economic development experts. Linguistic anthropology aids education. Knowledge of linguistic differences is important in an increasingly multicultural society whose populace grows up speaking many languages and dialects. Because linguistic differences may affect children's school work and teachers' evaluations, many schools of education now require courses in sociolinguistics, which studies the relation between social and linguistic variation. The Role of the Applied Anthropologist By instilling an appreciation for human diversity, anthropology combats ethnocentrism—the tendency to view one's own culture as superior and to apply one's own cultural values in judging the behavior and beliefs of people raised in other cultures. This broadening, educational role affects the knowledge, values, and attitudes of people exposed to anthropology. Now we focus on the question: What contributions can anthropology make in identifying and solving problems stirred up by contemporary currents of economic, social, and cultural change? Because anthropologists are experts on human problems and social change and because they study, understand, and respect cultural values, they are highly qualified to suggest, plan, and implement policy affecting people. Proper roles for applied anthropologists include (1) identifying needs for change that local people perceive, (2) working with those people to design culturally appropriate and socially sensitive change, and (3) protecting local people from harmful policies and projects that threaten them. There was a time—the 1940s in particular—when most anthropologists focused on the application of their knowledge. During World War II, American Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications anthropologists studied Japanese and German "culture at a distance" in an attempt to predict the behavior of the enemies of the United States. After the war, Americans did applied anthropology in the Pacific, working to gain local cooperation with American policies in various trust territories. Modern applied anthropology differs from an earlier version that mainly served the goals of colonial regimes. Application was a central concern of early anthropology in Great Britain (in the context of colonialism) and the United States (in the context of Native American policy). Before turning to the new, we should consider some dangers of the old. In the context of the British empire, specifically its African colonies, the anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1929) proposed that "practical anthropology" (his term for colonial applied anthropology) should focus on Westernization, the diffusion of European culture into tribal societies. Malinowski questioned neither the legitimacy of colonialism nor the anthropologist's role in making it work. He saw nothing wrong with aiding colonial regimes by studying land tenure and land use, to decide how much of their land native-born people should keep and how much Europeans should get. Malinowski's views exemplify a historical association between anthropology, particularly in Europe, and colonialism (Maquet 1964). Colonial anthropologists faced, as do some of their modern counterparts (Escobar 1991, 1994), problems posed by their inability to set or influence policy and the difficulty of criticizing programs in which they have participated. Anthropology's professional organizations have addressed some of these problems by establishing codes of ethics and ethics committees. Also, as Tice (1997) notes, attention to ethical issues is paramount in the teaching of applied anthropology today (see the next chapter for more on ethics). ACADEMIC AND APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY Applied anthropology did not disappear during the 1950s and 1960s, but academic anthropology did most of the growing after World War II. The baby boom, which began in 1946 and peaked in 1957, fueled expansion of the American educational system and thus of academic jobs. New junior, community, and four-year colleges opened, and anthropology became a standard part of the college curriculum. During the 1950s and 1960s, most American anthropologists were college professors, although some still worked in agencies and museums. This era of academic anthropology continued through the early 1970s. Especially during the Vietnam War, undergraduates flocked to anthropology classes to learn about other cultures. Students were especially interested in Southeast Asia, whose indigenous societies were being disrupted by war. Many anthropologists protested the superpowers' apparent disregard for non-Western lives, values, customs, and social systems. During the 1970s, and increasingly thereafter, although most anthropologists still worked in academia, others found jobs with international Academic and Applied Anthropology 9 During the Vietnam War, many anthropologists protested the superpowers' disregard for the values, customs, social systems, and lives of Third World peoples. Several anthropologists (including the author) attended this all-night Columbia University "teach-in" against the war in 1965. organizations, government, business, hospitals, and schools. This shift toward application, though only partial, has benefited the profession. It has forced anthropologists to consider the wider social value and implications of their research. Theory and Practice One of the most valuable tools in applying anthropology is the ethnographic method. Ethnographers study societies firsthand, living with and learning from ordinary people. Ethnographers are participant observers, taking part in the events they study in order to understand local thought and behavior. Applied anthropologists use ethnographic techniques in both foreign and domestic settings. Other "expert" participants in social-change programs may be content to converse with officials, read reports, and copy statistics. However, the applied anthropologist's likely early request is some variant of "take me to the local people." We know that people must play an active role in the changes that affect them and that "the people" have information that "the experts" lack. Anthropological theory, the body of findings and generalizations of the subdisciplines, also guides applied anthropology. Anthropology's holistic perspective—its interest in biology, society, culture, and language—permits the 10 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications evaluation of many issues that affect people. Theory aids practice, and application fuels theory. As we compare social-change policy and programs, our understanding of cause and effect increases. We add new generalizations about culture change to those discovered in traditional and ancient cultures. Anthropology's systemic perspective recognizes that changes don't occur in a vacuum. A program or project always has multiple effects, some of which are unforeseen. For example, dozens of economic development projects intended to increase productivity through irrigation have worsened public health by creating waterways where diseases thrive. In an American example of unintended consequences, a program aimed at enhancing teachers' appreciation of cultural differences led to ethnic stereotyping (Kleinfield 1975). Specifically, Native American students did not welcome teachers' frequent comments about their Indian heritage. The students felt set apart from their classmates and saw this attention to their ethnicity as patronizing and demeaning. ANTHROPOLOGY AND EDUCATION Anthropology and education refers to anthropological research in classrooms, homes, and neighborhoods (see Spindler, ed. 2000). Some of the most interesting research has been done in classrooms, where anthropologists observe interactions among teachers, students, parents, and visitors. Jules Henry's classic account of the American elementary school classroom (1955) shows how students learn to conform to and compete with their peers. Anthropologists also follow students from classrooms into their homes and neighborhoods, viewing children as total cultural creatures whose enculturation and attitudes toward education belong to a context that includes family and peers. Sociolinguists and cultural anthropologists work side by side in education research. For example, in a study of Puerto Rican seventh-graders in the urban Midwest (Hill-Burnett 1978), anthropologists uncovered some misconceptions held by teachers. The teachers had mistakenly assumed that Puerto Rican parents valued education less than did non-Hispanics, but in-depth interviews revealed that the Puerto Rican parents valued it more. The anthropologists also found that certain practices were preventing Hispanics from being adequately educated. For example, the teachers' union and the board of education had agreed to teach "English as a foreign language." However, they had provided no bilingual teachers to work with Spanish-speaking students. The school was assigning all students (including non-Hispanics) with low reading scores and behavior problems to the English-as-a-foreign-language classroom. This educational disaster brought together in the classroom a teacher who spoke no Spanish, children who barely spoke English, and a group of English-speaking students with reading and behavior problems. The Spanish speakers were falling behind not just in reading but in all subjects. They could at least have kept up in the Urban Anthropology 11 other subjects if a Spanish speaker had been teaching them science, social studies, and math until they were ready for English-language instruction in those areas. URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY By 2050 the developing nations will account for 88 percent of the worlds population, compared with 80 percent in 2001 (Arieff 2001). Solutions to future problems will depend increasingly on understanding non-Western cultural backgrounds. The fastest population growth rates are in cities in the developing world. The world had only 16 cities with more than a million people in 1900, but there were 314 such cities in 2005. By 2025, 60 percent of the global population will be urban, compared with 37 percent in 1990 (Butler 2005; Stevens 1992). In 2003 the United Nations estimated that some 940 million people, about a sixth of Earth's population, were living in urban slums, mostly without water, sanitation, public services, and legal security (Vidal 2003). The U.N. estimates that in three decades the urban population of the developing world will double—to 4 billion people. Rural populations will barely increase and will start declining after 2020 (Vidal 2003). If current trends continue, urban population increase and the concentration of people in slums will be accompanied by rising rates of crime and water, air, and noise pollution. These problems will be most severe in the less-developed countries. Most (97 percent) of the projected world population increase will occur in developing countries. Global population growth continues to affect the northern hemisphere, especially through international migration. As industrialization and urbanization spread globally, anthropologists increasingly study these processes and the social problems they create. Urban anthropology, which has theoretical (basic research) and applied dimensions, is the cross-cultural and ethnographic study of global urbanization and life in cities (see Aoyagi, Nas, and Traphagan, eds. 1998; Gmelch and Zenner, eds. 2002; Stevenson 2003). The United States and Canada also have become popular arenas for urban anthropological research on topics such as ethnicity, poverty, class, and subcultural variations (Mullings, ed. 1987). Urban versus Rural Recognizing that a city is a social context that is very different from a tribal or peasant village, an early student of Third World urbanization, the anthropologist Robert Redfield, focused on contrasts between rural and urban life. He contrasted rural communities, whose social relations are on a face-to-face basis, with cities, where impersonality characterizes many aspects of life. Redfield (1941) proposed that urbanization be studied along a rural-urban continuum. He described differences in values and social 12 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications relations in four sites that spanned such a continuum. In Mexico's Yucatan peninsula, Redfield compared an isolated Maya-speaking Indian community, a rural peasant village, a small provincial city, and a large capital. Several studies in Africa (Little 1971) and Asia were influenced by Redfield's view that cities are centers through which cultural innovations spread to rural and tribal areas. In any nation, urban and rural represent different social systems. However, cultural diffusion or borrowing occurs as people, products, and messages move from one to the other. Migrants bring rural practices and beliefs to town and take urban patterns back home. The experiences and social forms of the rural area affect adaptation to city life. City folk also develop new institutions to meet specific urban needs (Mitchell 1966). An applied anthropology approach to urban planning would start by identifying key social groups in the urban context. After identifying those groups, the anthropologist would elicit their wishes for change and convey those needs to funding agencies. The next role would be to work with the agencies and the people to ensure that the change is implemented correctly and that it corresponds to what the people said they wanted at the outset. The most humane and productive strategy for change is to base the social design for innovation on existing social forms in each target area, whether rural or urban. Relevant African urban groups include ethnic associations, occupational groups, social clubs, religious groups, and burial societies. Through membership in these groups, urban Africans have wide networks of personal contacts and support. Ethnic or "tribal" associations are common both in West and East Africa (Banton 1957; Little 1965). These groups also maintain links with, and provide cash support and urban lodging for, their rural relatives. The ideology of such associations is that of a gigantic kin group. The members call one another "brother" and "sister." As in an extended family, rich members help their poor relatives. When members fight among themselves, the group acts as judge. A member's improper behavior can lead to expulsion—an unhappy fate for a migrant in a large ethnically heterogeneous city. Modern North American cities also have kin-based ethnic associations. One example comes from Los Angeles, which has the largest Samoan immigrant community (over 12,000 people) in the United States. Samoans in Los Angeles draw on their traditional system of matai (matai means chief; the matai system now refers to respect for elders) to deal with modern urban problems. One example: In 1992, a white police officer shot and killed two unarmed Samoan brothers. When a judge dismissed charges against the officer, local leaders used the matai system to calm angry youths (who have formed gangs, like other ethnic groups in the Los Angeles area). Clan leaders and elders organized a well-attended community meeting, in which they urged young members to be patient. The Samoans used the American judicial system. They brought a civil case against the officer in question and pressed the U.S. Justice Department Medical Anthropology 13 to initiate a civil-rights case in the matter (Mydans \992b). One role for the urban-applied anthropologist is to help relevant social groups deal with larger urban institutions, such as legal and social service agencies with which recent migrants, in particular, may be unfamiliar. MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Medical anthropology is both academic/theoretical and applied/practical. It is a field that includes both biological and sociocultural anthropologists (see Anderson 1996; Brown 1998; Joralemon 1999). Medical anthropologists examine such questions as which diseases affect different populations, how illness is socially constructed, and how one treats illness in effective and culturally appropriate ways. This growing field considers the sociocultural context and implications of disease and illness. Disease refers to a scientifically identified health threat caused by a bacterium, virus, fungus, parasite, or other pathogen. Illness is a condition of poor health perceived or felt by an individual (Inhorn and Brown 1990). Cross-cultural research shows that perceptions of good and bad health, along with health threats and problems, are culturally constructed. Various ethnic groups and cultures recognize different illnesses, symptoms, and causes and have developed different health care systems and treatment strategies. Disease also varies among societies. Traditional and ancient hunter-gatherers, because of their small numbers, mobility, and relative isolation from other groups, lacked most of the epidemic infectious diseases that affect agrarian and urban societies (Cohen and Armelagos, eds. 1984; Inhorn and Brown 1990). Epidemic diseases such as cholera, typhoid, and bubonic plague thrive in dense populations, and thus among farmers and city dwellers. The spread of malaria has been linked to population growth and deforestation associated with food production. Certain diseases have spread with economic development. Schistosomiasis or bilharzia (liver flukes) is probably the fastest-spreading and most dangerous parasitic infection now known. It is propagated by snails that live in ponds, lakes, and waterways, usually ones created by irrigation projects. A study done in a Nile Delta village in Egypt (Farooq 1966) illustrated the role of culture (religion) in the spread of schistosomiasis. The disease was more common among Muslims than among Christians because of an Islamic practice called wudu, ritual ablution (bathing) before prayer. The applied anthropology approach to reducing such diseases is to see if natives perceive a connection between the vector (e.g., snails in the water) and the disease. If not, such information may be provided by enlisting active local groups, schools, and the media. In eastern Africa, AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) have spread along highways, via encounters between male truckers and female prostitutes. STDs are also spread through prostitution, as young men 14 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications from rural areas seek wage work in cities, labor camps, and mines. When the men return to their natal villages, they infect their wives (Larson 1989; Miller and Rockwell, eds. 1988). Cities are also prime sites of STD transmission in Europe, Asia, and North and South America (see Roth and Fuller 1998). The kind of and incidence of disease varies among societies, and cultures interpret and treat illness differently. Standards for sick and healthy bodies are cultural constructions that vary in time and space (Martin 1992). Still, all societies have what George Foster and Barbara Anderson call "disease-theory systems" to identify, classify, and explain illness. According to Foster and Anderson (1978), there are three basic theories about the causes of illness: personalistic, naturalistic, and emotionalistic. Personalistic disease theories blame illness on agents, such as sorcerers, witches, ghosts, or ancestral spirits. Naturalistic disease theories explain illness in impersonal terms. One example is Western medicine or biomedicine, which aims to link illness to scientifically demonstrated agents which bear no personal malice toward their victims. Thus Western medicine attributes illness to organisms (e.g., bacteria, viruses, fungi, or parasites), accidents, or toxic materials. Other naturalistic ethnomedical systems blame poor health on unbalanced body fluids. Many Latin societies classify food, drink, and environmental conditions as "hot" or "cold." People believe their health suffers when they eat or drink hot or cold substances together or under inappropriate conditions. For example, one shouldn't drink something cold after a hot bath or eat a pineapple (a "cold" fruit) when one is menstruating (a "hot" condition). Emotionalistic disease theories assume that emotional experiences cause illness. For example, Latin Americans may develop susto, an illness caused by anxiety or fright (Bolton 1981; Finkler 1985). Its symptoms (lethargy, vagueness, distraction) are similar to those of "soul loss," a diagnosis of similar symptoms made by people in Madagascar. Modern psychoanalysis also focuses on the role of the emotions in physical and psychological well-being. All societies have health care systems consisting of beliefs, customs, specialists, and techniques aimed at ensuring health and at preventing, diagnosing, and curing illness. A society's illness-causation theory is important for treatment. When illness has a personalistic cause, magicoreligious specialists may be good curers. They draw on varied techniques (occult and practical), which comprise their special expertise. A shaman (magicoreligious specialist) may cure soul loss by enticing the spirit back into the body. Shamans may ease difficult childbirths by asking spirits to travel up the birth canal to guide the baby out (Levi-Strauss 1967). A shaman may cure a cough by counteracting a curse or removing a substance introduced by a sorcerer. If there is a "world's oldest profession" besides hunter and gatherer, it is curer, often a shaman. The curers role has some universal features (Foster and Anderson 1978). Thus curers emerge through a culturally defined process of selection (parental prodding, inheritance, visions, dream instructions) and training (apprentice shamanship, medical school). Eventually, the curer is certified by older practitioners and acquires a professional image. Patients believe in the skills of the curer, whom they consult and compensate. Medical Anthropology 15 How do Western medicine and scientific medicine differ? Clinics provide antibiotics, minor surgery, and preventive medicine, such as this Brazilian campaign against cholera, through mass injection. What kind of medicine is being shown here? How can it coexist with the local healing system? We should not lose sight, ethnocentrically, of the difference between scientific medicine and Western medicine per se (Lieban 1977). Despite advances in pathology, microbiology, biochemistry, surgery, diagnostic technology, and applications, many Western medical procedures have little justification in logic or fact. Overprescription of drugs, unnecessary surgery, and the impersonality and inequality of the physician-patient relationship are questionable features of Western medical systems. Also, overuse of antibiotics, not just for people, but also in animal feed, seems to be triggering an explosion of resistant microrganisms, which may pose a long-term global public health hazard. Still, biomedicine surpasses tribal treatment in many ways. Although medicines such as quinine, coca, opium, ephedrine, and rauwolfia were discovered in nonindustrial societies, thousands of effective drugs are available today to treat myriad diseases. Preventive health care improved during the twentieth century. Todays surgical procedures are safer and more effective than those of traditional societies. But industrialization has spawned its own health problems. Modern stressors include noise, air, and water pollution, poor nutrition, dangerous machinery, impersonal work, isolation, poverty, homelessness, and substance abuse (see McElroy and Townsend 2003). Health problems in industrial nations are as much caused by economic, social, political, and cultural factors as by pathogens. In modern North America, for example, poverty contributes to many illnesses, including arthritis, heart conditions, back 16 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications problems, and hearing and vision impairment (see Bailey 2000). Poverty is also a factor in the differential spread of infectious diseases. Medical anthropologists have served as cultural interpreters in public health programs, which must pay attention to native theories about the nature, causes, and treatment of illness. Successful health interventions cannot simply be forced on communities. They must fit into local cultures and be accepted by local people. When Western medicine is introduced, people usually retain many of their old methods while also accepting new ones (see Green 1987/1992). Native curers may go on treating certain conditions (spirit possession), whereas M.D.s may deal with others. If both modern and traditional specialists are consulted and the patient is cured, the native curer may get as much or more credit than the physician. A more personal treatment of illness that emulates the non-Western curer-patient-community relationship could probably benefit Western systems. Western medicine tends to draw a rigid line between biological and psychological causation. Non-Western theories usually lack this sharp distinction, recognizing that poor health has intertwined physical, emotional, and social causes. The mind-body opposition is part of Western folk taxonomy, not of science (see also Brown 1998; Helman 2001; Joralemon 1999; Strathern and Stewart 1999). ANTHROPOLOGY AND BUSINESS Carol Taylor (1987) discusses the value of an "anthropologist-in-residence" in a large, complex organization, such as a hospital or a business. A free-ranging ethnographer can be a perceptive oddball when information and decisions usually move through a rigid hierarchy. If allowed to observe and converse freely with all types and levels of personnel, the anthropologist may acquire a unique perspective on organizational conditions and problems. Also, high-tech companies, such as Xerox, IBM, and Apple, have employed anthropologists in various roles. Closely observing how people actually use computer products, anthropologists work with engineers to design products that are more user-friendly. For many years anthropologists have used ethnography to study business settings (Arensberg 1987). For example, ethnographic research in an auto factory may view workers, managers, and executives as different social categories participating in a common social system. Each group has characteristic attitudes, values, and behavior patterns. These are transmitted through microenculturation, the process by which people learn particular roles in a limited social system. The free-ranging nature of ethnography takes the anthropologist back and forth from worker to executive. Each is an individual with a personal viewpoint and a cultural creature whose perspective is, to some extent, shared with other members of a group. Applied anthropologists have acted as "cultural brokers," translating man-, agers' -goals.or workers' concerns to the other group (see Ferraro 2002). Careers and Anthropology 17 Professor Marietta Baba, Dean of Social Science at Michigan State University, does applied anthropology at an automotive supply plant in Detroit. What issues might interest her in this setting? For business, key features of anthropology include: (1) ethnography and observation as ways of gathering data, (2) cross-cultural expertise, and (3) focus on cultural diversity. An important business application of anthropology has to do with knowledge of how consumers use products. Businesses hire anthropologists because of the importance of observation in natural settings and the focus on cultural diversity. Thus, Hallmark Cards has hired anthropologists to observe parties, holidays, and celebrations of ethnic groups to improve its ability to design cards for targeted audiences. Anthropologists go into peoples homes to see how they actually use products. (See the box at the end of the chapter.) CAREERS AND ANTHROPOLOGY Many college students find anthropology interesting and consider majoring in it. However, their parents or friends may discourage them by asking, "What kind of job are you going to get with an anthropology major?" The first step in answering this question is to consider the more general question, "What do you do with any college major?" The answer is "Not much, without a good bit of effort, thought, and planning." A survey of graduates of the literary college of the University of Michigan showed that few had jobs that were clearly linked to their majors. Medicine, law, and many other professions require advanced degrees. Although many colleges offer bachelors degrees in engineering, business, accounting, and social work, master's degrees are often needed to get the best jobs in those fields. Anthropologists, too, need an advanced degree, almost always a Ph.D., to find gainful employment in academic, museum, or applied anthropology. department of prehistoric archaeology of the NEAR EAST i am / fa masaryk UNIVERSITY 18 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications A broad college education, and even a major in anthropology, can be an excellent foundation for success in many fields. A recent survey of women executives showed that most had not majored in business but in the social sciences or humanities. Only after graduating did they study business, obtaining a master's degree in business administration. These executives felt that the breadth of their college educations had contributed to their business careers. Anthropology majors go on to medical, law, and business schools and find success in many professions that often have little explicit connection to anthropology. Anthropology's breadth provides knowledge and an outlook on the world that are useful in many kinds of work. For example, an anthropology major combined with a master s degree in business is excellent preparation for work in international business. Breadth is anthropology's hallmark. Anthropologists study people biologically, culturally, socially, and linguistically, across time and space, in developed and underdeveloped nations, in simple and complex settings. Most colleges have anthropology courses that compare cultures and others that focus on particular world areas, such as Latin America, Asia, and Native North America. The knowledge of foreign areas acquired in such courses can be useful in many jobs. Anthropology's comparative outlook, its longstanding Third World focus, and its appreciation of diverse lifestyles combine to provide an excellent foundation for overseas employment. Even for work in North America, the focus on culture is valuable. Every day we hear about cultural differences and about social problems whose solutions require a multicultural viewpoint—an ability to recognize and reconcile ethnic differences. Government, schools, and private firms constantly deal with people from different social classes, ethnic groups, and tribal backgrounds. Physicians, attorneys, social workers, police officers, judges, teachers, and students can all do a better job if they understand social differences in a part of the world such as ours that is one of the most ethnically diverse in history. Knowledge about the traditions and beliefs of the many social groups within a modern nation is important in planning and carrying out programs that affect those groups. Attention to social background and cultural categories helps ensure the welfare of affected ethnic groups, communities, and neighborhoods. Experience in planned social change—whether community organization in North America or economic development overseas—shows that a proper social study should be done before a project or policy is implemented. When local people want the change and it fits their lifestyle and traditions, it will be more successful, beneficial, and cost effective. There will be not only a more humane but also a more economical solution to a real social problem. People with anthropology backgrounds are doing well in many fields. Even if one's job has little or nothing to do with anthropology in a formal or obvious sense, a background in anthropology provides a useful orientation when we work with our fellow human beings. For most of us, this means every day of our lives. Careers and Anthropology 19 Hot Asset in Corporate Anthropology Degrees An important business application of anthropology has to do with knowledge of how consumers use products. Businesses hire anthropologists because of the importance of observation in natural settings and the focus on cultural diversity. Thus, as we see in the following article, Hallmark Cards has hired anthropologists to observe parties, holidays, and celebrations of ethnic groups to improve its ability to design cards for targeted audiences. Anthropologists go into people's homes to see how they actually use products. This permits better product design and more effective advertising. Don't throw away the MBA degree yet. But as companies go global and crave leaders for a diverse workforce, a new hot degree is emerging for aspiring executives: anthropology. The study of man [humans] is no longer a degree for museum directors. Citicorp created a vice presidency for anthropologist Steve Barnett, who discovered early warning signs to identify people who don't pay credit card bills. Not satisfied with consumer surveys, Hallmark is sending anthropologists into the homes of immigrants, attending holidays and birthday parties to design cards they'll want. No survey can tell engineers what women really want in a razor, so marketing consultant Hauser Design sends anthropologists into bathrooms to watch them shave their legs. Unlike MBAs, anthropology degrees are rare: one undergraduate degree for every 26 in business and one anthropology Ph.D. for every 235 MBAs. Textbooks now have chapters on business applications. The University of South Florida has created a course of study for anthropologists headed for commerce. Motorola corporate Lawyer Robert Faulkner got his anthropology degree before going to law school. He says it becomes increasingly valuable as he is promoted into management. "When you go into business, the only problems you'll have are people problems," was the advise given to teenager Michael Koss by his father in the early 1970s. Koss, now 44, heeded the advice, earned an anthropology degree from Beloit College in 1976, and is today CEO of the Koss headphone manufacturer. Katherine Burr, CEO of The Hanseatic Group, has masters in both anthropology and business from the University of New Mexico. Hanseatic was among the first money management programs to predict the Asian crisis and last year produced a total return of 315 percent for investors. "My competitive edge came completely out of anthropology," she says. "The world is so unknown, changes so rapidly. Preconceptions can kill you." Companies are starving to know how people use the Internet or why some pickups, even though they are more powerful, are perceived by consumers as less powerful, says Ken Erickson, of the Center for Ethnographic Research. It takes trained observation, Erickson says. Observation is what anthropologists are trained to do. Source: Del Jones, "Hot Asset in Corporate: Anthropology Degrees," USA Today, February 18, 1999, p.Bl. 20 Chapter One Anthropology and Its Applications Summary 1. Anthropology is the holistic and comparative study of humanity. It is the systematic exploration of human biological and cultural diversity across time and space. The four subfields of general anthropology are sociocultural, archaeological, biological, and linguistic. All consider variation in time and space. Each also examines adaptation—the process by which organisms cope with environmental stresses. 2. Cultural anthropology explores the cultural diversity of the present and the recent past. Ethnography is field work in a particular society. Ethnology involves cross-cultural comparison—the comparative study of ethnographic data, of society, and of culture. 3. Archaeology uses material remains to reconstruct cultural patterns, often of prehistoric populations. Biological anthropology documents diversity involving fossils, genetics, growth and development, bodily responses, and nonhuman primates. Linguistic anthropology considers diversity among languages. Anthropology has two dimensions: academic and applied. The latter uses anthropological knowledge and methods to identify and solve social problems. 4. Applied anthropology uses anthropological perspectives, theory, methods, and data to identify, assess, and solve problems. Applied anthropologists have a range of employers. Examples include: development and government agencies, NGOs, tribal, ethnic, and interest groups, businesses, social service and educational agencies. Applied anthropologists come from all four subfields. 5. Anthropology and education researchers work in classrooms, homes, and other settings relevant to education. Their studies may lead to policy recommendations. Both academic and applied anthropologists study migration from rural areas to cities and across national boundaries. Rural social forms affect adjustment to the city. 6. Medical anthropology is the cross-cultural study of health problems and conditions, disease, illness, disease theories, and health care systems. Medical anthropology includes biological and cultural anthropologists and has theoretical (academic) and applied dimensions. 7. In applying anthropology to business, the key features are: (1) ethnography and observation as ways of gathering data, (2) cross-cultural expertise, and (3) focus on cultural diversity. A broad college education, including anthropology and foreign-area courses, offers an excellent background for many fields. Ethics and Methods ETHICS AND ANTHROPOLOGY RESEARCH METHODS ETHNOGRAPHY: ANTHROPOLOGY'S DISTINCTIVE STRATEGY ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES Observation and Participant Observation • Conversation, Interviewing, and Interview Schedules • The Genealogical Method • Key Cultural Consultants • Life Histories • Local Beliefs and Perceptions, and the Ethnographer's • The Evolution of Ethnography • Problem-Oriented Ethnography • Longitudinal Research • Team Research • Culture, Space, and Scale SURVEY RESEARCH Box: Even Anthropologists Get Culture Shock In Chapter 1, we learned about anthropology and its applications. Chapter 2 begins with a consideration of the ethical dimensions of anthropology, then turns to a discussion of research methods in cultural anthropology. As the main organization representing the breadth of anthropology (all four subfields, academic and applied dimensions), the American Anthropological Association (AAA) believes that generating and appropriately using knowledge of the peoples of the world, past and present, is a worthy goal. The mission of the AAA is to advance anthropological research and encourage the spread of anthropological knowledge through publications, teaching, public education, and application. Part of that mission is to help educate AAA members about ethical obligations and challenges (http://www.aaanet.org). ETHICS AND ANTHROPOLOGY Anthropologists are increasingly mindful of the fact that science exists in society, and in the context of law and ethics. Anthropologists can't study things simply because they happen to be interesting or of value to science. Summary 21 Key Terms adaptation anthropology and education applied anthropology archaeological anthropology biological, or physical, anthropology cultural anthropologists cultural resource management (CRM) cultures curer disease ethnography ethnology general anthropology health care systems holistic hominids illness linguistic anthropology medical anthropology scientific medicine society / Ethics and Anthropology 23 As anthropologists conduct research and engage in other professional activities, ethical issues inevitably arise. Anthropologists have typically worked abroad, outside their own society. In the context of international contacts and cultural diversity, different value systems will meet, and often compete. To guide its members in making decisions involving ethics and values, the AAA offers a Code of Ethics. The most recent Code was approved in June 1998 and updated on March 31, 1999. The Code's preamble states that anthropologists have obligations to their scholarly field, to the wider society and culture, and to the human species, other species, and the environment. This Code's aim is to offer guidelines and to promote discussion and education, rather than to investigate allegations of misconduct by anthropologists. The AAA Code addresses several contexts in which anthropologists work. Its main points about the ethical dimensions of research may be summarized. Anthropologists should be open and honest about all dimensions of their research projects with all parties affected by the research. These parties should be informed about the nature, procedures, purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the research. Researchers should not compromise anthropological ethics in order to conduct research. They should also pay attention to proper relations between themselves as guests and the host nations and communities where they work. The AAA does not advise anthropologists to avoid taking stands on issues. Indeed, the Code states that leadership in seeking to shape actions and policies may be as ethically justifiable as inaction. The full Code of Ethics is available at the AAA website (http://www. aaanet.org). Most ethnographers (field workers in cultural anthropology) work outside their nations of origin. In the host country (the nation where the research takes place), the ethnographer seeks permissions, cooperation, and knowledge from government officials, scholars, and many others, most importantly the people of the community being studied. Cultural sensitivity is paramount when the research subjects are living people into whose lives the anthropologist intrudes. Anthropologists need to establish and maintain appropriate, collaborative, and nonexploitative relationships with colleagues and communities in the host country. To work in a host country and community, researchers must inform officials and colleagues there about the purpose and funding, and the anticipated results and impacts, of the research. Researchers have to gain the informed consent of all affected parties—from the authorities who control access to the field site to the members of the community to be studied. Before the research begins, people should be informed about the purpose, nature, and procedures of the research and its potential costs and benefits to them. Informed consent (agreement to take part in the research, after having been so informed) should be obtained from anyone who provides information or who might be affected by the research. 24 Chapter Two Ethics and Methods According to the AAA Code, anthropologists have a debt to the people they work with in the field, and they should reciprocate in appropriate ways. For example, it is highly appropriate for North American anthropologists working in another country to (1) include host country colleagues in their research plans and funding requests, (2) establish collaborative relationships with those colleagues and their institutions, and (3) include host country colleagues in publication of the research results. Of course, in cultural anthropology, as in all the subfields, anthropologists' primary ethical obligation is to the people being studied. Their welfare and interests come first. RESEARCH METHODS Cultural anthropology and sociology share an interest in social relations, organization, and behavior. However, important differences between these disciplines arose from the kinds of societies each traditionally studied. Initially sociologists focused on the industrial West; anthropologists, on nonindustrial societies. Different methods of data collection and analysis emerged to deal with those different kinds of societies. To study large-scale, complex nations, sociologists came to rely on questionnaires and other means of gathering masses of quantifiable data. For many years sampling and statistical techniques have been basic to sociology, whereas statistical training has been less common in anthropology (although this is changing somewhat as anthropologists work increasingly in modern nations). Traditional ethnographers studied small, nonliterate (without writing) populations and relied on ethnographic methods appropriate to that context. Margaret Mead in the field in Bali, Indonesia, in 1957. Ethnographie Techniques 25 "Ethnography is a research process in which the anthropologist closely observes, records, and engages in the daily life of another culture—an experience labeled as the fleldwork method—and then writes accounts of this culture, emphasizing descriptive detail" (Marcus and Fischer 1986, p. 18). One key method described in this quote is participant observation—taking part in the events one is observing, describing, and analyzing. Anthropology started to separate from sociology around 1900. Early students of society, such as the French scholar Emile Dürkheim, were among the founders of both sociology and anthropology. Comparing the organization of simple and complex societies, Dürkheim studied the religions of Native Australians (Dürkheim 1912/2001), as well as mass phenomena (such as suicide rates) in modern nations (Dürkheim 1897/1951). Eventually anthropology would specialize in the former, sociology in the latter. ETHNOGRAPHY: ANTHROPOLOGY'S DISTINCTIVE STRATEGY Anthropology developed into a separate field as early scholars worked on Indian (Native American) reservations and traveled to distant lands to study small groups of foragers (hunters and gatherers) and cultivators. Traditionally, the process of becoming a cultural anthropologist has required a field experience in another society. Early ethnographers lived in small-scale, relatively isolated societies, with simple technologies and economies. Ethnography thus emerged as a research strategy in societies with greater cultural uniformity and less social differentiation than are found in large, modern, industrial nations. Traditionally, ethnographers have tried to understand the whole of a particular culture (or, more realistically, as much as they can, given limitations of time and perception). To pursue this holistic goal, ethnographers adopt a free-ranging strategy for gathering information. In a given society or community, the ethnographer moves from setting to setting, place to place, and subject to subject to discover the totality and interconnectedness of social life. By expanding our knowledge of the range of human diversity, ethnography provides a foundation for generalizations about human behavior and social life. Ethnographers draw on varied techniques to piece together a picture of otherwise alien lifestyles. Anthropologists usually employ several (but rarely all) of the techniques discussed here. ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES The characteristic field techniques of the ethnographer include the following: 1. Direct, firsthand observation of daily behavior, including participant observation. 2. Conversation with varying degrees of formality, from the daily chitchat that helps maintain rapport and provides knowledge about what is going on, to prolonged interviews, which can be unstructured or structured. 3. The genealogical method. 26 Chapter Two Ethics arid Methods 4. Detailed work with key consultants, or informants, about particular areas of community life. 5. In-depth interviewing, often leading to the collection of life histories of particular people (narrators). 6. Discovery of local (native) beliefs and perceptions, which may be compared with the ethnographers own observations and conclusions. 7. Problem-oriented research of many sorts. 8. Longitudinal research—the continuous long-term study of an area or site. 9. Team research—coordinated research by multiple ethnographers. Observation and Participant Observation Ethnographers must pay attention to hundreds of details of daily life, seasonal events, and unusual happenings. They should record what they see as they see it. Things will never seem quite as strange as they do during the first few weeks in the field. The ethnographer eventually gets used to, and accepts as normal, cultural patterns that were initially alien. Staying a bit more than a year in the field allows the ethnographer to repeat the season of his or her arrival, when certain events and processes may have been missed because of initial unfamiliarity and culture shock. Many ethnographers record their impressions in a personal diary, which is kept separate from more formal field notes. Later, this record of early impressions will help point out some of the most basic aspects of cultural diversity. Such aspects include distinctive smells, noises people make, how they cover their mouths when they eat, and how they gaze at others. These patterns, which are so basic as to seem almost trivial, are part of what Bronislaw Malinowski called "the imponderabilia of native life and of typical behavior" (Malinowski 1922/1961, p. 20). These features of culture are so fundamental that natives take them for granted. They are too basic even to talk about, but the unaccustomed eye of the fledgling ethnographer picks them up. Thereafter, becoming familiar, they fade to the edge of consciousness. Initial impressions are valuable and should be recorded. First and foremost, ethnographers should try to be accurate observers, recorders, and reporters of what they see in the field. Ethnographers strive to establish rapport, a good, friendly working relationship based on personal contact, with our hosts. One of ethnography's most characteristic procedures is participant observation, which means that we take part in community life as we study it. As human beings living among others, we cannot be totally impartial and detached observers. We must also take part in many events and processes we are observing and trying to comprehend. By participating, we learn why local people find such events meaningful, as we see how they are organized and conducted. In Arembepe, Brazil, I learned about fishing by sailing on the Atlantic with local fishermen. I gave Jeep rides into the capital to malnourished babies, to pregnant mothers, and once to a teenage girl possessed by a spirit. All those people needed to consult specialists outside the village. I danced on Arembepes festive occasions, drank libations commemorating new Ethnographic Techniques 27 births, and became a godfather to a village girl. Most anthropologists have similar field experiences. The common humanity of the student and the studied, the ethnographer and the research community, makes participant observation inevitable. Conversation, Interviewing, and Interview Schedules Participating in local life means that ethnographers constantly talk to people and ask questions. As their knowledge of the native language and culture increases, they understand more. There are several stages in learning a field language. First is the naming phase—asking name after name of the objects around us. Later we are able to pose more complex questions and understand the replies. We begin to understand simple conversations between two villagers. If our language expertise proceeds far enough, we eventually become able to comprehend rapid-fire public discussions and group conversations. One data-gathering technique I have used in both Arembepe and Madagascar involves an ethnographic survey that includes an interview schedule. In 1964, my fellow field workers and I attempted to complete an interview schedule in each of Arembepe's 160 households. We entered almost every household (fewer than 5 percent refused to participate) to ask a set of questions on a printed form. Our results provided us with a census and basic information about the village. We wrote down the name, age, and gender of each household member. We gathered data on family type, religion, present and previous jobs, income, expenditures, diet, possessions, and many other items on our eight-page form. Although we were doing a survey, our approach differed from the survey research design routinely used by sociologists and other social scientists working in large, industrial nations. That survey research, discussed below, involves sampling (choosing a small, manageable study group from a larger population). We did not select a partial sample from the total population. Instead, we tried to interview in all households in the community we were studying (that is, to have a total sample). We used an interview schedule rather than a questionnaire. With the interview schedule, the ethnographer talks face-to-face with people, asks the questions, and writes down the answers. Questionnaire procedures tend to be more indirect and impersonal; the respondent often fills in the form. Our goal of getting a total sample allowed us to meet almost everyone in the village and helped us establish rapport. Decades later, Arembepeiros still talk warmly about how we were interested enough in them to visit their homes and ask them questions. We stood in sharp contrast to the other outsiders the villagers had known, who considered them too poor and backward to be taken seriously. Like other survey research, however, our interview schedule did gather comparable quantifiable information. It gave us a basis for assessing patterns and exceptions in village life. Our schedules included a core set of questions that were posed to everyone. However, some interesting side issues often came up during the interview, which we would pursue then or later. Chapter Two Ethics and Methods We followed such leads into many dimensions of village life. One woman, for instance, a midwife, became the key cultural consultant we sought out later when we wanted detailed information about local childbirth. Another woman had done an internship in an Afro-Brazilian cult (candomble) in the city. She still went there regularly to study, dance, and get possessed. She became our candomble expert. Thus, our interview schedule provided a structure that directed but did not confine us as researchers. It enabled our ethnography to be both quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative part consisted of the basic information we gathered and later analyzed statistically. The qualitative dimension came from our follow-up questions, open-ended discussions, pauses for gossip, and work with key consultants. The Genealogical Method As ordinary people, many of us learn about our own ancestry and relatives by tracing our genealogies. Various computer programs now allow us to trace our "family tree" and degrees of relationship. The genealogical method is a well-established ethnographic technique. Early ethnographers developed notation and symbols to deal with kinship, descent, and marriage. Genealogy is a prominent building block in the social organization of non-industrial societies, where people live and work each day with their close kin. Anthropologists need to collect genealogical data to understand current social relations and to reconstruct history. In many nonindustrial societies, kin links are basic to social life. Anthropologists even call such cultures "kin-based societies." Everyone is related, and spends most of his or her time with relatives. Rules of behavior attached to particular kin relations are basic to everyday life. Marriage is also crucial in organizing nonindustrial societies because strategic marriages between villages, tribes, and clans create political alliances. Key Cultural Consultants Every community has people who by accident, experience, talent, or training can provide the most complete or useful information about particular aspects of life. These people are key cultural consultants, also called key informants. In Ivato, the Betsileo village in Madagascar where I spent most of my time, a man named Rakoto was particularly knowledgeable about village history. However, when I asked him to work with me on a genealogy of the fifty to sixty people buried in the village tomb, he called in his cousin Tuesdaysfather, who knew more about that subject. Tuesdaysfather had survived an epidemic of influenza that ravaged Madagascar, along with much of the world, around 1919. Immune to the disease himself, Tuesdaysfather had the grim job of burying his kin as they died. He kept track of everyone buried in the tomb. Tuesdaysfather helped me with the tomb genealogy. Rakoto joined him in telling me personal details about the deceased villagers. Ethnographic Techniques 29 Life Histories In nonindustrial societies as in our own, individual personalities, interests, and abilities vary. Some villagers prove to be more interested in the ethnographers work and are more helpful, interesting, and pleasant than others are. Anthropologists develop likes and dislikes in the field as we do at home. Often, when we find someone unusually interesting, we collect his or her life history. This recollection of a lifetime of experiences provides a more intimate and personal cultural portrait than would be possible otherwise. Life histories, which may be recorded or videotaped for later review and analysis, reveal how specific people perceive, react to, and contribute to changes that affect their lives. Such accounts can illustrate diversity, which exists within any community, since the focus is on how different people interpret and deal with some of the same problems. Local Beliefs and Perceptions, and the Ethnographer's One goal of ethnography is to discover local (native) views, beliefs, and perceptions, which may be compared with the ethnographer's own observations and conclusions. In the field, ethnographers typically combine two research strategies, the emic (native-oriented) and the etic (scientist-oriented). These terms, derived from linguistics, have been applied to ethnography by various anthropologists. Marvin Harris (1968/2001) popularized the following meanings of the terms: An emic approach investigates how local people think. How do they perceive and categorize the world? What are their rules for behavior? What has meaning for them? How do they imagine and explain things? Operating emically, the ethnographer seeks the "native viewpoint," relying on local people to explain things and to say whether something is significant or not. The term cultural consultant, or informant, refers to individuals the ethnographer gets to know in the field, the people who teach him or her about their culture, who provide the emic perspective. The etic (scientist-oriented) approach shifts the focus from local observations, categories, explanations, and interpretations to those of the anthropologist. The etic approach realizes that members of a culture are often too involved in what they are doing to interpret their cultures impartially. Operating etically, the ethnographer emphasizes what he or she (the observer) notices and considers important. As a trained scientist, the ethnographer should try to bring an objective and comprehensive viewpoint to the study of other cultures. Of course, the ethnographer, like any other scientist, is also a human being with cultural blinders that prevent complete objectivity. As in other sciences, proper training can reduce, but not totally eliminate, the observer's bias. But anthropologists do have special training to compare behavior between different societies. What are some examples of emic versus etic perspectives? Consider our holidays. For North Americans, Thanksgiving Day has special significance. In our view (emically) it is a unique cultural celebration that commemorates particular historical themes. But a wider, etic, perspective sees 30 Chapter Two Ethics and Methods Thanksgiving as just one more example of the postharvest festivals held in many societies. Another example: local people (including many Americans) may believe that chills and drafts cause colds, which scientists know are caused by germs. In cultures that lack the germ theory of disease, illnesses are emically explained by various causes, ranging from spirits to ancestors to witches. Illness refers to a cultures (emic) perception and explanation of bad health, whereas disease refers to the scientific—etic—explanation of poor health, involving known pathogens. Ethnographers typically combine emic and etic strategies in their field work. The statements, perceptions, categories, and opinions of local people help ethnographers understand how cultures work. Local beliefs are also interesting and valuable in themselves. However, people often fail to admit, or even recognize, certain causes and consequences of their behavior. This is as true of North Americans as it is of people in other societies. The Evolution of Ethnography The Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942), who spent most of his professional life in England, is generally considered the founder of ethnography. Like most anthropologists of his time, Malinowski did salvage ethnography, in the belief that the ethnographer's job is to study and record cultural diversity threatened by Westernization. Early ethnographic accounts (ethnographies), such as Malinowskis classic Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922/1961), were similar to earlier traveler and explorer accounts in describing the writer's discovery of unknown people and places. However, the scientific aims of ethnographies set them apart from books by explorers and amateurs. The style that dominated "classic" ethnographies was ethnographic realism. The writer's goal was to present an accurate, objective, scientific account of a different way of life, written by someone who knew it firsthand. This knowledge came from an "ethnographic adventure" involving immersion in an alien language and culture. Ethnographers derived their authority—both as scientists and as voices of "the native" or "the other"— from this personal research experience. Malinowskis ethnographies were guided by the assumption that aspects of culture are linked and intertwined. Beginning by describing a Trobriand sailing expedition, the ethnographer then follows the links between that entry point and other areas of the culture, such as magic, religion, myths, kinship, and trade. Compared with Malinowski, today's ethnographies tend to be less inclusive and holistic, focusing on particular topics, such as kinship or religion. According to Malinowski, a primary task of the ethnographer is "to grasp the native's point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of his world" (1922/1961, p. 25—Malinowskis italics). This is a good statement of the need for the emic perspective, as was discussed earlier. Since the 1970s, interpretive anthropology has considered the task of describing and interpreting that which is meaningful to natives. Interpretivists such as Clifford Ethnographie Techniques 31 Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942), seated with villagers in the Trobriand Islands. A Polish anthropologist who spent most of his professional life in England, Malinowski is generally considered the founder of ethnography. Does this photo suggest anything about Malinowski's relationship with the villagers? Geertz (1973) view cultures as meaningful texts that natives constantly "read" and ethnographers must decipher. According to Geertz, anthropologists may choose anything in a culture that interests them, fill in details, and elaborate to inform their readers about meanings in that culture. Meanings are carried by public symbolic forms, including words, rituals, and customs. A current trend in ethnographic writing is to question traditional goals, methods, and styles, including ethnographic realism and salvage ethnography (Clifford 1982, 1988; Marcus and Cushman 1982). Marcus and Fischer argue that experimentation in ethnographic writing is necessary because all peoples and cultures have already been "discovered" and must now be "rediscovered ... in changing historical circumstances" (1986, p. 24). In general, experimental anthropologists see ethnographies as works of art as well as works of science. Ethnographic texts may be viewed as literary creations in which the ethnographer, as mediator, communicates information from the "natives" to readers. Some experimental ethnographies are "dialogic," presenting ethnography as a dialogue between the anthropologist and one or more native informants (e.g., Behar 1993; Dwyer 1982). These works draw attention to ways in which ethnographers, and by extension their readers, communicate with other cultures. However, some such ethnographies have been criticized for spending too much time talking about the anthropologist and too little time describing the natives and their culture. The dialogic ethnography is one genre within a larger experimental category—that is, reflexive ethnography. Here the ethnographer-writer puts 32 Chapter Two Ethics and Methods his or her personal feelings and reactions to the field situation right in the text. Experimental writing strategies are prominent in reflexive accounts. The ethnographer may adopt some of the conventions of the novel, including first-person narration, conversations, dialogues, and humor. Experimental ethnographies, using new ways of showing what it means to be a Samoan or a Brazilian, may convey to the reader a richer and more complex understanding of human experience. Linked to salvage ethnography was the idea of the ethnographic present—-the period before Westernization, when the "true" native culture flourished. This notion often gives classic ethnographies an unrealistic timeless quality. Providing the only jarring note in this idealized picture are occasional comments by the author about traders or missionaries, suggesting that in actuality the natives were already part of the world system. Anthropologists now recognize that the ethnographic present is a rather unrealistic construct. Cultures have been in contact—and have been changing—throughout history. Most native cultures had at least one major foreign encounter before any anthropologist ever came their way Most of them had already been incorporated in some fashion into nation-states or colonial systems. Contemporary ethnographies usually recognize that cultures constantly change and that an ethnographic account applies to a particular moment. A current trend in ethnography is to focus on the ways in which cultural ideas serve political and economic interests. Another trend is to describe how various particular "natives" participate in broader historical, political, and economic processes (Shostak 1981). Problem-Oriented Ethnography We see, then, a tendency to move away from holistic accounts toward more problem-focused and experimental ethnographies. Although anthropologists are interested in the whole context of human behavior, it is impossible to study everything. Most ethnographers now enter the field with a specific problem to investigate, and they collect data relevant to that problem (see Chiseri-Strater and Sunstein 2001; Kutsche 1998). Local people's answers to questions are not the only data source. Anthropologists also gather information on factors such as population density, environmental quality, climate, physical geography, diet, and land use. Sometimes this involves direct measurement—of rainfall, temperature, fields, yields, dietary quantities, or time allocation (Bailey 1990; Johnson 1978). Often it means that we consult government records or archives. The information of interest to ethnographers is not limited to what local people can and do tell us. In an increasingly interconnected and complicated world, local people lack knowledge about many factors that affect their lives. Our local consultants may be as mystified as we are by the exercise of power from regional, national, and international centers. Ethnographic Techniques 33 Longitudinal Research Geography limits anthropologists less now than in the past, when it could take months to reach a field site, and return visits were rare. New systems of transportation allow anthropologists to widen the area of their research and to return repeatedly. Ethnographic reports now routinely include data from two or more field stays. Longitudinal research is the long-term study of a community, region, society, culture, or other unit, usually based on repeated visits. One example of such research is the longitudinal study of Gwembe District, Zambia. This study, planned in 1956 as a longitudinal project by Elizabeth Colson and Thayer Scudder, continues with Colson, Scudder, and their associates of various nationalities. Thus, as is often the case with longitudinal research, the Gwembe study also illustrates team research—coordinated research by multiple ethnographers. The Gwembe research project is both longitudinal (multitimed) and multisited (considering several field sites) (Colson and Scudder 1975; Scudder and Colson 1980). Four villages, in different areas, have been followed for five decades. Periodic village censuses provide basic data on population, economy, kinship, and religious behavior. Censused people who have moved are traced and interviewed to see how their lives compare with those of people who have stayed in the villages. A series of different research questions have emerged, while basic data on communities and individuals continue to be collected. The first focus of study was the impact of a large hydroelectric dam, which subjected the Gwembe people to forced resettlement. The dam also spurred road building and other activities that brought the people of Gwembe more closely in touch with the rest of Zambia. In subsequent research Scudder and Colson (1980) examined how education provided access to new opportunities as it also widened a social gap between people with different educational levels. A third study then examined a change in brewing and drinking patterns, including a rise in alcoholism, in relation to changing markets, transportation, and exposure to town values (Colson and Scudder 1988). Team Research As mentioned, longitudinal research is often team research. My own field site of Arembepe, Brazil, for example, first entered the world of anthropology as a field-team village in the 1960s (see the box at the end of this chapter.) It was one of four sites for the now defunct Columbia-Cornell-Harvard-Illinois Summer Field Studies Program in Anthropology. For at least three years, that program sent a total of about twenty undergraduates annually, the author included, to do brief summer research abroad. We were stationed in rural communities in four countries: Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru. Since my wife, Isabel Wagley Kottak, and I began studying it in 1962, Arembepe has become a longitudinal field site. Three generations of researchers have monitored various aspects of change and development. The community has changed from a village into a town. Its economy, religion, and social life have been transformed (Kottak 2006). Chapter Two Ethics and Methods Brazilian and American researchers worked with us on team research projects during the 1980s (on television's impact) and the 1990s (on ecological awareness and environmental risk perception). Graduate students from the University of Michigan have drawn on our baseline information from the 1960s as they have studied various topics in Arembepe. In 1990 Doug Jones, a Michigan student doing biocultural research, used Arembepe as a field site to investigate standards of physical attractiveness. In 1996-1997, Janet Dunn studied family planning and changing female reproductive strategies. Chris O'Leary, who first visited Arembepe in summer 1997, investigated a striking aspect of religious change there—the arrival of Protestantism; his dissertation (O'Leary 2002) research then examined changing food habits and nutrition. Arembepe is thus a site where various field workers have worked as members of a longitudinal team. The more recent researchers have built on prior contacts and findings to increase knowledge about how local people meet and manage new circumstances. Culture, Space, and Scale The previous sections on longitudinal and team research illustrate an important shift in cultural anthropology. Traditional ethnographic research focused on a single community or "culture," treated as more or less isolated and unique in time and space. The shift has been toward recognition of ongoing and inescapable flows of people, technology, images, and information. The study of such flows and linkages is now part of the anthropological analysis. In reflecting todays world—in which people, images, and information move about as never before—field work must be more flexible and on a larger scale. Ethnography is increasingly multi-timed and multisited. Malinowski could focus on Trobriand culture and spend most of his field time in a particular community. Nowadays we cannot afford to ignore, as Malinowski did, the "outsiders" who increasingly impinge on the places we study (e.g., migrants, refugees, terrorists, warriors, tourists, developers). Integral to our analyses now are the external organizations and forces (e.g., governments, businesses, nongovernmental organizations) now laying claim to land, people, and resources throughout the world. Also important is increased recognition of power differentials and how they affect cultures, and of the importance of diversity within cultures and societies. In two volumes of essays edited by Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson (1997a and 1997fo), several anthropologists describe problems in trying to locate cultures in bounded spaces. John Durham Peters (1997), for example, notes that, particularly because of the mass media, contemporary people simultaneously experience the local and the global. He describes them as culturally "bifocal"—both "near-sighted" (seeing local events) and "farsighted" (seeing images from far away). Given their bifocality, their interpretations of the local are always influenced by information from outside. Thus, their attitude about a clear blue sky at home is tinged by their knowledge, through weather reports, that a hurricane may be approaching. Survey Research 35 The national news may not at all fit opinions voiced in local conversations, but national opinions find their way into local discourse. The mass media, which anthropologists increasingly study, are oddities in terms of culture and space. Whose image and opinions are these? What culture or community do they represent? They certainly aren't local. Media images and messages flow electronically. TV brings them right to you. The Internet lets you discover new cultural possibilities at the click of a mouse. The Internet takes us to virtual places, but in truth the electronic mass media are placeless phenomena, which are transnational in scope and play a role in forming and maintaining cultural identities. Anthropologists increasingly study people in motion. Examples include people living on or near national borders, nomads, seasonal migrants, homeless and displaced people, immigrants, and refugees. Anthropological research today may take us traveling along with the people we study, as they move from village to city, cross the border, or travel internationally on business. As we'll see in Chapter 13, ethnographers increasingly follow the people and images they study. As field work changes, with less and less of a spatially set field, what can we take from traditional ethnography? Gupta and Ferguson correctly cite the "characteristically anthropological emphasis on daily routine and lived experience" (1997a, p. 5). The treatment of communities as discrete entities may be a thing of the past. However, "anthropology's traditional attention to the close observation of particular lives in particular places" has an enduring importance (Gupta and Ferguson \991b, p. 25). The method of close observation helps distinguish cultural anthropology from sociology and survey research, to which we now turn. SURVEY RESEARCH As anthropologists work increasingly in large-scale societies, they have developed innovative ways of blending ethnography and survey research (Fricke 1994). Before considering such combinations of field methods, I must describe survey research and the main differences between survey research and ethnography as traditionally practiced. Working mainly in large, populous nations, sociologists, political scientists, and economists have developed and refined the survey research design, which involves sampling, impersonal data collection, and statistical analysis. Survey research usually draws a sample (a manageable study group) from a much larger population. By studying a properly selected and representative sample, social scientists can make accurate inferences about the larger population. In smaller-scale societies and local communities, ethnographers get to know most of the people. Given the greater size and complexity of nations, survey research cannot help being more impersonal. Survey researchers call the people they study respondents. These are people who respond to questions during a survey. Sometimes survey researchers personally interview them. Sometimes, after an initial meeting, they ask respondents to fill out a questionnaire. In other cases researchers mail printed questionnaires to 36 Chapter Two Ethics and Methods The woman on the right is an employee of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). She is registering information about an Afghan refugee family in Islamabad, Pakistan on February 25, 2005. How is this form of information gathering similar to, and different from, survey research and ethnography? randomly selected sample members or have paid assistants interview or telephone them. In a random sample, all members of the population have an equal statistical chance of being chosen for inclusion. A random sample is selected by randomizing procedures, such as tables of random numbers, which are found in many statistics textbooks. Anyone who has grown up recently in the United States or Canada has heard of sampling. Probably the most familiar example is the polling used to predict political races. The media hire agencies to estimate outcomes and do exit polls to find out what kinds of people voted for which candidates. During sampling, researchers gather information about age, gender, religion, occupation, income, and political party preference. These characteristics (variables—attributes that vary among members of a sample or population) are known to influence political decisions. Survey Research 37 Many more variables affect social identities, experiences, and activities in a modern nation than is the case in the small communities where ethnography grew up. In contemporary North America hundreds of factors influence our social behavior and attitudes. These social predictors include our religion; the region of the country we grew up in; whether we come from a town, suburb, or city; and our parents' professions, ethnic origins, and income levels. Ethnography can be used to supplement and fine-tune survey research. Anthropologists can transfer the personal, firsthand techniques of ethnography to virtually any setting that includes human beings. A combination of survey research and ethnography can provide new perspectives on life in complex societies (large and populous societies with social stratification and central governments). Preliminary ethnography can also help develop relevant and culturally appropriate questions for inclusion in national surveys. In any complex society, many predictor variables (social indicators) influence behavior and opinions. Because we must be able to detect, measure, and compare the influence of social indicators, many contemporary anthropological studies have a statistical foundation. Even in rural field work, more anthropologists now draw samples, gather quantitative data, and use statistics to interpret them (see Bernard 1998; Bernard 2002). Quantifiable information may permit a more precise assessment of similarities and differences among communities. Statistical analysis can support and round out an ethnographic account of local social life. However, in the best studies, the hallmark of ethnography remains: Anthropologists enter the community and get to know the people. They participate in local activities, networks, and associations in the city, town, or countryside. They observe and experience social conditions and problems. They watch the effects of national policies and programs on local life. The ethnographic method and the emphasis on personal relationships in social research are valuable gifts that cultural anthropology brings to the study of a complex society. Even Anthropologists Get Culture Shock I first lived in Arembepe (Brazil) during the (North American) summer of 1962. That was between my junior and senior years at New York City's Columbia College, where I was majoring in anthropology. I went to Arembepe as a participant in a now defunct program designed to provide undergraduates with experience doing ethnography— firsthand study of an alien society's culture and social life. Brought up in one culture but intensely curious about others, anthropologists nevertheless experience culture shock, particularly on their first field trip. Culture shock refers to the whole set of feelings about being in an alien setting, and the ensuing reactions. It is a chilly, creepy feeling of alienation, of being without some of the most ordinary, trivial (and therefore basic) cues of one s culture of origin. Conrad Kottak and his Brazilian nephew, Guilherme Roxo, revisit Arembepe in 2004 as part of a longitudinal study. As I planned my first departure for Brazil, I could not know just how naked I would feel without the cloak of my own language and culture. My sojourn in Arembepe would be my first trip outside the United States. I was an urban boy who had grown up in Atlanta, Georgia, and New York City. I had little experience with rural life in my own country, none with Latin America, and I had received only minimal training in the Portuguese language. We flew from New York City direct to Salvador, Bahia, Brazil with just a brief stopover in Rio de Janeiro; a longer visit would be a reward at the end of field work. As our prop jet approached tropical Salvador, I couldn't believe the whiteness of the sand. "That's not snow, is it?" T remarked to a fellow field team member. . . . My first impressions of Bahia were of smells—alien odors of ripe and decaying mangoes, bananas, and passion fruit—and of swatting the ubiquitous fruit flies I had never seen before, although I had read extensively about their reproductive behavior in genetics classes. There were strange concoctions of rice, black beans, and gelatinous gobs of unidentifiable meats and floating pieces of skin. Coffee was strong and sugar crude, and every tabletop had containers for toothpicks and for manioc (cassava) flour to sprinkle, like Parmesan cheese, on anything one might eat. I remember oatmeal soup and a slimy stew of beef tongue in tomatoes. At one meal a disintegrating fish head, eyes still attached, but barely, stared up at me as the rest of its body floated in a bowl of bright orange palm oil... . I only vaguely remember my first day in Arembepe. Unlike ethnographers who have studied remote tribes in the tropical forests of interior South America or the highlands of Papua New Guinea, I did not have to hike or ride a canoe for days to arrive at my field site. Arembepe was not isolated relative to such places, only relative to every other place I had ever been. . . . Summary 39 I do recall what happened when we arrived. There was no formal road into the village. Entering through southern Arembepe, vehicles simply threaded their way around coconut trees, following tracks left by automobiles that had passed previously. A crowd of children had heard us coming, and they pursued our car through the village streets until we parked in front of our house, near the central square. Our first few days in Arembepe were spent with children following us everywhere. For weeks we had few moments of privacy. Children watched our every move through our living room window. Occasionally one made an incomprehensible remark. Usually they just stood there. ... The sounds, sensations, sights, smells, and tastes of life in northeastern Brazil, and in Arembepe, slowly grew familiar. ... I grew accustomed to this world without Kleenex, in which globs of mucus habitually drooped from the noses of village children whenever a cold passed through Arembepe. A world where, seemingly without effort, women . . . carried 18-liter kerosene cans of water on their heads, where boys sailed kites and sported at catching houseflies in their bare hands, where old women smoked pipes, storekeepers offered cachaga (common rum) at nine in the morning, and men played dominoes on lazy afternoons when there was no fishing. I was visiting a world where human life was oriented toward water— the sea, where men fished, and the lagoon, where women communally washed clothing, dishes, and their own bodies. Source: This description is adapted from my ethnographic study Assault on Paradise: The Globalization of a Little Community in Brazil, 4th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006). Summary 1. A code of ethics guides anthropologists' research and other professional activities. Anthropologists need to establish and maintain appropriate, collaborative, and nonexploitative relationships with colleagues and communities in the host country. Researchers must gain the informed consent of all affected parties—from the authorities who control access to the field site to the members of the community being studied. 2. Ethnographic methods include firsthand and participant observation, rapport building, interviews, genealogies, work with key consultants, or informants, collection of life histories, discovery of local beliefs and perceptions, problem-oriented and longitudinal research, and team research. Ethnographers work in actual communities and form personal relationships with local people as they study their lives. 3. An interview schedule is a form an ethnographer completes as he or she visits a series of households. Key cultural consultants, or informants, teach about particular areas of local life. Life histories dramatize the fact that culture bearers are individuals. Such case studies document personal experiences with culture and culture change. Genealogical 40 Chapter Two Ethics and Methods 4. 5. information is particularly useful in societies in which principles of kinship and marriage organize social and political life. Emic approaches focus on native perceptions and explanations. Etic approaches give priority to the ethnographer's own observations and conclusions. Longitudinal research is the systematic study of an area or site over time. Forces of change are often too pervasive and complex to be understood by a lone ethnographer. Anthropological research may be done by teams and at multiple sites. Outsiders, flows, linkages, and people in motion are now included in ethnographic analyses. Traditionally, anthropologists worked in small-scale societies; sociologists, in modern nations. Different techniques have developed to study such different kinds of societies. Social scientists working in complex societies use survey research to sample variation. Anthropologists do their field work in communities and study the totality of social life. Sociologists study samples to make inferences about a larger population. Sociologists often are interested in causal relations among a very small number of variables. Anthropologists more typically are concerned with the interconnectedness of all aspects of social life. The diversity of social life in modern nations and cities requires social survey procedures. However, anthropologists add the intimacy and direct investigation characteristic of ethnography. Anthropologists may use ethnographic procedures to study urban life. But they also make greater use of survey techniques and analysis of the mass media in their research in contemporary nations. : Key Terms complex societies cultural consultant emic etic genealogical method informed consent interview schedule key cultural consultants Culture ire Is Symbolic • Culture and Nature WHAT IS CULTURE? Culture Is Learned • Culture Is Shared • L.ul Is All-Encompassing • Culture Is Integrated • Culture Can Be Adaptive and Maladaptive • Culture and the Individual: Agency and Practice • Levels of Culture • Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Human Rights ulture UNIVERSALITY, GENERALITY, AND PARTICULARITY Universals and Generalities • Particularity: Patterns of Culture MECHANISMS OF CULTURAL CHANGE GLOBALIZATION Box: Touching, Affection, Love, and Sex The concept of culture has long been basic to anthropology. More than a century ago, in his book Primitive Culture, the British anthropologist Edward Tylor proposed that cultures, systems of human behavior and thought, obey natural laws and therefore can be studied scientifically. Tylor s definition of culture still offers an overview of the subject matter of anthropology and is widely quoted. "Culture ... is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society" (Tylor 1871/1958, p. 1). The crucial phrase here is "acquired by man as a member of society." Tylor s definition focuses on attributes that people acquire not through biological inheritance but by growing up in a particular society in which they are exposed to a specific cultural tradition. Enculturation is the process by which a child learns his or her culture. WHAT IS CULTURE? Culture Is Learned The ease with which children absorb any cultural tradition rests on the uniquely elaborated human capacity to learn. Other animals may learn from experience, so that, for example, they avoid fire after discovering that 42 Chapter Three Culture Cultures have strikingly different standards of personal space, such as how far apart people should stand in normal encounters and interactions. Contrast the distance between the American businessmen with the closeness, including touching, of the two rabbis in Jerusalem. Have you noticed such differences in your own interactions with others? it hurts. Social animals also learn from other members of their group. Wolves, for instance, learn hunting strategies from other pack members. Such social learning is particularly important among monkeys and apes, our closest biological relatives. But our own cultural learning depends on the uniquely developed human capacity to use symbols, signs that have no necessary or natural connection to the things they stand for or signify. On the basis of cultural learning, people create, remember, and deal with ideas. They grasp and apply specific systems of symbolic meaning. Anthropologist Clifford Geertz defines culture as ideas based on cultural learning and symbols. Cultures have been characterized as sets of "control mechanisms—plans, recipes, rules, instructions, what computer engineers call programs for the governing of behavior" (Geertz 1973, p. 44). These programs are absorbed by people through enculturation in particular traditions. People gradually internalize a previously established system of meanings and symbols, which helps guide their behavior and perceptions throughout their lives. Every person begins immediately, through a process of conscious and unconscious learning and interaction with others, to internalize, or incorporate, a cultural tradition through the process of enculturation. Sometimes culture is taught directly, as when parents tell their children to say "thank you" when someone gives them something or does them a favor. Culture is also transmitted through observation. Children pay attention to the things that go on around them. They modify their behavior not just because other people tell them to but as a result of their own observations and growing awareness of what their culture considers right and wrong. Culture is also absorbed unconsciously. North Americans acquire their What Is Culture? 43 culture s notions about how far apart people should stand when they talk (see the box at the end of this chapter), not by being directly told to maintain a certain distance but through a gradual process of observation, experience, and conscious and unconscious behavior modification. No one tells Latins to stand closer together than North Americans do, but they learn to do so as part of their cultural tradition. Culture Is Shared Culture is an attribute not of individuals per se but of individuals as members of groups. Culture is transmitted in society. Don't we learn our culture by observing, listening, talking, and interacting with many other people? Shared beliefs, values, memories, and expectations link people who grow up in the same culture. Enculturation unifies people by providing us with common experiences. People in the United States sometimes have trouble understanding the power of culture because of the value that American culture places on the idea of the individual. Americans are fond of saying that everyone is unique and special in some way. However, in American culture individualism itself is a distinctive shared value. Individualism is transmitted through hundreds of statements and settings in our daily lives. From TVs the late Mr. Rogers to parents, grandparents, and teachers, our enculturative agents insist that we are all "someone special." Today's parents were yesterdays children. If they grew up in North America, they absorbed certain values and beliefs transmitted over the generations. People become agents in the enculturation of their children, just as their parents were for them. Although a culture constantly changes, certain fundamental beliefs, values, worldviews, and child-rearing practices endure. Consider a simple American example of enduring shared enculturation. As children, when we didn't finish a meal, our parents may have reminded us of starving children in some foreign country, just as our grandparents might have done a generation earlier. The specific country changes (China, India, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Somalia, Rwanda—what was it in your home?). Still, American culture goes on transmitting the idea that by eating all our brus-sels sprouts or broccoli, we can justify our own good fortune, compared to a hungry child in an impoverished or war-ravaged country. Culture Is Symbolic Symbolic thought is unique and crucial to humans and to cultural learning. A symbol is something verbal or nonverbal, within a particular language or culture, that comes to stand for something else. Anthropologist Leslie White defined culture as dependent upon symbolling.. . . Culture consists of tools, implements, utensils, clothing, ornaments, customs, institutions, beliefs, rituals, games, works of art, language, etc. (White 1959, p. 3) 44 Chapter Three Culture For White, culture originated when our ancestors acquired the ability to use symbols, that is, to originate and bestow meaning on a thing or event, and, correspondingly, to grasp and appreciate such meanings (White 1959, p. 3). There need be no obvious, natural, or necessary connection between the symbol and what it symbolizes. The familiar pet that barks is no more naturally a dog than it is a chien, Hund, or mbwa, the words for "dog" in French, German, and Swahili, respectively. Language is one of the distinctive possessions of Homo sapiens. No other animal has developed anything approaching the complexity of language, with its multitude of symbols. Symbols often are linguistic. There are also myriad nonverbal symbols, such as flags, which stand for various countries, and the arches that symbolize a particular hamburger chain. Holy water is a potent symbol in Roman Catholicism. As is true of all symbols, the association between a symbol (water) and what is symbolized (holiness) is arbitrary and conventional. Water probably is not intrinsically holier than milk, blood, or other natural liquids. Nor is holy water chemically different from ordinary water. Holy water is a symbol within Roman Catholicism, which is part of an international cultural system. A natural thing has been associated arbitrarily with a particular meaning for Catholics, who share common beliefs and experiences that are based on learning and that are transmitted across the generations. For hundreds of thousands of years, humans have shared the abilities on which culture rests—the abilities to learn, to think symbolically, to manipulate language, and to use tools and other cultural products in organizing their lives and coping with their environments. Every contemporary human population has the ability to use symbols and thus to create and maintain culture. Our nearest relatives—chimpanzees and gorillas—have rudimentary cultural abilities. However, no other animal has elaborated cultural abilities to the extent that Homo has. Culture and Nature Culture takes the natural biological urges we share with other animals and teaches us how to express them in particular ways. People have to eat, but culture teaches us what, when, and how. In many cultures people have their main meal at noon, but most North Americans prefer a large dinner. English people eat fish for breakfast, but North Americans prefer hot cakes and cold cereals. Brazilians put hot milk into strong coffee, whereas many North Americans pour cold milk into a weaker brew. Midwesterners dine at five or six, Spaniards at ten. Cultural habits, perceptions, and inventions mold "human nature" into many forms. People have to eliminate wastes from their bodies. But some cultures teach people to defecate standing, while others tell them to do it sitting down. Frenchmen aren't embarrassed to urinate in public, stepping into barely shielded outdoor pissoirs. Peasant women in the Andean highlands squat in the streets and urinate, getting all the privacy they need from What Is Culture? 45 their massive skirts. All these habits are parts of cultural traditions that have converted natural acts into cultural customs. Our culture—and cultural changes—affect how we perceive nature, human nature, and "the natural." Through science, invention, and discovery, cultural advances have overcome many "natural" limitations. We prevent and cure diseases such as polio and smallpox, which felled our ancestors. We use Viagra to enhance or restore sexual potency. Through cloning, scientists have challenged the way we think about biological identity and the meaning of life itself. Culture, of course, does not always protect us from natural threats. Hurricanes, floods, earthquakes, and other natural forces regularly overthrow our wishes to modify the environment through building, development, and expansion. Can you think of other ways in which nature strikes back at culture? Culture Is All-Encompassing For anthropologists, culture includes much more than refinement, good taste, sophistication, education, and appreciation of the fine arts. Not only college graduates but all people are "cultured." The most interesting and significant cultural forces are those that affect people every day of their lives, particularly those that influence children during enculturation. Culture, as defined anthropologically, encompasses features that are sometimes regarded as trivial or unworthy of serious study, such as those of "popular" culture. To understand contemporary North American culture, we must consider television, fast-food restaurants, sports, and games. As a cultural manifestation, a rock star may be as interesting as a symphony conductor (or vice versa); a comic book may be as significant as a book-award winner. Culture Is Integrated Cultures are not haphazard collections of customs and beliefs. Cultures are integrated, patterned systems. If one part of the system (the overall economy, for instance) changes, other parts change as well. For example, during the 1950s most American women planned domestic careers as homemakers and mothers. Most of today's college women, by contrast, expect to get paying jobs when they graduate. What are some of the social repercussions of this particular economic change? Attitudes and behavior regarding marriage, family, and children have changed. Late marriage, "living together," and divorce have become more common. The average age at first marriage for American women rose from 20 in 1955 to 25 in 2002. The comparable figures for men were 23 and 27 (U.S. Census Bureau 2004). The number of currently divorced Americans quadrupled from 4 million in 1970 to more than 19 million in 2001 (Lugaila 1999; Kreider and Fields 2002). Work competes with marriage and family responsibilities and reduces the time available to invest in child care. Chapter Three Culture Cultures are integrated systems, so that when one behavior pattern changes, others also change. During the 1950s most American women expected to have domestic careers. But as more and more women entered the labor force, attitudes toward work and family changed. Contrast the 1950s homemaker Mom (top) with Washington State's Governor, Christine Gregoire (center) and two U.S. senators Maria Cantwell (left) and Patty Murray (right). What Is Culture? 47 Cultures are integrated not simply by their dominant economic activities and related social patterns but also by sets of values, ideas, symbols, and judgments. Cultures train their individual members to share certain personality traits. A set of characteristic core values (key, basic, central values) integrates each culture and helps distinguish it from others. For instance, the work ethic and individualism are core values that have integrated American culture for generations. Different sets of dominant values influence the patterns of other cultures. Culture Can Be Adaptive and Maladaptive Humans have both biological and cultural ways of coping with environmental stresses. Besides our biological means of adaptation, we also use "cultural adaptive kits," which contain customary activities and tools that aid us. Although humans continue to adapt biologically, reliance on social and cultural means of adaptation has increased during human evolution and plays a crucial role. Sometimes, adaptive behavior that offers short-term benefits to particular subgroups or individuals may harm the environment and threaten the groups long-term survival. Economic growth may benefit some people while it depletes resources needed for society at large or for future generations. Thus, cultural traits, patterns, and inventions can also be maladaptive, threatening the group s continued existence (survival and reproduction). Air conditioners help us deal with heat, as fires and furnaces protect us against the cold. Automobiles permit us to make a living by getting us from home to workplace. But the by-products of such "beneficial" technology often create new problems. Chemical emissions increase air pollution, deplete the ozone layer, and contribute to global warming. Many cultural patterns such as overconsumption and pollution appear to be maladaptive in the long run. Can you think of others? Culture and the Individual: Agency and Practice Generations of anthropologists have theorized about the relationship between the "system," on one hand, and the "person" or "individual" on the other. The system can refer to various concepts, including culture, society, social relations, or social structure. Individual human beings always make up, or constitute, the system. But, living within that system, humans also are constrained (to some extent, at least) by its rules and by the actions of other individuals. Cultural rules provide guidance about what to do and how to do it, but people don't always do what the rules say should be done. People use their culture actively and creatively, rather than blindly following its dictates. Humans aren't passive beings who are doomed to follow their cultural traditions like programmed robots. Instead, people learn, interpret, and manipulate the same rule in different ways—or they emphasize 48 Chapter Three Culture different rules that better suit their interests. Culture is contested: Different groups in society struggle with one another over whose ideas, values, goals, and beliefs will prevail. Even common symbols may have radically different meanings to different individuals and groups in the same culture. Golden arches may cause one person to salivate while another plots a vegetarian protest. The same flag may be waved to support or oppose a given war. Even when they agree about what should be done, people don't always do as their culture directs or as other people expect. Many rules are violated, some very often (for example, automobile speed limits). Some anthropologists find it useful to distinguish between ideal and real culture. The ideal culture consists of what people say they should do and what they say they do. Real culture refers to their actual behavior as observed by the anthropologist. Culture is both public and individual, both in the world and in people's minds. Anthropologists are interested not only in public and collective behavior but also in how individuals think, feel, and act. The individual and culture are linked because human social life is a process in which individuals internalize the meanings of public (i.e., cultural) messages. Then, alone and in groups, people influence culture by converting their private (and often divergent) understandings into public expressions (D'Andrade 1984). Conventionally culture has been seen as social glue transmitted across the generations, binding people through their common past, rather than as something being continually created and reworked in the present. The tendency to view culture as an entity rather than as a process is changing. Contemporary anthropologists now emphasize how day-to-day action, practice, or resistance can make and remake culture (Gupta and Ferguson, eds. \991b). Agency refers to the actions that individuals take, both alone and in groups, in forming and transforming cultural identities. The approach to culture known as practice theory (Ortner 1984) recognizes that individuals within a society or culture have diverse motives and intentions and different degrees of power and influence. Such contrasts may be associated with gender, age, ethnicity, class, and other social variables. Practice theory focuses on how such varied individuals—through their ordinary and extraordinary actions and practices—manage to influence, create, and transform the world they live in. Practice theory appropriately recognizes a reciprocal relation between culture (the system—see above) and the individual. The system shapes how individuals experience and respond to external events, but individuals also play an active role in how society functions and changes. Practice theory recognizes both constraints on individuals and the flexibility and changeability of cultures and social systems. Levels of Culture We distinguish between different levels of culture: national, international, and subcultural. In todays world these distinctions are increasingly important. National culture embodies those beliefs, learned behavior patterns, What Is Culture? 49 values, and institutions that are shared by citizens of the same nation. International culture extends beyond and across national boundaries. Because culture is transmitted through learning rather than genetically, cultural traits can spread through borrowing or diffusion from one group to another. Through diffusion or migration, sometimes via multinational organizations, or because of a common history or focus of interest, many cultural traits and patterns acquire international scope. The contemporary United States, Canada, Great Britain, and Australia share cultural traits they have inherited from their common linguistic and cultural ancestors in Great Britain. Roman Catholics in many different countries share beliefs, symbols, experiences, and values transmitted by their church. The World Cup has become an international cultural event, as people in many countries know the rules of, play, and follow soccer. Cultures can also be smaller than nations. Although people who live in the same country share a national cultural tradition, all cultures also contain diversity. Individuals, families, communities, regions, classes, and other groups within a culture have different learning experiences as well as shared ones. Subcultures are different symbol-based patterns and traditions Illustrating the international level of culture, Roman Catholics in different nations share knowledge, symbols, beliefs, and values transmitted by their church. Here we see a prayer vigil in Seoul, Korea. In addition to religious conversion, what other forces work to spread international culture? 50 Chapter Three Culture associated with particular groups in the same complex society. In large or diverse nations such as the United States or Canada, a variety of subcultures originate in region, ethnicity, language, class, and religion. The religious backgrounds of Jews, Baptists, and Roman Catholics create subcultural differences between them. While sharing a common national culture, U.S. northerners and southerners also differ in their beliefs, values, and customary behavior as a result of national and regional history. French-speaking Canadians sometimes pointedly contrast with English-speaking people in the same country. Italian Americans have ethnic traditions different from those of Irish, Polish, and African Americans. Nowadays, many anthropologists are reluctant to use the term subculture. They feel that the prefix sub-is offensive because it means "below." Subcultures thus may be perceived as "less than" or somehow inferior to a dominant, elite, or national culture. In this discussion of levels of culture, I intend no such implication. My point is simply that nations may contain many different culturally defined groups. As mentioned earlier, culture is contested. Various groups may strive to promote the correctness and value of their own practices, values, and beliefs in comparison with those of other groups or the nation as a whole. Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Human Rights Ethnocentrism is the tendency to view one's own culture as superior and to apply one's own cultural values in judging the behavior and beliefs of people raised in other cultures. Ethnocentrism contributes to social solidarity, a sense of value and community, among people who share a cultural tradition. People everywhere think that the familiar explanations, opinions, and customs are true, right, proper, and moral. They regard different behavior as strange, immoral, or savage. Often other societies are not considered fully human. Their members may be castigated as cannibals, thieves, or people who do not bury their dead. Among several tribes in the Trans-Fly region of Papua New Guinea homosexuality was valued over heterosexuality (see the chapter in this book on gender). Men who grew up in the Etoro tribe (Kelly 1976) favored oral sex between men, while their neighbors the Marind-anim encouraged men to engage in anal sex. (In both groups heterosexual coitus was stigmatized and allowed only for reproduction.) Etoro men considered Marind-anim anal sex to be disgusting, while seeing nothing abnormal about their own oral homosexual practices. Opposing ethnocentrism is cultural relativism, the viewpoint that behavior in one culture should not be judged by the standards of another culture. This position also can present problems. At its most extreme, cultural relativism argues that there is no superior, international, or universal morality, that the moral and ethical rules of all cultures deserve equal respect. In the extreme relativist view, Nazi Germany would be evaluated as nonjudg-mentally as Athenian Greece. What Is Culture? 51 In todays world, human rights advocates challenge many of the tenets of cultural relativism. For example, several societies in Africa and the Middle East have traditions of female genital modification. Clitoridectomy is the removal of a girl's clitoris. Infibulation involves sewing the lips (labia) of the vagina, to constrict the vaginal opening. Both procedures reduce female sexual pleasure, and, it is believed in some cultures, the likelihood of adultery. Such practices, characterized as female genital mutilation, have been opposed by human rights advocates, especially women's rights groups. The idea is that the tradition infringes on a basic human right—disposition over one's body and one's sexuality. Some African countries have banned or otherwise discouraged the procedures, as have Western nations that receive immigration from such cultures. Similar issues arise with circumcision and other male genital operations. Is it right for a baby boy to be circumcised without his permission, as has been routinely done in the United States? Is it proper to require adolescent boys to undergo collective circumcision to fulfill cultural tradition, as is done traditionally in parts of Africa and Australia? The idea of human rights challenges cultural relativism by invoking a realm of justice and morality beyond and superior to the laws and customs of particular countries, cultures, and religions (see R. Wilson, ed. 1996). Human rights include the right to speak freely, to hold religious beliefs without persecution, and to not be murdered, injured, or enslaved or imprisoned without charge. Such rights are seen as inalienable (nations cannot abridge or terminate them) and international (larger than and superior to individual nations and cultures). Four United Nations documents describe nearly all the human rights that have been internationally recognized. Those documents are the U.N. Charter; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Alongside the human rights movement has arisen an awareness of the need to preserve cultural rights. Unlike human rights, cultural rights are vested not in individuals but in groups, such as religious and ethnic minorities and indigenous societies. Cultural rights include a group's ability to preserve its culture, to raise its children in the ways of its forebears, to continue its language, and not to be deprived of its economic base by the nation in which it is located (Greaves 1995). The related notion of indigenous intellectual property rights (IPR) has arisen in an attempt to conserve each society's cultural base—its core beliefs, knowledge, and practices. Much traditional cultural knowledge has commercial value. Examples include ethnomedicine (traditional medical knowledge and techniques), cosmetics, cultivated plants, foods, folklore, arts, crafts, songs, dances, costumes, and rituals. According to the IPR concept, a particular group may determine how indigenous knowledge and its products may be used and distributed and the level of compensation required. The notion of cultural rights is related to the idea of cultural relativism, and the problem discussed previously arises again. What does one do about 52 Chapter Three Culture cultural rights that interfere with human rights? I believe that anthropology's main job is to present accurate accounts and explanations of cultural phenomena. The anthropologist doesn't have to approve infanticide, cannibalism, or torture to record their existence and determine their causes. However, each anthropologist has a choice about where he or she will do field work. Some anthropologists choose not to study a particular culture because they discover in advance or early in field work that behavior they consider morally repugnant is practiced there. Anthropologists respect human diversity. Most ethnographers try to be objective, accurate, and sensitive in their accounts of other cultures. However, objectivity, sensitivity, and a cross-cultural perspective don't mean that anthropologists have to ignore international standards of justice and morality. What do you think? UNIVERSALITY, GENERALITY, AND PARTICULARITY Anthropologists agree that cultural learning is uniquely elaborated among humans and that all humans have culture. Anthropologists also accept a doctrine termed in the 19th century "the psychic unity of man." This means that although individuals differ in their emotional and intellectual tendencies and capacities, all human populations have equivalent capacities for culture. Regardless of their genes or their physical appearance, people can learn any cultural tradition. To understand this point, consider that contemporary Americans and Canadians are the genetically mixed descendants of people from all over the world. Our ancestors were biologically varied, lived in different countries and continents, and participated in hundreds of cultural traditions. However, early colonists, later immigrants, and their descendants all have become active participants in American and Canadian life. All now share a common national culture. To recognize biopsychological equality is not to deny differences among populations. In studying human diversity in time and space, anthropologists distinguish among the universal, the generalized, and the particular. Certain biological, psychological, social, and cultural features are universal, found in every culture. Others are merely generalities, common to several but not all human groups. Still other traits are particularities, unique to certain cultural traditions. Universals and Generalities Biologically based universals include a long period of infant dependency, year-round (rather than seasonal) sexuality, and a complex brain that enables us to use symbols, languages, and tools. Among the social universals is life in groups and in some kind of family (see Brown 1991). Generalities occur in certain times and places but not in all cultures. They may be widespread, but they are not universal. One cultural generality that is present in Universality, Generality, and Particularity 53 many but not all societies is the nuclear family, a kinship group consisting of parents and children. Although many middle-class Americans ethnocen-trically view the nuclear family as a proper and "natural" group, it is not universal. It is absent, for example, among the Nayars, who live on the Malabar Coast of India. The Nayars live in female-headed households, and husbands and wives do not live together. In many other societies, the nuclear family is submerged in larger kin groups, such as extended families, lineages, and clans. Particularity: Patterns of Culture A cultural particularity is a trait or feature of culture that is not generalized or widespread; rather it is confined to a single place, culture, or society. Yet because of cultural diffusion, which has accelerated through modern transportation and communication systems, traits that once were limited in their distribution have become more widespread. Traits that are useful, that have the capacity to please large audiences, and that don't clash with the cultural values of potential adopters are more likely to diffuse than others are. Still, certain cultural particularities persist. One example would be a particular food dish (e.g., pork barbeque with a mustard-based sauce available only in South Carolina, or the pastie—beef stew baked in pie dough characteristic of Michigan's upper peninsula). Besides diffusion which, for example, has spread McDonalds food outlets, once confined to San Bernadino, California, across the globe, there are other reasons why cultural particularities are increasingly rare. Many cultural traits are shared as cultural universal and as a result of independent invention. Facing similar problems, people in different places have come up with similar solutions. Again and again, similar cultural causes have produced similar cultural results. At the level of the individual cultural trait or element (e..g, bow and arrow, hot dog, MTV), particularities may be getting rarer. But at a higher level, particularity is more obvious. Different cultures emphasize different things. Cultures are integrated and patterned differently and display tremendous variation and diversity. When cultural traits are borrowed, they are modified to fit the culture that adopts them. They are reintegrated— patterned anew—to fit their new setting. MTV in Germany or Brazil isn't at all the same thing as MTV in the United States. As was stated in the earlier section "Culture Is Integrated," patterned beliefs, customs, and practices lend distinctiveness to particular cultural traditions. Consider universal life-cycle events, such as birth, puberty, marriage, parenthood, and death, that many cultures observe and celebrate. The occasions (e.g., marriage, death) may be the same and universal, but the patterns of ceremonial observance may be dramatically different. Cultures vary in just which events merit special celebration. Americans, for example, regard expensive weddings as more socially appropriate than lavish funerals. However, the Betsileo of Madagascar take the opposite view. The marriage ceremony is a minor event that brings together just the couple and a few close 54 Chapter Three Culture relatives. However, a funeral is a measure of the deceased persons social position and lifetime achievement, and it may attract a thousand people. Why use money on a house, the Betsileo say, when one can use it on the tomb where one will spend eternity in the company of dead relatives? How unlike contemporary Americans' dreams of home ownership and preference for quick and inexpensive funerals. Cremation, an increasingly common option in the United States, would horrify the Betsileo, for whom ancestral bones and relics are important ritual objects. Cultures vary tremendously in their beliefs, practices, integration, and patterning. By focusing on and trying to explain alternative customs, anthropology forces us to reappraise our familiar ways of thinking. In a world full of cultural diversity, contemporary American culture is just one cultural variant, more powerful perhaps, but no more natural, than the others. MECHANISMS OF CULTURAL CHANGE Why and how do cultures change? One way is diffusion or borrowing of traits between cultures. Such exchange of information and products has gone on throughout human history because cultures never have been truly isolated. Contact between neighboring groups has always existed and has extended over vast areas (Boas 1940/1966). Diffusion is direct when two cultures trade with, intermarry among, or wage war on one another. Diffusion is forced when one culture subjugates another and imposes its customs on the dominated group. Diffusion is indirect when items or traits move from group A to group C via group B without any firsthand contact between A and C. In this case, group B might consist of traders or merchants who take products from a variety of places to new markets. Or group B might be geographically situated between A and C, so that what it gets from A eventually winds up in C, and vice versa. In today's world, much international diffusion is indirect—culture spread by the mass media and advanced information technology. Acculturation, a second mechanism of cultural change, is the exchange of cultural features that results when groups have continuous firsthand contact. The cultures of either or both groups may be changed by this contact (Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits 1936). With acculturation, parts of the cultures change, but each group remains distinct. One example of acculturation is a pidgin, a mixed language that develops to ease communication between members of different cultures in contact. This usually happens in situations of trade or colonialism. Pidgin English, for example, is a simplified form of English. It blends English grammar with the grammar of a native language. Pidgin English was first used for commerce in Chinese ports. Similar pidgins developed later in Papua New Guinea and West Africa. In situations of continuous contact, cultures have also exchanged and blended foods, recipes, music, dances, clothing, tools, and technologies. Globalization 55 Independent invention—the process by which humans innovate, creatively finding solutions to problems—is a third mechanism of cultural change. Faced with comparable problems and challenges, people in different societies have innovated and changed in similar ways, which is one reason cultural generalities exist. One example is the independent invention of agriculture in the Middle East and Mexico. Over the course of human history, major innovations have spread at the expense of earlier ones. Often a major invention, such as agriculture, triggers a series of subsequent interrelated changes. These economic revolutions have social and cultural repercussions. Thus in both Mexico and the Middle East, agriculture led to many social, political, and legal changes, including notions of property and distinctions in wealth, class, and power (see Naylor 1996). GLOBALIZATION The term globalization encompasses a series of processes, including diffusion and acculturation, working to promote change in a world in which nations and people are increasingly interlinked and mutually dependent. Promoting such linkages are economic and political forces, as well as modern systems of transportation and communication. The forces of globalization include international commerce and finance, travel and tourism, transnational migration, the media, and various high-tech information flows (see Appadurai, ed. 2001; Ong and Collier, eds. 2005; Scholte 2000). During the Cold War, which ended with the fall of the Soviet Union, the basis of international alliance was political, ideological, and military. More recent international pacts have shifted toward trade and economic issues. New economic unions (which have met considerable resistance in their member nations) have been created through the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the European Union (EU). Long-distance communication is easier, faster, and cheaper than ever, and extends to remote areas. I can now e-mail or call families in Arembepe, Brazil, which lacked phones or even postal service when I first began to study the community. The mass media help propel a globally spreading culture of consumption. Within nations and across their borders, the media spread information about products, services, rights, institutions, lifestyles, and the perceived costs and benefits of globalization. Emigrants transmit information and resources transnationally, as they maintain their ties with home (phoning, faxing, e-mailing, making visits, sending money). In a sense such people live multilocally—in different places and cultures at once. They learn to play various social roles and to change behavior and identity depending on the situation. Local people must increasingly cope with forces generated by progressively larger systems—region, nation, and world. An army of outsiders now intrudes on people everywhere. Tourism has become the world s number one 56 Chapter Three Culture industry. Economic development agents and the media promote the idea that work should be for cash rather than mainly for subsistence. Indigenous peoples and traditional societies have devised various strategies to deal with threats to their autonomy identity, and livelihood (Maybury-Lewis 2002). New forms of political mobilization and cultural expression, including the rights movements discussed previously, are emerging from the interplay of local, regional, national, and international cultural forces. bucking, Affection, Love, and Sex Comparing the United States to Brazil— or virtually any Latin nation—we can see a striking cultural contrast between a culture that discourages physical contact and demonstrations of affection and one in which the contrary is true. "Don't touch me." "Take your hands off me." Such statements are not uncommon in North America, but they are virtually never heard in Brazil, the Western Hemisphere s second most populous country. Brazilians like to be touched (and kissed) more than North Americans do. The worlds cultures have strikingly different notions about displays of affection and about matters of personal space. When North Americans talk, walk, and dance, they maintain a certain distance from others—their personal space. Brazilians, who maintain less physical distance, interpret this as a sign of coldness. When conversing with a North American, the Brazilian characteristically moves in as the North American "instinctively" retreats. In these body movements, neither Brazilian nor North American is trying consciously to be especially friendly or unfriendly. Each is merely executing a program written on the self by years of exposure to a particular cultural tradition. Because of different ideas about proper social space, cocktail parties in international meeting places such as the United Nations can resemble an elaborate insect mating ritual as diplomats from different cultures advance, withdraw, and sidestep. One easily evident cultural difference between Brazil and the United States involves kissing, hugging, and touching. Middle-class Brazilians teach their kids—both boys and girls—to kiss (on the cheek, two or three times, coming and going) every adult relative they ever see. Given the size of Brazilian extended families, this can mean hundreds of people. Females continue kissing throughout their lives. They kiss male and female kin, friends, relatives of friends, friends of relatives, friends of friends, and, when it seems appropriate, more casual acquaintances. Males go on kissing their female relatives and friends. Until they are adolescents, boys also kiss adult male relatives. Brazilian men, brothers, cousins, nephews and uncles, and friends, typically greet each other with hearty handshakes and a traditional male hug (abrago). The closer the relationship, the tighter and longer-lasting the embrace. Many Brazilian men keep on kissing their fathers and uncles throughout their lives. Could it be that homophobia (fear of homosexuality) prevents American men from engaging in such displays of affection with other men? Are American women more likely to show affection toward each other than American men are? Like other North Americans who spend time in a Latin culture, I miss the Summary 57 numerous kisses and handshakes when I get back to the United States. After several months in Brazil, I find North Americans rather cold and impersonal. Many Brazilians share this opinion. I have heard similar feelings expressed by Italian Americans as they compare themselves with North Americans of different ethnic backgrounds. According to clinical psychologist David E. Klirnek, who has written about intimacy and marriage in the United States, "in American society, if we go much beyond simple touching, our behavior takes on a minor sexual twist" (Slade 1984). North Americans define demonstrations of affection between males and females with reference to marriage. Love and affection are supposed to unite the married pair, and they blend into sex. When a wife asks her husband for "a little affection," she may mean, or he may think she means, sex. A certain lack of clarity in North American definitions of love, affection, and sex is evident on Valentine's Day, which used to be just for lovers. Valentines used to be sent to wives, husbands, girlfriends, and boyfriends. Now, after years of promotion by the greeting card industry, they also go to mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, aunts, and uncles. There is a blurring of sexual and nonsexual affection. In Brazil, Lovers' Day retains its autonomy. Mother, father, and children each have their own separate days of recognition. It's true, of course, that in a good marriage love and affection exist alongside sex. Nevertheless, affection does not necessarily imply sex. The Brazilian culture shows that there can be rampant kissing, hugging, and touching without sex—or fears of improper sexuality. In Brazilian culture, physical demonstrations help cement many kinds of close personal relationships that have no sexual component. Summary 1. Culture refers to customary behavior and beliefs that are passed on through enculturation. Culture rests on the human capacity for cultural learning. Culture encompasses shared rules for conduct that are internalized in human beings. Such rules lead people to think and act in characteristic ways. 2. Other animals learn, but only humans have cultural learning, dependent on symbols. Humans think symbolically—arbitrarily bestowing meaning on things and events. By convention, a symbol stands for something with which it has no necessary or natural relation. Symbols have special meaning for people who share memories, values, and beliefs because of common enculturation. People absorb cultural lessons consciously and unconsciously. 3. Cultural traditions mold biologically based desires and needs in particular directions. Everyone is cultured, not just people with elite educations. Cultures may be integrated and patterned through economic and social forces, key symbols, and core values. Cultural rules don't rigidly dictate our behavior. There is room for creativity, 58 Chapter Three Culture flexibility, diversity, and disagreement within societies. Cultural means of adaptation have been crucial in human evolution. Aspects of culture can also be maladaptive. 4. There are levels of culture, which can be larger or smaller than a nation. Diffusion and migration carry cultural traits and patterns to different areas. Such traits are shared across national boundaries. Nations also include cultural differences associated with ethnicity, region, and social class. 5. Using a comparative perspective, anthropology examines biological, psychological, social, and cultural universals and generalities. There are also unique and distinctive aspects of the human condition. North American cultural traditions are no more natural than any others. Mechanisms of cultural change include diffusion, acculturation, and independent invention. Globalization describes a series of processes that promote change in our world in which nations and people are increasingly interlinked and mutually dependent. Key Terms acculturation core values cultural relativism cultural rights diffusion enculturation ethnocentrism generalities globalization human rights independent invention intellectual property rights (IPR) international culture national culture particularities subcultures symbols universal Ethnicity and Race ETHNIC GROUPS AND ETHNICITY Status Shifting RACE THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACE Hypodescent: Race in the United States • Not Us: Race in Japan • Phenotype and Fluidity: Race in Brazil ETHNIC GROUPS, NATIONS, AND NATIONALITIES Nationalities and Imagined Communities THNIC TOLERANCE AND ACCOMMODATION Assimilation • The Plural Society • Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity ROOTS OF ETHNIC CONFLICT Prejudice and Discrimination • Chips in the Mosaic • Aftermaths of Oppression Box: The Basques We know from the last chapter that culture is learned, shared, symbolic, integrated, and all-encompassing. Now we consider the relation between culture and ethnicity. Ethnicity is based on cultural similarities and differences in a society or nation. The similarities are with members of the same ethnic group; the differences are between that group and others. Ethnic groups must deal with other such groups in the nation or region they inhabit, so that interethnic relations are important in the study of that nation or region. (Table 4-1 lists American ethnic groups, based on July 2004 figures.) ETHNIC GROUPS AND ETHNICITY As with any culture, members of an ethnic group share certain beliefs, values, habits, customs, and norms because of their common background. They define themselves as different and special because of cultural features. This distinction may arise from language, religion, historical experience, 60 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race TABLE 4-1 Racial/Ethnic Identification in the United States, 2004 Claimed Identity Millions of People Percentage Hispanic 41.3 14.1% Asian 12.1 4.1 Two or more races 3.9 1.3 Pacific Islander 0.4 0.1 American Indian 2.2 0.8 Black 36.0 12.2 White 197.8 67.4 Total population 293.7 100.0% Source: Files 2005. geographic isolation, kinship, or "race." Markers of an ethnic group may include a collective name, belief in common descent, a sense of solidarity, and an association with a specific territory, which the group may or may not hold (Ryan 1990, pp. xiii, xiv). According to Fredrik Barth (1969), ethnicity can be said to exist when people claim a certain identity for themselves and are defined by others as having that identity. Ethnicity means identification with, and feeling part of, an ethnic group and exclusion from certain other groups because of this affiliation. Ethnic feelings and associated behavior vary in intensity within ethnic groups and countries and over time. A change in the degree of importance attached to an ethnic identity may reflect political changes (Soviet rule ends—ethnic feeling rises) or individual life-cycle changes (young people relinquish, or old people reclaim, an ethnic background). We saw in the last chapter that people participate in various levels of culture. Groups within a culture (including ethnic groups in a nation) have different learning experiences as well as shared ones. Subcultures originate in ethnicity, class, region, and religion. Individuals often have more than one group identity. People may be loyal (depending on circumstances) to their neighborhood, school, town, state or province, region, nation, continent, religion, ethnic group, or interest group (Ryan 1990, p. xxii). In a complex society such as the United States or Canada, people constantly negotiate their social identities. All of us "wear different hats," presenting ourselves sometimes as one thing, sometimes as another. In daily conversation, we hear the term "status" used as a synonym for prestige. In this context, "She's got a lot of status" means she's got a lot of prestige; people look up to her. Among social scientists, that's not the primary meaning of "status." Social scientists use status more neutrally—for any position, no matter what the prestige, that someone occupies in society. In this sense, status encompasses the various positions that people occupy in society. Parent is a social status. So are professor, student, factory worker, Ethnic Groups and Ethnicity 61 FIGURE 4-1 Social Statuses The person in this figure—"ego," or "I"—occupies many social statuses. The gray circles indicate ascribed statuses; the white circles represent achieved statuses. Democrat, shoe salesperson, homeless person, labor leader, ethnic-group member, and thousands of others. People always occupy multiple statuses (e.g., Hispanic, Catholic, infant, brother). Among the statuses we occupy, particular ones dominate in particular settings, such as son or daughter at home and student in the classroom. Some statuses are ascribed: People have little or no choice about occupying them. Age is an ascribed status; we can't choose not to age. Race and gender usually are ascribed; people are born members of a certain group and remain so all their lives. Achieved statuses, by contrast, aren't automatic; they come through choices, actions, efforts, talents, or accomplishments, and they may be positive or negative (Figure 4-1). Examples of achieved statuses include physician, senator, salesperson, union member, father, college student, terrorist, and convicted felon. Status Shifting Sometimes statuses, particularly ascribed ones, are mutually exclusive. It's hard to bridge the gap between black and white, or male and female. Sometimes, taking a status or joining a group requires a conversion experience, 62 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race acquiring a new and overwhelming primary identity, such as becoming a "born again" Christian. Some statuses aren't mutually exclusive, but contextual. People can be both black and Hispanic, or both a mother and a senator. One identity is used in certain settings, another in different ones. We call this the situational negotiation of social identity. When ethnic identity is flexible and situational, it can become an achieved status (Leman 2001; Moerman 1965). Hispanics, for example, may move through levels of culture (shifting ethnic affiliations) as they negotiate their identities. "Hispanic" is an ethnic category based mainly on language. It includes whites, blacks, and "racially" mixed Spanish speakers and their ethnically conscious descendants. (There are also Native American and even Asian Hispanics.) "Hispanic," representing the fastest growing ethnic group in the United States, lumps together millions of people of diverse geographic origin—Puerto Rico, Mexico, Cuba, El Salvador, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, and other Spanish-speaking countries of Central and South America and the Caribbean. "Latino" is a broader category, which can also include Brazilians (who speak Portuguese). The national origins of American Hispanics/Latinos in 2002 were as shown in Table 4-2. Mexican Americans (Chicanos), Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans may mobilize to promote general Hispanic issues (e.g., opposition to "English-only" laws) but act as three separate interest groups in other contexts. Cuban Americans are richer on average than Chicanos and Puerto Ricans are, and their class interests and voting patterns differ. Cubans often vote Republican, but Puerto Ricans and Chicanos are more likely to favor Democrats. Some Mexican Americans whose families have lived in the United States for generations have little in common with new Hispanic immigrants, such as those from Central America. Many Americans (especially those fluent in English) claim Hispanic ethnicity in some contexts but shift to a general "American" identity in others. In many societies an ascribed status is associated with a position in the social-political hierarchy. Certain groups, called minority groups, are subordinate. They have inferior power and less secure access to resources than Source: Ramirez and de la Cruz, 2003. Race 63 The ethnic label "Hispanic" lumps together millions of people of diverse racial types and countries of origin. People of diverse national backgrounds may mobilize to promote general Hispanic issues (such as opposition to "English-only" laws), but act as separate interest groups in other contexts. Shown here are Salvadorians in downtown Los Angeles watching a Central American Independence Day parade on September 19, 2004. do majority groups (which are superordinate, dominant, or controlling). Often ethnic groups are minorities. When an ethnic group is assumed to have a biological basis (distinctively shared "blood" or genes), it is called a race. Discrimination against such a group is called racism (Cohen 1998; Montagu 1997; Scupin 2003; Shanklin 1995; Wade 2002). RACE Race, like ethnicity in general, is a cultural category rather than a biological reality. That is, ethnic groups, including "races," derive from contrasts perceived and perpetuated in particular societies, rather than from scientific classifications based on common genes (see Wade 2002). It is not possible to define races biologically. Only cultural constructions of race are possible—even though the average person conceptualizes "race" in biological terms. The belief that races exist and are important is much more common among the public than it is among scientists. Most Americans, 64 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race for example, believe that their population includes biologically based races to which various labels have been applied. These labels include "white," "black," "yellow," "red," "Caucasoid," "Negroid," "Mongoloid," "Amerindian," "Euro-American," "African American," "Asian American," and "Native American." We hear the words ethnicity and race frequently, but American culture doesn't draw a very clear line between them. As illustration, consider two articles in The New York Times of May 29, 1992. One, discussing the changing ethnic composition of the United States, explains (correctly) that Hispanics "can be of any race" (Barringer 1992, p. A12). In other words, "Hispanic" is an ethnic category that cross-cuts racial contrasts such as that between "black" and "white." The other article reports that during the Los Angeles riots of spring 1992, "hundreds of Hispanic residents were interrogated about their immigration status on the basis of their race alone [emphasis added]" (Mydans 1992a, p. A8). Use of "race" here seems inappropriate because "Hispanic" is usually perceived as referring to a linguistically based (Spanish-speaking) ethnic group, rather than a biologically based race. Since these Los Angeles residents were being interrogated because they were Hispanic, the article is actually reporting on ethnic, not racial, discrimination. However, given the lack of a precise distinction between race and ethnicity, it is probably better to use the term "ethnic group" instead of "race" to describe any such social group, for example, African Americans, Asian Americans, Irish Americans, Anglo Americans, or Hispanics. THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACE Races are ethnic groups assumed (by members of a particular culture) to have a biological basis, but actually race is socially constructed. The "races" we hear about every day are cultural, or social, rather than biological categories. In Charles Wagley's terms (Wagley 1959/1968), they are social races (groups assumed to have a biological basis but actually defined in a culturally arbitrary, rather than a scientific, manner). Many Americans mistakenly assume that whites and blacks, for example, are biologically distinct and that these terms stand for discrete races. But these labels, like racial terms used in other societies, really designate culturally perceived rather than biologically based groups. Hypodescent: Race in the United States How is race culturally constructed in the United States? In American culture, one acquires his or her racial identity at birth, as an ascribed status, but race isn't based on biology or on simple ancestry. Take the case of the child of a "racially mixed" marriage involving one black and one white parent. We know that 50 percent of the child's genes come from one parent and 50 percent from the other. Still, American culture overlooks heredity and classifies this The Social Construction of Race 65 child as black. This rule is arbitrary. On the basis of genotype (genetic composition), it would be just as logical to classify the child as white. American rules for assigning racial status can be even more arbitrary. In some states, anyone known to have any black ancestor, no matter how remote, is classified as a member of the black race. This is a rule of descent (it assigns social identity on the basis of ancestry), but of a sort that is rare outside the contemporary United States. It is called hypodescent (Harris and Kottak 1963) because it automatically places the children of a union between members of different groups in the minority group {hypo means "lower"). Hypodescent divides American society into groups that have been unequal in their access to wealth, power, and prestige. The following case from Louisiana is an excellent illustration of the arbitrariness of the hypodescent rule and of the role that governments (federal or, in this case, state) play in legalizing, inventing, or eradicating race and ethnicity (B. Williams 1989). Susie Guillory Phipps, a light-skinned woman with Caucasian features and straight black hair, discovered as an adult that she was black. When Phipps ordered a copy of her birth certificate, she found her race listed as "colored." Since she had been "brought up white and married white twice," Phipps challenged a 1970 Louisiana law declaring anyone with at least one-thirty-second "Negro blood" to be legally black. Although the state's lawyer admitted that Phipps "looks like a white person," the state of Louisiana insisted that her racial classification was proper (Yetman, ed. 1991, pp. 3-4). Cases like Phipps's are rare because racial identity is usually ascribed at birth and doesn't change. The rule of hypodescent affects blacks, Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics differently. It's easier to negotiate Indian or Hispanic identity than black identity. The ascription rule isn't as definite, and the assumption of a biological basis isn't as strong. To be considered Native American, one ancestor out of eight (great-grandparents) or four (grandparents) may suffice. This depends on whether the assignment is by federal or state law or by an Indian tribal council. The child of a Hispanic may (or may not, depending on context) claim Hispanic identity. Many Americans with an Indian or Latino grandparent consider themselves white and lay no claim to minority group status. The U.S. Census Bureau has gathered data by race since 1790. Initially this was done because the Constitution specified that a slave counted as three-fifths of a white person, and because Indians were not taxed. The racial categories included in the 1990 census were "White," "Black or Negro," "Indian (American)," "Eskimo," "Aleut or Pacific Islander," and "Other." A separate question was asked about Spanish-Hispanic heritage. Check out Figure 4-2 for the racial categories in the 2000 census. An attempt by social scientists and interested citizens to add a "multiracial" census category has been opposed by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Council of La Raza (a Hispanic advocacy group). Racial classification is a political issue (Goldberg 2002) involving access to resources, including jobs, voting districts, 66 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race NOTE: Please answer BOTH Questions 5 and 6. 5. Is this person Spanish/Hispanic/Latino? Mark [x] the "M>" box if not Spanish/Hispanic/Latino. "2 No, not Spanish/Hispanic/Latino 3 Ves> Puerto Rican ] Yes, Mexican, Mexican Am., Chicano fj Yes, Cuban fj Yes, other Spanish/Hispanic/Latino —Print group. ^ 6. What is this person's race? Mark \x} one or more races to indicate what this person considers himself/herself to be. □ White □ Black, African Am., or Negro 3 American Indian or Alaska Native —Print name of enrolled or principal tribe, y fj Asian Indian fj Japanese ] Native Hawaiian n Chinese ] Korean HI Guamanian or Chamorro ~~\ Filipino ~\ Vietnamese HJ Samoan HJ Other Asian —Print race. Hj Other Pacific Islander —Print race. ^ fj Some other race —Print race. ^ FIGURE 4-2 Reproduction of Questions on Race and Hispanic Origin from Census 2000 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 questionnaire. and federal funding of programs aimed at minorities. The hypodescent rule results in all the population growth being attributed to the minority category. Minorities fear their political clout will decline if their numbers go down. But things are changing. Choice of "some other race" in the U.S. Census more than doubled from 1980 (6.8 million) to 2000 (over 15 million)— suggesting imprecision in and dissatisfaction with the existing categories (Mar 1997). In the year 2002, 284.2 million Americans (out of 288.4 million censused) reported they belonged to just one race. Nearly 48 percent of Hispanics identified as white alone, and about 42 percent as "some other race" alone. In the 2000 census, 2.4 percent of Americans, or 6.8 million people, chose a first-ever option of identifying themselves as belonging to more than one race. About 6 percent of Hispanics reported two or more races, compared with less than 2 percent of non-Hispanics (http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/2001/cbO 1 cn61 .html). The number of interracial marriages and children is increasing, with implications for the traditional system of American racial classification. "Interracial," "biracial," or "multiracial" children who group up with both parents undoubtedly identify with particular qualities of either parent. It is troubling for many of them to have so important an identity as race dictated by the arbitrary rule of hypodescent. It may be especially discordant when racial identity doesn't parallel gender identity, for instance, a boy The Social Construction of Race 67 with a white father and a black mother, or a girl with a white mother and a black father. Not Us: Race in Japan American culture ignores considerable diversity in biology, language, and geographic origin as it socially constructs race in the United States. North Americans also overlook diversity by seeing Japan as a nation that is homogeneous in race, ethnicity, language, and culture—an image the Japanese themselves cultivate. Thus in 1986 former Prime Minister Nakasone created an international furor by contrasting his country's supposed homogeneity (responsible, he suggested, for Japan's success at that time in international business) with the ethnically mixed United States. Japan is hardly the uniform entity Nakasone described. Scholars estimate that 10 percent of Japan's national population are minorities of various sorts. These include aboriginal Ainu, annexed Okinawans, outcast burakumin, children of mixed marriages, and immigrant nationalities, especially Koreans, who number more than 700,000 (De Vos, Wetherall, and Stearman 1983; Lie 2001). To describe racial attitudes in Japan, Jennifer Robertson (1992) uses Kwame Anthony Appiah's (1990) term "intrinsic racism"—the belief that a (perceived) racial difference is a sufficient reason to value one person less than another. In Japan the valued group is majority ("pure") Japanese, who are believed to share "the same blood." Thus, the caption to a printed photo of a Japanese American model reads: "She was born in Japan but raised in Hawaii. Her nationality is American but no foreign blood flows in her veins" (Robertson 1992, p. 5). Something like hypodescent also operates in Japan, but less precisely than in the United States, where mixed offspring automatically become members of the minority group. The children of mixed marriages between majority Japanese and others (including Euro-Americans) may not get the same "racial" label as their minority parent, but they are still stigmatized for their non-Japanese ancestry (De Vos and Wagatsuma 1966). How is race culturally constructed in Japan? The (majority) Japanese define themselves by opposition to others, whether minority groups in their own nation or outsiders—anyone who is "not us." The "not us" should stay that way; assimilation is generally discouraged. Cultural mechanisms, especially residential segregation and taboos on "interracial" marriage, work to keep minorities "in their place." In its construction of race, Japanese culture regards certain ethnic groups as having a biological basis, when there is no evidence that they do. The best example is the burakumin, a stigmatized group of at least 4 million outcasts, sometimes compared to India's untouchables. The burakumin are physically and genetically indistinguishable from other Japanese. Many of them "pass" as (and marry) majority Japanese, but a deceptive marriage can end in divorce if burakumin identity is discovered (Aoki and Dardess, eds. 1981). 68 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race Burakumin are perceived as standing apart from majority Japanese. Through ancestry, descent (and thus, it is assumed, "blood," or genetics) burakumin are "not us." Majority Japanese try to keep their lineage pure by discouraging mixing. The burakumin are residentially segregated in neighborhoods (rural or urban) called buraku, from which the racial label is derived. Compared with majority Japanese, the burakumin are less likely to attend high school and college. When burakumin attend the same schools as majority Japanese, they face discrimination. Majority children and teachers may refuse to eat with them because burakumin are considered unclean. In applying for university admission or a job and in dealing with the government, Japanese must list their address, which becomes part of a household or family registry. This list makes residence in a buraku, and likely burakumin social status, evident. Schools and companies use this information to discriminate. (The best way to pass is to move so often that the buraku address eventually disappears from the registry.) Majority Japanese also limit "race" mixture by hiring marriage mediators to check out the family histories of prospective spouses. They are especially careful to check for burakumin ancestry (De Vos et al. 1983). The origin of the burakumin lies in a historical tiered system of stratification (from the Tokugawa period—1603-1868). The top four ranked Japan's stigmatized burakumin are physically and genetically indistinguishable from other Japanese. In response to burakumin political mobilization, Japan has dismantled the legal structure of discrimination against burakumin. This Sports Day for burakumin children is one kind of mobilization. The Social Construction of Race 69 categories were warrior-administrators (samurai), farmers, artisans, and merchants. The ancestors of the burakumin were below this hierarchy, an outcast group who did unclean jobs such as animal slaughter and disposal of the dead. Burakumin still do similar jobs, including work with leather and other animal products. The burakumin are more likely than majority Japanese to do manual labor (including farm work) and to belong to the national lower class. Burakumin and other Japanese minorities are also more likely to have careers in crime, prostitution, entertainment, and sports (De Vos etal. 1983). Like blacks in the United States, the burakumin are class-stratified. Because certain jobs are reserved for the burakumin, people who are successful in those occupations (e.g., shoe factory owners) can be wealthy. Burakumin have also found jobs as government bureaucrats. Financially successful burakumin can temporarily escape their stigmatized status by travel, including foreign travel. Discrimination against the burakumin is strikingly like the discrimination that blacks have experienced in the United States. The burakumin often live in villages and neighborhoods with poor housing and sanitation. They have limited access to education, jobs, amenities, and health facilities. In response to burakumin political mobilization, Japan has dismantled the legal structure of discrimination against burakumin and has worked to improve conditions in the buraku. Still, Japan has yet to institute American-style affirmative action programs for education and jobs. Discrimination against nonmajority Japanese is still the rule in companies. Some employers say that hiring burakumin would give their company an unclean image and thus create a disadvantage in competing with other businesses (De Vos et al. 1983). Phenotype and Fluidity: Race in Brazil There are more flexible, less exclusionary ways of constructing social race than those used in the United States and Japan. Along with the rest of Latin America, Brazil has less exclusionary categories, which permit individuals to change their racial classification. Brazil shares a history of slavery with the United States, but it lacks the hypodescent rule. Nor does Brazil have racial aversion of the sort found in Japan. Brazilians use many more racial labels—over 500 have been reported (Harris 1970)—than Americans or Japanese do. In northeastern Brazil, I found 40 different racial terms in use in Arembepe, a village of only 750 people (Kottak 2006). Through their classification system Brazilians recognize and attempt to describe the physical variation that exists in their population. The system used in the United States, by recognizing only three or four races, blinds Americans to an equivalent range of evident physical contrasts. The system Brazilians use to construct social race has other special features. In the United States one's race is an ascribed status; it is assigned automatically by hypodescent and usually doesn't change. In Brazil racial identity is more flexible, more of an achieved status. Brazilian racial classification pays 70 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race These photos, taken in Brazil by the author in 2003 and 2004, give just a glimpse of the spectrum of phenotypical diversity encountered among contemporary Brazilians. The Social Construction of Race 71 attention to phenotype. Phenotype refers to an organisms evident traits, its "manifest biology"—physiology and anatomy, including skin color, hair form, facial features, and eye color. A Brazilian's phenotype and racial label may change because of environmental factors, such as the tanning rays of the sun or the effects of humidity on the hair. As physical characteristics change (sunlight alters skin color, humidity affects hair form), so do racial terms. Furthermore, racial differences may be so insignificant in structuring community life that people may forget the terms they have applied to others. Sometimes they even forget the ones they've used for themselves. In Arembepe, I made it a habit to ask the same person on different days to tell me the races of others in the village (and my own). In the United States I am always "white" or "Euro-American," but in Arembepe I got lots of terms besides branco ("white"). I could be claro ("light"), louro ("blond"), sarard ("light-skinned redhead"), mulato claro ("light mulatto"), or mulato ("mulatto"). The racial term used to describe me or anyone else varied from person to person, week to week, even day to day. My best informant, a man with very dark skin color, changed the term he used for himself all the time—from escuro ("dark") to preto ("black") to moreno escuro ("dark brunet"). The American and Japanese racial systems are creations of particular cultures, rather than scientific—or even accurate—descriptions of human biological differences. Brazilian racial classification is also a cultural construction, but Brazilians have developed a way of describing human biological diversity that is more detailed, fluid, and flexible than the systems used in most cultures. Brazil lacks Japan's racial aversion, and it also lacks a rule of descent like that which ascribes racial status in the United States (Degler 1970; Harris 1964). For centuries the United States and Brazil have had mixed populations, with ancestors from Native America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. Although races have mixed in both countries, Brazilian and American cultures have constructed the results differently. The historical reasons for this contrast lie mainly in the different characteristics of the settlers of the two countries. The mainly English early settlers of the United States came as women, men, and families, but Brazils Portuguese colonizers were mainly men— merchants and adventurers. Many of these Portuguese men married Native American women and recognized their racially mixed children as their heirs. Like their North American counterparts, Brazilian plantation owners had sexual relations with their slaves. But the Brazilian landlords more often freed the children that resulted—for demographic and economic reasons. (Sometimes these were their only children.) Freed offspring of master and slave became plantation overseers and foremen and filled many intermediate positions in the emerging Brazilian economy. They were not classed with the slaves, but were allowed to join a new intermediate category. No hypodescent rule ever developed in Brazil to ensure that whites and blacks remained separate (see Degler 1970; Harris 1964). 72 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race ETHNIC GROUPS, NATIONS, AND NATIONALITIES The term nation was once synonymous with tribe or ethnic group. All three of these terms referred to a single culture sharing a single language, religion, history, territory, ancestry, and kinship. Thus one could speak interchangeably of the Seneca (American Indian) nation, tribe, or ethnic group. Now nation has come to mean state—an independent, centrally organized political unit, or a government. Nation and state have become synonymous. Combined in nation-state they refer to an autonomous political entity, a country—like the United States, "one nation, indivisible" (see Gellner 1997; Hastings 1997). Because of migration, conquest, and colonialism (see below), most nation-states are not ethnically homogeneous. Of 132 nation-states existing in 1971, Connor (1972) found just 12 (9 percent) to be ethnically homogeneous. In another 25 (19 percent) a single ethnic group accounted for more than 90 percent of the population. Forty percent of the countries contained more than five significant ethnic groups. In a later study, Nielsson (1985) found that in only 45 of 164 states did one ethnic group account for more than 95 percent of the population. Nationalities and Imagined Communities Ethnic groups that once had, or wish to have or regain, autonomous political status (their own country) are called nationalities. In the words of Benedict Anderson (1991), they are "imagined communities." Even when they become nation-states, they remain imagined communities because most of their members, though feeling comradeship, will never meet (Anderson 1991, pp. 6-10). They can only imagine they all participate in the same unit. Anderson traces Western European nationalism, which arose in imperial powers such as England, France, and Spain, back to the 18th century. He stresses that language and print played a crucial role in the growth of European national consciousness. The novel and the newspaper were "two forms of imagining" communities (consisting of all the people who read the same sources and thus witnessed the same events) that flowered in the 18th century (Anderson 1991, pp. 24-25). Over time, political upheavals, wars, and migration have divided many imagined national communities that arose in the 18th and 19th centuries. The German and Korean homelands were artificially divided after wars, and according to communist and capitalist ideologies. World War I split the Kurds, who remain an imagined community, forming a majority in no state. Kurds are a minority group in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. In creating multitribal and multiethnic states, colonialism often erected boundaries that corresponded poorly with preexisting cultural divisions. But colonial institutions also helped created new "imagined communities" beyond nations. A good example is the idea of nigritude ("Black identity") developed by African intellectuals in Francophone (French-speaking) West Ethnic Tolerance and Accommodation 73 Africa. Negritude can be traced to the association and common experience of youths from Guinea, Mali, the Ivory Coast, and Senegal at the William Ponty school in Dakar, Senegal (Anderson 1991, pp. 123-124). ETHNIC TOLERANCE AND ACCOMMODATION Ethnic diversity may be associated with positive group interaction and coexistence or with conflict (discussed shortly). There are nation-states in which multiple cultural groups live together in reasonable harmony, including some less developed countries. Assimilation Assimilation describes the process of change that a minority ethnic group may experience when it moves to a country where another culture dominates. By assimilating, the minority adopts the patterns and norms of its host culture. It is incorporated into the dominant culture to the point that it no longer exists as a separate cultural unit. Some countries, such as Brazil, are more assimilationist than others. Germans, Italians, Japanese, Middle Easterners, and East Europeans started migrating to Brazil late in the 19th century. These immigrants have assimilated to a common Brazilian culture, which has Portuguese, African, and Native American roots. The descendants of these immigrants speak the national language (Portuguese) and participate in the national culture. (During World War II, Brazil, which was on the Allied side, forced assimilation by banning instruction in any language other than Portuguese—especially in German.) The Plural Society Assimilation isn't inevitable, and there can be ethnic harmony without it. Ethnic distinctions can persist despite generations of interethnic contact. Through a study of three ethnic groups in Swat, Pakistan, Fredrik Barth (1958/1968) challenged an old idea that interaction always leads to assimilation. He showed that ethnic groups can be in contact for generations without assimilating and can live in peaceful coexistence. Barth (1958/1968, p. 324) defines plural society (an idea he extends from Pakistan to the entire Middle East) as a society combining ethnic contrasts, ecological specialization (i.e., use of different environmental resources by each ethnic group), and the economic interdependence of those groups. Consider his description of the Middle East (in the 1950s): "The environment' of any one ethnic group is not only defined by natural conditions, but also by the presence and activities of the other ethnic groups on which it depends. Each group exploits only part of the total environment, and leaves large parts of it open for other groups to exploit." The ecological interdependence (or, at least, the lack of competition) between ethnic 74 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race groups may be based on different activities in the same region or on long-term occupation of different regions in the same nation-state. In Barths view, ethnic boundaries are most stable and enduring when the groups occupy different ecological niches. That is, they make their living in different ways and don't compete. Ideally, they should depend on each other's activities and exchange with one another. When different ethnic groups exploit the same ecological niche, the militarily more powerful group will normally replace the weaker one. If they exploit more or less the same niche, but the weaker group is better able to use marginal environments, they may also coexist (Barth 1958/1968, p. 331). Given niche specialization, ethnic boundaries, distinctions, and interdependence can be maintained, although the specific cultural features of each group may change. By shifting the analytic focus from individual cultures or ethnic groups to relationships between cultures or ethnic groups, Barth (1958/1968, 1969) has made important contributions to ethnic studies. Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity The view of cultural diversity in a country as something good and desirable is called multiculturalism (see Kottak and Kozaitis 2007). The multicultural model is the opposite of the assimilationist model, in which minorities are expected to abandon their cultural traditions and values, replacing them with those of the majority population. The multicultural view encourages the practice of cultural-ethnic traditions. A multicultural society socializes individuals not only into the dominant (national) culture but also into an ethnic culture. Thus in the United States millions of people speak both English and another language, eat both "American" (apple pie, steak, hamburgers) and "ethnic" foods, and celebrate both national (July 4, Thanksgiving) and ethnic-religious holidays. In the United States and Canada multiculturalism is of growing importance. This reflects an awareness that the number and size of ethnic groups have grown dramatically in recent years. If this trend continues, the ethnic composition of the United States will change dramatically. (See Figure 4-3.) Because of immigration and differential population growth, whites are now outnumbered by minorities in many urban areas. For example, of the 8,008,278 people living in New York City in 2000, 27 percent were black, 27 percent Hispanic, 10 percent Asian, and 36 percent other—including non-Hispanic whites. The comparable figures for Los Angeles (3,694,820 people) were 11 percent black, 47 percent Hispanic, 9 percent Asian, and 33 percent other—including non-Hispanic whites (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). One response to ethnic diversification and awareness has been for many whites to reclaim ethnic identities (Italian, Albanian, Serbian, Lithuanian, etc.) and to joint ethnic associations (clubs, gangs). Some such groups are new. Others have existed for decades, although they lost members during the assimilationist years of the 1920s through the 1950s. Ethnic Tolerance and Accommodation 75 U.S. Population by Race/Ethnicity 2004 2050 ] Non-Hispanic White FIGURE 4-3 Ethnic Composition of the United States The proportion of the American population that is white and non-Hispanic is declining. The projection for 2050 shown here comes from a U.S. Census Bureau report issued in March 2004. Note especially the dramatic rise in the Hispanic portion of the American population between 2004 and 2050. Sources: Based on data from U.S. Census Bureau, Internationa] Data Base, Table 094, http://www.census.gov/ipc/www.idbprint.html; Files 2005. Multiculturalism seeks ways for people to understand and interact that don't depend on sameness but rather on respect for differences. Multiculturalism stresses the interaction of ethnic groups and their contribution to the country. It assumes that each group has something to offer and learn from the others. Several forces have propelled North America away from the assimila-tionist model toward multiculturalism. First, multiculturalism reflects the fact of recent large-scale migration, particularly from the "less developed countries" to the "developed" nations of North America and Western Europe. The global scale of modern migration introduces unparalleled ethnic variety to host nations. Multiculturalism is related to globalization: People use modern means of transportation to migrate to nations whose lifestyles they learn about through the media and from tourists who increasingly visit their own countries. Migration is also fueled by rapid population growth, coupled with insufficient jobs (both for educated and uneducated people), in the less developed countries. As traditional rural economies decline or mechanize, displaced farmers move to cities, where they and their children are often unable to find jobs. As people in the less developed countries get better educations, they seek more skilled employment. They hope to partake of an 76 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race In the United States and Canada, multiculturalism is of growing importance, especially in large cities. People of diverse backgrounds attend ethnic fairs and festivals and feast on ethnic foods. Toronto's Chinatown is home to Canada's largest Asian community and is the largest Chinese district in North America. What are some expressions of multiculturalism in the community where you live? international culture of consumption that includes such modern amenities as refrigerators, televisions, and automobiles (Ahmed 2004). In a world with growing rural-urban and transnational migration, ethnic identities are used increasingly to form self-help organizations focused mainly on enhancing the group's economic competitiveness (Williams 1989). People claim and express ethnic identities for political and economic reasons. Michel Laguerre's (1984, 1998) studies of Haitian immigrants in the United States show that they mobilize to deal with the discriminatory structure (racist in this case, since Haitians tend to be black) of American society. Ethnicity (their common Haitian Creole language and cultural background) is a basis for their mobilization. Haitian ethnicity helps distinguish them from African Americans and other ethnic groups. In the face of globalization, much of the world, including the entire "democratic West," is experiencing an "ethnic revival." The new assertiveness of long-resident ethnic groups extends to the Basques and Catalans in Spain, the Bretons and Corsicans in France, and the Welsh and Scots in the United Kingdom. The United States and Canada are becoming increasingly multicultural, focusing on their internal diversity (see Laguerre 1999). "Melting Roots of Ethnic Conflict 77 pots" no longer, they are better described as ethnic "salads" (each ingredient remains distinct, although in the same bowl, with the same dressing). ROOTS OF ETHNIC CONFLICT Ethnicity, based on perceived cultural similarities and differences in a society or nation, can be expressed in peaceful multiculturalism or in discrimination or violent interethnic confrontation. Culture can be both adaptive and maladaptive. The perception of cultural differences can have disastrous effects on social interaction. The roots of ethnic differentiation—and therefore, potentially, of ethnic conflict—can be political, economic, religious, linguistic, cultural, or racial. Why do ethnic differences often lead to conflict and violence? The causes include a sense of injustice because of resource distribution, economic or political competition, and reaction to discrimination, prejudice, and other expressions of threatened or devalued identity (see Friedman 2003; Ryan 1990, p. xxvii). Prejudice and Discrimination Ethnic conflict often arises in reaction to prejudice (attitudes and judgments) or discrimination (action). Prejudice means devaluing (looking down on) a group because of its assumed behavior, values, capabilities, or attributes. People are prejudiced when they hold stereotypes about groups and apply them to individuals. (Stereotypes are fixed ideas—often unfavorable—about what the members of a group are like.) Prejudiced people assume that members of the group will act as they are "supposed to act" (according to the stereotype) and interpret a wide range of individual behaviors as evidence of the stereotype. They use this behavior to confirm their stereotype (and low opinion) of the group. Discrimination refers to policies and practices that harm a group and its members. Discrimination may be de facto (practiced, but not legally sanctioned) or de jure (part of the law). An example of de facto discrimination is the harsher treatment that American minorities (compared with other Americans) tend to get from the police and the judicial system. This unequal treatment isn't legal, but it happens anyway. Segregation in the southern United States and apartheid in South Africa provide two examples of de jure discrimination, which are no longer in existence. In both systems, by law, blacks and whites had different rights and privileges. Their social interaction ("mixing) was legally curtailed. Chips in the Mosaic Although the multicultural model is increasingly prominent in North America, ethnic competition and conflict are also evident. There is conflict between newer arrivals, for instance, Central Americans and Koreans, and 78 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race longer-established ethnic groups, such as African Americans. Ethnic antagonism flared in South-Central Los Angeles in spring 1992 in rioting that followed the acquittal of four white police officers who were tried for the videotaped beating of Rodney King (see Abelmann and Lie 1995). Angry blacks attacked whites, Koreans, and Latinos. This violence expressed frustration by African Americans about their prospects in an increasingly multicultural society. A New York Times CBS News Poll conducted May 8, 1992, just after the Los Angeles riots, found that blacks had a bleaker outlook than whites about the effects of immigration on their lives. Only 23 percent of the blacks felt they had more opportunities than recent immigrants, compared with twice that many whites (Toner 1992). Korean stores were hard hit during the 1992 riots, and more than a third of the businesses destroyed were Latino-owned. A third of those who died in the riots were Latinos. These mainly recent migrants lacked deep roots to the neighborhood and, as Spanish speakers, faced language barriers (Newman 1992). Many Koreans also had trouble with English. Koreans interviewed on ABC's Nightline on May 6, 1992, recognized that blacks resented them and considered them unfriendly. One man explained, "It's not part of our culture to smile." African Americans interviewed on the same program did complain about Korean unfriendliness. "They come into our neighborhoods and treat us like dirt." These comments suggest a shortcoming of the multicultural perspective: Ethnic groups (blacks here) expect other ethnic groups in the same nation-state to assimilate to some extent to a shared (national) culture. The African Americans' comments invoked a general American value system that includes friendliness, openness, mutual respect, community participation, and "fair play." Los Angeles blacks wanted their Korean neighbors to act more like generalized Americans— and good neighbors. Aftermaths of Oppression Fueling ethnic conflict are such forms of discrimination as forced assimilation, ethnocide, and cultural colonialism. A dominant group may try to destroy the cultures of certain ethnic groups (ethnocide) or force them to adopt the dominant culture (forced assimilation). Many countries have penalized or banned the language and customs of an ethnic group (including its religious observances). One example of forced assimilation is the anti-Basque campaign that the dictator Francisco Franco (who ruled between 1939 and 1975) waged in Spain. Franco banned Basque books, journals, newspapers, signs, sermons, and tombstones and imposed fines for using the Basque language in schools. His policies led to the formation of a Basque terrorist group and spurred strong nationalist sentiment in the Basque region (Ryan 1990). A policy of: ethnic expulsion aims at removing groups who are culturally different from a country. There are many examples, including Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 1990s. Uganda expelled 74,000 Asians in 1972. The Roots of Ethnic Conflict 79 neofascist parties of contemporary Western Europe advocate repatriation (expulsion) of immigrant workers (West Indians in England, Algerians in France, and Turks in Germany) (see Friedman 2003; Ryan 1990, p. 9). A policy of expulsion may create refugees—people who have been forced (involuntary refugees) or who have chosen (voluntary refugees) to flee a country, to escape persecution or war. Colonialism, another form of oppression, refers to the political, social, economic, and cultural domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time (Bell 1981). The British and French colonial empires are familiar examples of colonialism, but we can extend the term to the former Soviet empire, formerly known as the "Second World." Using the labels "First World," "Second World," and "Third World" is a common, although clearly ethnocentric, way of categorizing nations. The First World refers to the democratic West—traditionally conceived in opposition to a Second World ruled by communism. The First World includes Canada, the United States, Western Europe, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand. The Second World refers to the Warsaw Pact nations, including the former Soviet Union and the Socialist and once-Socialist countries of Eastern Europe and Asia. Proceeding with this classification, the "less developed countries" or "developing nations" make up the Third World. The frontiers imposed by colonialism weren't usually based on, and often didn't reflect, preexisting cultural units. In many countries, colonial nation-building left ethnic strife in its wake. Thus, over a million Hindus and Muslims were killed in the violence that accompanied the division of the Indian subcontinent into India and Pakistan. Problems between Arabs and Jews in Palestine began during the British mandate period. Multiculturalism may be growing in the United States and Canada, but the opposite is happening in the disintegrating Second World, where ethnic groups (nationalities) want their own nation-states. The flowering of ethnic feeling and conflict as the Soviet empire disintegrated illustrates that years of political repression and ideology provide insufficient common ground for lasting unity. Cultural colonialism refers to internal domination—by one group and its culture or ideology over others. One example is the domination over the former Soviet empire by Russian people, language, and culture, and by communist ideology. The dominant culture makes itself the official culture. This is reflected in schools, the media, and public interaction. Under Soviet rule ethnic minorities had very limited self-rule in republics and regions controlled by Moscow. All the republics and their peoples were to be united by the oneness of "socialist internationalism." One common technique in cultural colonialism is to flood ethnic areas with members of the dominant ethnic group. Thus, in the former Soviet Union, ethnic Russian colonists were sent to many areas, to diminish the cohesion and clout of the local people. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), founded in 1991 and headquartered in Minsk, Belarus, is what remains of the once-powerful 80 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race Soviet Union. In Russia and other formerly Soviet nations, ethnic groups (nationalities) have sought, and continue to seek, to forge separate and viable nation-states based on cultural boundaries. This celebration of ethnic autonomy is part of an ethnic florescence that—as surely as globalization and transnationalism—is a trend of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The Basques Having maintained a strong ethnic identity, perhaps for millennia, the Basques of France and Spain are linguistically unique; their language is unrelated to any other known language. Their homeland lies in the western Pyrenees Mountains, straddling the French-Spanish border (Figure 4-4). Of the seven Basque provinces, three are in France and four are in Spain. Although these provinces have not been unified politically for nearly a millennium, the Basques remain one of Europe's most distinctive ethnic groups. The French Revolution of 1789 ended the political autonomy of the three Basque provinces in France. During the 19th century in Spain the Basques fought on the losing side in two internal wars, yielding much of their political autonomy in defeat. When the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936 the Basques remained loyal to the republic, opposing the eventual Spanish dictator, Francisco Franco, who eventually defeated them. Under Franco's rule (1936-1975), Basques were executed, imprisoned, and exiled, and Basque culture was systematically repressed. In the late 1950s disaffected Basque youths founded ETA (Euskadi Ta Azkata-suna, or "Basque Country and Freedom"). Its goal was complete independence from Spain. Its opposition to Franco escalated into violence, which continues today among ETA members who seek full independence (see Zulaika 1988). Francos death in 1975 ushered in an era of democracy in Spain. Mainline Basque nationalists collaborated in framing a new constitution which gave considerable autonomy to the Basque regions (Trask 1996). Since 1979 three Spanish Basque provinces have been united as the more or less self-governing Basque Autonomous Region. The Basque language is co-official with Spanish in this territory. Spain's fourth Basque province, Navarra, formed its own autonomous region, where the Basque language has a degree of official standing. In France, like other regional languages, Basque has been victimized for centuries by laws hostile to languages other than French (Trask 1996). After generations of decline, the number of Basque speakers is increasing today. Much education, publishing, and broadcasting now proceeds in Basque in the Autonomous Region. Still, Basque faces the same pressures that all other minority languages do: Knowledge of the national language (Spanish or French) is essential, and most education, publishing, and broadcasting is in the national language (Trask 1996). How long have the Basques been in their homeland? Archaeological evidence suggests that a single group of people lived in the Basque country continuously from late Paleolithic times through the Bronze Age (about 3,000 years ago). There is no evidence to suggest that any new population entered the area after that (La Fraugh n.d.). Roots of Ethnic Conflict FIGURE 4-4 Location of the Basque homeland Historically the Basques have been farmers, herders, and fishers. (Today most of them work in business and industry.) The Basque basseria (family farm) once thrived as a mixed-farming unit emphasizing self-sufficiency. The farm family grew wheat, corn, vegetables, fruits, and nuts and raised poultry, rabbits, pigs, cows, and sheep. Subsistence pursuits increasingly have been commercialized, with the production of vegetables, dairy products, and fish aimed at urban markets (Greenwood 1976). Basque immigrants originally entered North America as either Spanish or French nationals. Basque Americans, numbering some 50,000, now invoke Basqueness as their primary ethnic identity. They are concentrated in California, Idaho, and Nevada. First-generation immigrants usually are fluent in Basque. They are more likely to be bilingual in Basque and English than to have their parents' fluency in Spanish or French (Douglass 1992). Building on a traditional occupation in Basque country, Basques in the United States are notable for their identification with sheep herding (see Ott 1981). Most of them settled and worked in the open-range livestock districts of the 13 states of the American West. Basques were among the Spanish soldiers, explorers, missionaries, and administrators in the American Southwest and Spanish California. More Basques 82 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race came during the California gold rush, many from southern South America, where they were established sheep herders (Douglass 1992). Restrictive immigration laws enacted in the 1920s, which had an anti-southern European bias, limited Basque immigration to the United States. During World War II, with the country in need of shepherds, the U.S. government exempted Basque herders from immigration quotas. Between 1950 and 1975, several thousand Basques entered the United States on three-year contracts. Later, the decline of the U.S. sheep industry would slow Basque immigration dramatically (Douglass 1992). Catering to Basque sheep herders, western towns had one or more Basque boardinghouses. The typical one had a bar and a dining room, where meals were served family-style at long tables. A second floor of sleeping rooms was reserved for permanent boarders. Also lodged were herders in town for a brief visit, vacation, or employment layoff or in transit to an employer (Echeverria 1999). Initially, few Basques came to the United States intending to stay. Most early immigrants were young, unmarried men. Their herding pattern, with solitary summers in the mountains, did not fit well with family life. Eventually, Basque men came with the intent to stay. They either sent back or went back to Europe for brides (few married non-Basques). Many brides, of the "mail order" sort, were sisters or cousins of an acquaintance made in the United States. Basque boardinghouses also became a source of spouses. The boardinghouse owners sent back to Europe for women willing to come to America as domestics. Few remained single for long (Douglass 1992). In these ways Basque Americans drew on their homeland society and culture in establishing the basis of their family and community life in North America. Basques have not escaped discrimination in the United States. In the American West, sheep herding is an occupation that carries some stigma. Mobile sheep herders competed with settled livestock interests for access to the range. These were some of the sources of anti-Basque sentiment and even legislation. More recently, newspaper coverage of enduring conflict in the Basque country, particularly the activities of the ETA, has made Basque Americans sensitive to the possible charge of being terrorist sympathizers (Douglass 1992; see also Zulaika 1988). Summary 1. An ethnic group refers to members of a particular culture in a nation or region that contains others. Ethnicity is based on actual, perceived, or assumed cultural similarities (among members of the same ethnic group) and differences (between that group and others). Ethnic distinctions can be based on language, religion, history, geography, kinship, or race. A race is an ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis. Usually race and ethnicity are ascribed statuses; people are born members of a group and remain so all their lives. 2. Race is a cultural category, not a biological reality. Races derive from contrasts perceived in particular societies, rather than from scientific Summary 83 classifications based on common genes. In the United States racial labels such as "white" and "black" designate social races—categories defined by American culture. American racial classification, governed by the rule of hypodescent, is based neither on phenotype nor genes. Children of mixed unions, no matter what their appearance, are classified with the minority group parent. 3. Racial attitudes in Japan illustrate intrinsic racism—the belief that a perceived racial difference is a sufficient reason to value one person less than another. The valued group is majority (pure) Japanese, who are believed to share the same blood. Majority Japanese define themselves by opposition to others. These may be minority groups in Japan or outsiders—anyone who is "not us." 4. Such exclusionary racial systems are not inevitable. Although Brazil shares a history of slavery with the United States, it lacks the hypodescent rule. Brazilian racial identity is more of an achieved status. It can change during someone's lifetime, reflecting phenotypical changes. Given the correlation between poverty and dark skin, the class structure affects Brazilian racial classification. Someone with light skin who is poor will be classified as darker than a comparably colored person who is rich. 5. The term nation was once synonymous with ethnic group. Now nation has come to mean a state—a centrally organized political unit. Because of migration, conquest, and colonialism, most nation-states are not ethnically homogeneous. Ethnic groups that seek autonomous political status (their own country) are nationalities. Political upheavals, wars, and migrations have divided many imagined national communities. 6. Assimilation describes the process of change an ethnic group may experience when it moves to a country where another culture dominates. By assimilating, the minority adopts the patterns and norms of its host culture. Assimilation isn't inevitable, and there can be ethnic harmony without it. A plural society combines ethnic contrasts and economic interdependence between ethnic groups. The view of cultural diversity in a nation-state as good and desirable is multiculturalism. A multicultural society socializes individuals not only into the dominant (national) culture but also into an ethnic one. 7. Ethnicity can be expressed in peaceful multiculturalism, or in discrimination or violent confrontation. Ethnic conflict often arises in reaction to prejudice (attitudes and judgments) or discrimination (action). The most extreme form of ethnic discrimination is genocide, the deliberate elimination of a group through mass murder. A dominant group may try to destroy certain ethnic practices (ethnocide), or to force ethnic group members to adopt the dominant 84 Chapter Four Ethnicity and Race culture (forced assimilation). A policy of ethnic expulsion may create refugees. Colonialism is the political, social, economic, and cultural domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time. Cultural colonialism refers to internal domination— by one group and its culture or ideology over others. Key Terms achieved status ascribed status assimilation colonialism cultural colonialism descent discrimination ethnic group ethnicity ethnocide hypodescent majority groups minority groups multiculturalism nation nation-state nationalities phenotype plural society prejudice race racism refugees social races status stereotypes Language and Communication LANGUAGE NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION THE STRUCTURE OF LANGUAGE Speech Sounds LANGUAGE, THOUGHT, AND CULTURE The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis • Focal Vocabulary SOCIOLINGUISTICS Linguistic Diversity within Nations • Gender Speech Contrasts • Stratification and Symbolic Domination • Black English Vernacular (BEV), aka "Ebonics" HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS Box: Using Modern Technology to Preserve Linguistic and Cultural Diversity Depending on where we live, North Americans have certain stereotypes about how people in other regions talk. Some stereotypes, spread by the mass media, are more generalized than others are. Most Americans think they can imitate a "Southern accent." We also have nationwide stereotypes about speech in New York City (the pronunciation of coffee, for example) and Boston ("I pahked the kah in Hahvahd Yahd"). Regional patterns influence the way all Americans speak. In whichever state, college students from out of state easily recognize that their in-state classmates speak differently. In-state students, however, have difficulty hearing their own speech peculiarities because they are accustomed to them and view them as normal. It is sometimes thought that midwesterners don't have accents. This belief stems from the fact that midwestern dialects don't have many stigmatized linguistic variants—speech patterns that people in other regions recognize and look down on, such as rlessness and dem, dese, and dere (instead of them, these, and there). 86 Chapter Five Language and Communication Far from having no accents, midwesterners, even in the same high school, exhibit linguistic diversity (see Eckert 1989, 2000). Dialect differences are immediately obvious to people, like me, who come from other parts of the country. One of the best examples of variable midwestern speech, involving vowels, is pronunciation of the e sound (called the Id phoneme), in such words as ten, rent, French, section, lecture, effect, best, and test. In southeastern Michigan, where I live and teach, there are four different ways of pronouncing this e sound. Speakers of Black English and immigrants from Appalachia often pronounce ten as tin, just as Southerners habitually do. Some Michiganders say ten, the correct pronunciation in Standard English. However, two other pronunciations are more common. Instead of ten, many Michiganders say tan, or tun (as though they were using the word ton, a unit of weight). My students often astound me with their pronunciation. One day I met one of my Michigan-raised teaching assistants in the hall. She was deliriously happy. When I asked why, she replied, "I've just had the best suction." "What?" I said. She finally spoke more precisely. "I've just had the best saction." She considered this a clearer pronunciation of the word section. Another TA complimented me, "You luctured to great effuct today." After an exam a student lamented that she had not done her "bust on the tust." The truth is, regional patterns affect the way we all speak. LANGUAGE Linguistic anthropology illustrates anthropology's characteristic interests in diversity, comparison, and change—but here the focus is on language. Language, spoken {speech) and written (writing—which has existed for about 6,000 years), is our primary means of communication. Like culture in general, of which language is a part, language is transmitted through learning as part of enculturation. Language is based on arbitrary, learned associations between words and the things they stand for. Unlike the communication systems of other animals, language allows us to discuss the past and future, share our experiences with others, and benefit from their experiences. Anthropologists study language in its social and cultural context (see Bonvillain 2003; Salzmann 2003). Some linguistic anthropologists reconstruct ancient languages by comparing their contemporary descendants and in so doing make discoveries about history. Others study linguistic differences to discover the varied worldviews and patterns of thought in a multitude of cultures. Sociolinguists examine dialects and styles in a single language to show how speech reflects social differences, as in the above discussion of regional speech contrasts. Linguistic anthropologists also explore the role of language in colonization and in the expansion of the world economy (Geis 1987; Thomas 1999). Nonverbal Communication 87 NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION Language is our principal means of communicating, but it isn't the only one we use. We communicate whenever we transmit information about ourselves to others and receive such information from them. Our facial expressions, bodily stances, gestures, and movements, even if unconscious, convey information and are part of our communication styles. Deborah Tannen (1990; ed. 1993) discusses differences in the communication styles of American men and women, and her comments go beyond language. She notes that girls and women tend to look directly at each other when they talk, whereas boys and men do not. Males are more likely to look straight ahead rather than to turn and make eye contact with someone, especially another man, seated beside them. Also, in conversational groups, men tend to relax and sprawl out. Women may adopt a similar relaxed posture in all-female groups, but when they are with men they tend to draw in their limbs and adopt a tighter stance. Kinesics is the study of communication through body movements, stances, gestures, and facial expressions. Related to kinesics is the examination in the chapter "Culture" of cultural differences in personal space and displays of affection. Linguists pay attention not only to what is said but to how it is said, and to features besides language itself that convey meaning. We use gestures, such as a jab of the hand, for emphasis. A speaker's enthusiasm is conveyed not only through words, but also through facial expressions, gestures, and other signs of animation. We use verbal and nonverbal ways of communicating our moods—enthusiasm, sadness, joy, regret. We vary our intonation and the pitch or loudness of our voices. We communicate through strategic pauses and even by being silent. Culture teaches us that certain manners and styles should accompany certain kinds of speech. Our demeanor, verbal and nonverbal, when our favorite team is winning would be out of place at a funeral, or when a somber subject is being discussed. Some of our facial expressions reflect our primate heritage. We can see them in monkeys and especially in the apes. How "natural" and universal are the meanings conveyed by facial expressions? Throughout the world smiles, laughs, frowns, and tears tend to have similar meanings, but culture does intervene. In some cultures, people smile less than in others. In a given culture, men may smile less than women; and adults less than children. A lifetime of smiling and frowning marks the face, so that smile lines and frown furrows develop. In North America, smile lines may be more marked in women than men. Cross-culturally, nodding does not always mean affirmative, nor does head shaking from side to side always mean negative. Brazilians wag a finger to mean no. Americans say "uh huh" to affirm, whereas in Madagascar a similar sound is made to deny. Americans point with their fingers; the people of Madagascar point with their lips. Body movements communicate social differences. Lower-class Brazilians, especially women, offer limp 88 Chapter Five Language and Communication handshakes to their social superiors. In Japan bowing is a regular part of social interaction, but different bows are used depending on the social status of the people who are interacting. In Madagascar and Polynesia, people of lower status should not hold their heads above those of people of higher status. When one approaches someone older or of higher status, one bends one's knees and lowers ones head as a sign of respect. In Madagascar, one always does this, for politeness, when passing between two people. Although our gestures, facial expressions, and body stances have roots in our primate heritage, and can be seen in the monkeys and the apes, they have not escaped the cultural shaping described in previous chapters. Language, which is so highly dependent on the use of symbols, is the domain of communication in which culture plays the strongest role. THE STRUCTURE OF LANGUAGE The scientific study of a spoken language (descriptive linguistics) involves several interrelated areas of analysis: phonology, morphology, lexicon, and syntax. Phonology, the study of speech sounds, considers which sounds are present and significant in a given language. Morphology studies the forms in which sounds combine to form morphemes—words and their meaningful parts. Thus, the word cats would be analyzed as containing two morphemes— cat, the name for a kind of animal, and -5, a morpheme indicating plurality. A language's lexicon is a dictionary containing all its morphemes and their meanings. Syntax refers to the arrangement and order of words in phrases and sentences. For example, do nouns usually come before or after verbs? Do adjectives normally precede or follow the nouns they modify? Speech Sounds From the movies and TV, and from meeting foreigners, we know something about foreign accents and mispronunciations. We know that someone with a marked French accent doesn't pronounce r like an American does. But at least someone from France can distinguish between "craw" and "claw," which someone from Japan may not be able to do. The difference between r and / makes a difference in English and in French, but it doesn't in Japanese. In linguistics we say that the difference between r and / is phonemic in English and French but not in Japanese. In English and French r and / are phonemes but not in Japanese. A phoneme is a sound contrast that makes a difference, that differentiates meaning. We find the phonemes in a given language by comparing minimal pairs, words that resemble each other in all but one sound. The words have different meanings, but they differ in just one sound. The contrasting sounds are therefore phonemes in that language. An example in English is the minimal pair pit/bit. These two words are distinguished by a single sound contrast between /p/ and Ihl (we enclose phonemes in slashes). Thus /p/ and Ihl are The Structure of Language 89 Tongue high 1 Mid . i Tongue low ^_ Tongue back high front (spread) ower high front (spread) mid front (spread) ower mid front (spread) low front central ow back ower mid back (rounded) mid back (rounded) lower high back (rounded) high back (rounded) [i] m [e] [e] [x] [a] M [o] [U] M as in beat as in bit as in bait as in bet as in bat as in butt as in pot as in bought as in boat as in par as in boot FIGURE 5-1 Vowel phonemes in Standard American English shown according to height of tongue and tongue position at front, center, or back of mouth. Phonetic symbols are identified by English words that include them; note that most are minimal pairs. Source: Adaptation of excerpt and Figure 2-1 from Aspects of Language, 3rd ed. by Dwight Bolinger and Donald Sears, copyright © 1981 by Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., reprinted by permission of the publisher. phonemes in English. Another example is the different vowel sound of bit and beat (Figure 5-1). This contrast serves to distinguish these two words and the two vowel phonemes written /I/ and lil in English. Standard (American) English (SE), the "region-free" dialect of TV network newscasters, has about 35 phonemes—at least 11 vowels and 24 consonants. The number of phonemes varies from language to language— from 15 to 60, averaging between 30 and 40. The number of phonemes also varies between dialects of a given language. In North American English, for example, vowel phonemes vary noticeably from dialect to dialect. Readers should pronounce the words in Figure 5-1, paying attention to (or asking someone else) whether they distinguish each of the vowel sounds. Most North Americans don't pronounce them all. Phonetics is the study of speech sounds in general, what people actually say in various languages, like the differences in vowel pronunciation described in the discussion of midwestern speech at the beginning of the chapter. Phonemics studies only the significant sound contrasts (phonemes) 90 Chapter Five Language and Communication of a given language. In English, like Irt and III (remember craw and claw), Ihl and Ivl are also phonemes, occurring in minimal pairs like bat and vat. In Spanish, however, the contrast between [b] and [v] doesn't distinguish meaning, and they are therefore not phonemes (we enclose sounds that are not phonemic in brackets). Spanish speakers normally use the [b] sound to pronounce words spelled with either b or v. In any language a given phoneme extends over a phonetic range. In English the phoneme /p/ ignores the phonetic contrast between the [ph] in pin and the [p] in spin. Most English speakers don't even notice that there is a phonetic difference. The [ph] is aspirated, so that a puff of air follows the [p]. The [p] in spin is not. (To see the difference, light a match, hold it in front of your mouth, and watch the flame as you pronounce the two words.) The contrast between [ph] and [p] is phonemic in some languages, such as Hindi (spoken in India). That is, there are words whose meaning is distinguished only by the contrast between an aspirated and an unaspirated [p]. Native speakers vary in their pronunciation of certain phonemes, such as the Id phoneme in the midwestern United States. This variation is important in the evolution of language. With no shifts in pronunciation, there can be no linguistic change. The section on sociolinguistics below considers phonetic variation and its relationship to social divisions and the evolution of language. LANGUAGE, THOUGHT, AND CULTURE The well-known linguist Noam Chomsky (1957) has argued that the human brain contains a limited set of rules for organizing language, so that all languages have a common structural basis. (Chomsky calls this set of rules universal grammar.) That people can learn foreign languages and that words and ideas translate from one language to another supports Chomsky's position that all humans have similar linguistic abilities and thought processes. Another line of support comes from Creole languages. Such languages develop from pidgins, languages that form in situations of acculturation, when different societies come into contact and must devise a system of communication. Pidgins based on English and native languages developed through trade and colonialism in China, Papua New Guinea, and West Africa. Eventually, after generations of being spoken, pidgins may develop into creole languages. These are more mature languages, with developed grammatical rules and native speakers (that is, people who learn the language as their primary means of communication during enculturation). Creoles are spoken in several Caribbean societies. Gullah, which is spoken by African Americans on coastal islands in South Carolina and Georgia, is a creole language. Supporting the idea that Creoles are based on universal grammar is the fact that such languages all share certain features. Syntactically, all use particles (e.g., will, was) to form future and past tenses and multiple negation to deny or negate (e.g., he don't got none). Also, all form Language, Thought, and Culture 91 questions by changing inflection rather than by changing word order. For example, "You're going home for the holidays?" (with a rising tone at the end) rather than "Are you going home for the holidays?" The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis Other linguists and anthropologists take a different approach to the relation between language and thought. Rather than seeking universal linguistic structures and processes, they believe that different languages produce different ways of thinking. This position is sometimes known as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis after Edward Sapir (1931) and his student Benjamin Lee Whorf (1956), its prominent early advocates. Sapir and Whorf argued that the grammatical categories of particular languages lead their speakers to think about things in different ways. For example, English divides time into past, present, and future. Hopi, a language of the Pueblo region of the Native American Southwest, does not. Rather, Hopi distinguishes between events that exist or have existed (what we use present and past to discuss) and those which don't or don't yet (our future events, along with imaginary and hypothetical events). Whorf argued that this difference leads Hopi speakers to think about time and reality in different ways than English speakers do. A similar example comes from Portuguese, which employs a future subjunctive verb form, introducing a degree of uncertainty into discussions of the future. In English we routinely use the future tense to talk about Shown here in 1995 is Leigh Jenkins, who was or is director of cultural preservation for the Hopi tribal council. Would the Hopi language have to distinguish between was and is in that sentence? Chapter Five Language and Communication something we think will happen. We don't feel the need to qualify "The sun'll come out tomorrow," by adding "if it doesn't go supernova." We don't hesitate to proclaim "I'll see you next year," even when we can't be absolutely sure we will. The Portuguese future subjunctive qualifies the future event, recognizing that the future can't be certain. Our way of expressing the future as certain is so ingrained that we don't even think about it, just as the Hopi don't see the need to distinguish between present and past, both of which are real, while the future remains hypothetical. It seems, however, that language does not tightly restrict thought, because cultural changes can produce changes in thought and in language, as we'll see in the next section (see also Gumperz and Levinson, eds. 1996). Focal Vocabulary A lexicon (or vocabulary) is a language s dictionary, its set of names for things, events, and ideas. Lexicon influences perception. Thus, Eskimos (or Inuit) have several distinct words for different types of snow that in English are all called snow. Most English speakers never notice the differences between these types of snow and might have trouble seeing them even if someone pointed them out. Eskimos recognize and think about differences in snow that English speakers don't see because our language gives us just one word. Similarly, the Nuer of Sudan have an elaborate vocabulary to describe cattle. Eskimos have several words for snow and Nuer have dozens for cattle because of their particular histories, economies, and environments (Brown 1958; Eastman 1975). When the need arises, English speakers can also elaborate their snow and cattle vocabularies. For example, skiers name varieties of snow with words that are missing from the lexicons of Florida retirees. Similarly, the cattle vocabulary of a Texas rancher is much more ample than that of a salesperson in a New York City department store. Such specialized sets of terms and distinctions that are particularly important to certain groups (those with particular foci of experience or activity) are known as focal vocabulary. Vocabulary is the area of language that changes most readily. New words and distinctions, when needed, appear and spread. For example, who would have "faxed" anything a generation ago? Names for items get simpler as they become common and important. A television has become a TV, an automobile a car, and a digital video disc a DVD. Language, culture, and thought are interrelated. Opposing the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, however, it might be more accurate to say that changes in culture produce changes in language and thought than to say the reverse. Consider differences between female and male Americans regarding the color terms they use (Lakoff 2004). Distinctions implied by such terms as salmon, rust, peach, beige, teal, mauve, cranberry, and dusky orange aren't in the vocabularies of most American men. However, many of them weren't even in American women's lexicons 50 years ago. These changes reflect 92 Language, Thought, and Culture 93 A scene from the May, 2005, Ice Hockey World Championship finals in Vienna, Austria. The Czech Republic beat Canada 3-0. How would a hockey insider use focal vocabulary to describe this situation? changes in American economy, society, and culture. Color terms and distinctions have increased with the growth of the fashion and cosmetic industries. A similar contrast (and growth) in Americans' lexicons shows up in football, basketball, and hockey vocabularies. Sports fans, more often males than females, use more terms concerning, and make more elaborate distinctions between, the games they watch, such as hockey (see Table 5-1). Thus, cultural contrasts and changes affect lexical distinctions (for instance, peach versus salmon) within semantic domains (for instance, color terminology). Semantics refers to a language's meaning system. The ways in which people divide up the world—the lexical contrasts they perceive as meaningful or significant—reflect their experiences (see Bicker, Sillitoe, and Pottier, eds. 2004). Anthropologists have discovered that certain sets of vocabulary items evolve in a determined order. For example, after studying more than 100 languages, Berlin and Kay (1969/1992) discovered 10 basic color terms: white, black, red, yellow, blue, green, brown, pink, orange, and purple (they evolved in more or less that order). The number of terms varied with cultural complexity. Representing one extreme were Papua New 94 Chapter Five Language and Communication TABLE 5-1 Focal Vocabulary for Hockey Insiders have special terms fo major elements of the game. Elements of Hockey puck goal/net penalty box hockey stick helmet space between a goalie s leg pads Insiders' Term biscuit pipes sin bin twig bucket five hole Guinea cultivators and Australian hunters and gatherers, who used only two basic terms, which translate as black and white or dark and light. At the other end of the continuum were European and Asian languages with all the color terms. Color terminology was most developed in areas with a history of using dyes and artificial coloring. SOCIOLINGUISTICS No language is a uniform system in which everyone talks just like everyone else. The field of sociolinguistics investigates relationships between social and linguistic variation (Romaine 2000; Trudgill 2000). How do different speakers use a given language? How do linguistic features correlate with social stratification, including class, ethnic, and gender differences (Tannen 1990; Tannen, ed. 1993)? How is language used to express, reinforce, or resist power (Geis 1987; Lakoff 2000)? Sociolinguists focus on features that vary systematically with social position and situation. To study variation, sociolinguists must do field work. They must observe, define, and measure variable use of language in real world situations. To show that linguistic features correlate with social, economic, and political differences, the social attributes of speakers must also be measured and related to speech (Fasold 1990; Labov 1972a). Variation within a language at a given time is historical change in progress. The same forces that, working gradually, have produced large-scale linguistic change over the centuries are still at work today. Linguistic change doesn't occur in a vacuum but in society. When new ways of speaking are associated with social factors, they are imitated, and they spread. In this way, a language changes. Linguistic Diversity within Nations As an illustration of the linguistic variation encountered in all nations, consider the contemporary United States. Ethnic diversity is revealed by the fact Sociolinguistics 95 Ethnic and linguistic diversity characterize many nations, especially in big cities, as is illustrated by this California sign written in seven languages: Chinese, Korean, Spanish, Vietnamese, Japanese, Tagalog, and English. that millions of Americans learn first languages other than English. Spanish is the most common. Most of those people eventually become bilinguals, adding English as a second language. In many multilingual (including colonized) nations, people use two languages on different occasions—one in the home, for example, and the other on the job or in public. Whether bilingual or not, we all vary our speech in different contexts; we engage in style shifts. In certain parts of Europe, people regularly switch dialects. This phenomenon, known as diglossia, applies to "high" and "low" variants of the same language, for example, in German and Flemish (spoken in Belgium). People employ the high variant at universities and in writing, professions, and the mass media. They use the low variant for ordinary conversation with family members and friends. 96 Chapter Five Language and Communication Just as social situations influence our speech, so do geographical, cultural, and socioeconomic differences. Many dialects coexist in the United States with Standard (American) English (SE). SE itself is a dialect that differs, say, from "BBC English," which is the preferred dialect in Great Britain. Different dialects are equally effective as systems of communication, which is languages main job. Our tendency to think of particular dialects as cruder or more sophisticated than others is a social rather than a linguistic judgment. We rank certain speech patterns as better or worse because we recognize that they are used by groups that we also rank. People who say dese, dem, and dere instead of these, them, and there communicate perfectly well with anyone who recognizes that the d sound systematically replaces the th sound in their speech. However, this form of speech has become an indicator of low social rank. We call it, like the use of ain't, "uneducated speech." The use of dem, dese, and dere is one of many phonological differences that Americans recognize and look down on. Gender Speech Contrasts Comparing men and women, there are differences in phonology, grammar, and vocabulary, and in the body stances and movements that accompany speech (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 2003; Lakoff 2004; Tannen 1990). In phonology, American women tend to pronounce their vowels more peripherally ("rant," "rint" when saying the word "rent"), whereas men tend to pronounce theirs more centrally ("runt"). In public contexts, Japanese women tend to adopt an artificially high voice, for the sake of politeness, according to their traditional culture. Women tend to be more careful about uneducated speech. This trend shows up in both the United States and England. Men may adopt working-class speech because they associate it with masculinity. Perhaps women pay more attention to the media, in which standard dialects are employed. According to Robin Lakoff (2004), the use of certain types of words and expressions has been associated with women's traditional lesser power in American society (see also Coates 1986; Romaine 1999; Tannen 1990; Tannen, ed. 1993). For example, Oh dear, Oh fudge, and Goodness! are less forceful than Hell and Damn. Men's customary use of "forceful" words reflects their traditional public power and presence. Watch the lips of a disgruntled athlete in a televised competition, such as a football game. What's the likelihood he's saying "Phooey on you"? Women, by contrast, are more likely to use such adjectives as adorable, charming, sweet, cute, lovely, and divine than men are. Let s return to sports and color terminology for additional illustration of differences in lexical (vocabulary) distinctions that men and women make. Men typically know more terms related to sports, make more distinctions among them (e.g., runs versus points), and try to use the terms more precisely than women do. Correspondingly, influenced more by the fashion and cosmetics industries than men are, women use more color terms and Sociolinguistics 97 attempt to use them more specifically than men do. Thus, when I lecture on sociolinguistics, and to make this point, I bring an off-purple shirt to class. Holding it up, I first ask women to say aloud what color the shirt is. The women rarely answer with a uniform voice, as they try to distinguish the actual shade (mauve, lavender, lilac, violet, or some other purplish hue). Then I ask the men, who consistently answer as one, "PURPLE." Rare is the man who on the spur of the moment can imagine the difference between fuchsia and magenta. Differences in the linguistic strategies and behavior of men and women are examined in several books by the well-known sociolinguist Deborah Tannen (1990; ed. 1993). Tannen uses the terms "rapport" and "report" to contrast women's and men's overall linguistic styles. Women, says Tannen, typically use language and the body movements that accompany it to build rapport, social connections with others. Men, on the other hand, tend to make reports, reciting information that serves to establish a place for themselves in a hierarchy, as they also attempt to determine the relative ranks of their conversation mates. Stratification and Symbolic Domination We use and evaluate speech in the context of extralinguistic forces—social, political, and economic. Mainstream Americans evaluate the speech of low-status groups negatively, calling it "uneducated." This is not because these ways of speaking are bad in themselves but because they have come to symbolize low status. Consider variation in the pronunciation of r. In some parts of the United States r is regularly pronounced, and in other (r less) areas it is not. Originally, American rless speech was modeled on the fashionable speech of England. Because of its prestige, rlessness was adopted in many areas and continues as the norm around Boston and in the South. New Yorkers sought prestige by dropping their r's in the 19th century, after having pronounced them in the 18th. However, contemporary New Yorkers are going back to the 18th-century pattern of pronouncing r's. What matters, and what governs linguistic change, is not the reverberation of a strong midwestern r but social evaluation, whether r's happen to be "in" or out. Studies of r pronunciation in New York City have clarified the mechanisms of phonological change. William Labov (\912h) focused on whether r was pronounced after vowels in such words as car, floor, card, and fourth. To get data on how this linguistic variation correlated with social class, he used a series of rapid encounters with employees in three New York City department stores, each of whose prices and locations attracted a different socioeconomic group. Saks Fifth Avenue (68 encounters) catered to the upper middle class, Macy's (125) attracted middle-class shoppers, and S. Klein's (71) had predominantly lower-middle-class and working-class customers. The class origins of store personnel reflected those of their customers. Chapter Five Language and Communication Having already determined that a certain department was on the fourth floor, Labov approached ground-floor salespeople and asked where that department was. After the salesperson had answered, "Fourth floor/' Labov repeated his "Where?" in order to get a second response. The second reply was more formal and emphatic, the salesperson presumably thinking that Labov hadn't heard or understood the first answer. For each salesperson, therefore, Labov had two samples of Irl pronunciation in two words. Labov calculated the percentages of workers who pronounced Irl at least once during the interview. These were 62 percent at Saks, 51 percent at Macy s, but only 20 percent at S. Klein's. He also found that personnel on upper floors, where he asked "What floor is this?" (and where more expensive items were sold), pronounced r more often than ground-floor salespeople did. In Labovs study, r pronunciation was clearly associated with prestige. Certainly the job interviewers who had hired the salespeople never counted r's before offering employment. However, they did use speech evaluations to make judgments about how effective certain people would be in selling Proper language is a strategic resource, correlated with wealth, prestige, and power. How is linguistic (and social) stratification illustrated in this photo, including the handwritten comments below it? Sociolinguistics 99 particular kinds of merchandise. In other words, they practiced sociolin-guistic discrimination, using linguistic features in deciding who got certain jobs. Our speech habits help determine our access to employment and other material resources. Because of this, "proper language" itself becomes a strategic resource—and a path to wealth, prestige, and power (Gal 1989; Thomas and Wareing, eds. 2004). Illustrating this, many ethnographers have described the importance of verbal skill and oratory in politics (Beeman 1986; Bloch, ed. 1975; Brenneis 1988; Geis 1987; Lakoff 2000). Ronald Reagan, known as a "great communicator," dominated American society in the 1980s as a two-term president. Another twice-elected president, Bill Clinton, despite his southern accent, was known for his verbal skills in certain contexts (e.g., televised debates and town-hall meetings). Communications flaws may have helped doom the presidencies of Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and George Bush the elder ("couldn't do that"; "wouldn't be prudent"). Does his use of language affect your perception of the current president of the United States? The French anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu views linguistic practices as symbolic capital which properly trained people may convert into economic and social capital. The value of a dialect—its standing in a "linguistic market"—depends on the extent to which it provides access to desired positions in the labor market. In turn, this reflects its legitimation by formal institutions—educational institutions, state, church, and prestige media. Even people who don't use the prestige dialect accept its authority and correctness, its "symbolic domination" (Bourdieu 1982, 1984). Thus, linguistic forms, which lack power in themselves, take on the power of the groups they symbolize. The education system, however (defending its own worth), denies linguistic relativity. It misrepresents prestige speech as being inherently better. The linguistic insecurity often felt by lower-class and minority speakers is a result of this symbolic domination. Black English Vernacular (BEV), aka "Ebonics" No one looks down on someone who says "runt" instead of "rent." Other forms of nonstandard speech carry greater stigma. Stigmatized speech may be linked to region, class, educational background, gender, ethnicity, or race. A national debate involving language, race, and education was triggered by a vote on December 18, 1996, by the Oakland, California, school board. The board declared that many black students did not speak Standard English (SE) but instead spoke a distinct language called "ebonies" (from "ebony" and "phonics"), with roots in West African languages. Soon disputing this claim were the poet Maya Angelou, the Reverend Jesse Jackson, and the Clinton administration. In fact, most professional linguists regard ebonies as a dialect of English rather than a separate language. Linguists call ebonies Black English Vernacular (BEV) or African American Vernacular English (AAVE). 100 Chapter Five Language and Communication Some saw the ebonies resolution as an attempt by Oakland to increase its access to federal funds available for bilingual programs designed for Low English Proficiency (LEP) students (mainly of Hispanic and Asian background). Since funds were available to support the educations of immigrant LEP students in California (Golden 1997), some educators argued that similar support should be available for African Americans. If ebonies were accepted as a foreign language, teachers could receive merit pay for studying Black English and for using their knowledge of it in their lessons (Applebome 1996). Early in 1997, responding to the widespread negative reaction to its original resolution, the Oakland board advanced a new one requiring only the recognition of language differences involving black students in order to improve their proficiency in SE. School officials emphasized they had never intended to teach black students in ebonies. They just wanted to employ some of the same tools used with students brought up speaking a foreign language to help black students improve their SE skills (Golden 1997). As John Rick-ford (1997) reports, there is experimental evidence from the United States and Europe that mastery of a standard language is most successful when students' vernaculars (casual everyday speech patterns) are taken into account and they are taught explicitly how to bridge the gap to the standard. One example: At Aurora University, near Chicago, African American inner-city students were taught using a Contrastive Analysis approach in which Standard English (SE) and ebonies (BEV) features were contrasted systematically through explicit instruction and drills. After 11 weeks the students showed a 59 percent reduction in their use of ebonies features in their SE writing. A control group taught by conventional methods had an 8.5 percent increase in ebonies features in their SE writing. Despite their controversial original resolution, the worthy goal of the Oakland school board was to help students increase their mastery of SE and do better in school. The plan was to do this by extending Oakland's Standard English Proficiency program, a contrastive analysis approach widely used in California and already in use then in some Oakland schools. Such considerations led the Linguistic Society of America (LSA) to endorse the Oakland proposal as "linguistically and pedagogically sound" (Rickford 1997). While recognizing ebonies (BEV) as a dialect of American English rather than as a separate language, most linguists see nothing wrong with the Oakland schools' attempts to understand nonstandard speech patterns and to use a systematic contrastive approach in teaching SE. Indeed, this is policy and teaching strategy in many American school districts. The Linguistic Society of America considers ebonies (BEV or AAVE) to be "systematic and rule-governed" (Applebome 1997). BEV is not an ungrammati-cal hodgepodge but a complex linguistic system with its own rules, which linguists have described in great detail (see Rickford 1997). The phonology and syntax of BEV are similar in some ways to those of southern dialects. This reflects generations of contact between southern whites and blacks, with mutual influence on each others speech patterns. Sociolinguistics 101 Linguists disagree about how BEV originated (Rickford 1999). Geneva Smitherman (1977/1986) calls it an Africanized form of English reflecting both an African heritage and the conditions of servitude in America. She notes certain structural similarities between West African languages and BEV. Their African linguistic backgrounds no doubt influenced how early African Americans learned English. Did they restructure English to fit African linguistic patterns? Or did they quickly learn English from whites, with little continuing influence from the African linguistic heritage? Another possibility is that English was fused with African languages to form a pidgin or Creole in Africa or the Caribbean. One way in which creole speech might have been introduced to the American colonies is through the large numbers of enslaved people who were imported in the 17th and 18th centuries from Caribbean colonies such as Jamaica and Barbados, where Creoles definitely did develop (Rickford 1997, 1999; Rickford and Rickford 2000). Also, people who came directly from Africa may have brought with them pidgins or Creoles that developed around West African trading forts. There is no doubt that Creoles (such as Gullah/Geechee, spoken on the sea islands of South Carolina and Georgia) also developed on American soil. The number of blacks in early Caribbean populations was between 50 and 90 percent, compared with 40 percent overall in the American south, rising to 61 percent in South Carolina (Rickford 1997). Over the centuries, travelers commented on differences between black and white speech, noting creolelike features in the former. Certain features of ebonies also characterize the Gullah and Caribbean English Creoles (Rickford 1997). Although linguists continue to disagree about its exact origin, they do agree on the systematic nature of ebonies, and on the potential value of taking it into account in teaching ebonies speakers to read and write SE. Origins aside, there are clear phonological and grammatical differences between ebonies and SE. One phonological difference is that BEV speakers are less likely to pronounce r than SE speakers are. Actually, many SE speakers don't pronounce r's that come right before a consonant (card) or at the end of a word (car). But SE speakers do usually pronounce an r that comes right before a vowel, either at the end of a word (four o'clock) or within a word (Carol). BEV speakers, by contrast, are much more likely to omit such intervocalic (between vowels) r's. The result is that speakers of the two dialects have different homonyms (words that sound the same but have different meanings). BEV speakers who don't pronounce intervocalic r's have the following homonyms: Carol/Col; Paris/pass. BEV's phonological rules also dictate that certain word-final consonants—such as t's, d's, and the 5 in he's—be dropped. Observing these phonological rules, BEV speakers pronounce certain words differently than SE speakers do. Particularly in the elementary school context, where the furor over ebonies has raged, the homonyms of BEV-speaking students typically differ from those of SE-speaking teachers and students. To evaluate reading accuracy, teachers should determine whether 102 Chapter Five Language and Communication students are recognizing the different meanings of such BEV homonyms as passed, past, and pass. Teachers need to make sure students understand what they are reading, which is probably more important than whether they are pronouncing words correctly according to the SE norm. Phonological rules may lead BEV speakers to omit -ed as a past-tense marker and -5 as a marker of plurality. However, other speech contexts demonstrate that BEV speakers do understand the difference between past and present verbs and between singular and plural nouns. Confirming this are irregular verbs (e.g., tell, told) and irregular plurals (e.g., child, children), in which BEV works the same as SE. SE is not superior to BEV as a linguistic system, but it does happen to be the prestige dialect—the one used in the mass media, in writing, and in most public and professional contexts. SE is the dialect that has the most symbolic capital, discussed earlier. In areas of Germany where there is diglossia, speakers of Plattdeusch (Low German) learn the High German dialect to communicate appropriately in the national context. Similarly, upwardly mobile BEV-speaking students learn SE. That goal is maximized, the research shows, when students' particular linguistic backgrounds are taken into account in teaching them (see Christensen 2003). HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS Sociolinguists study contemporary variation in speech-language change in progress. Historical linguistics deals with longer-term change. Historical linguists can reconstruct many features of past languages by studying contemporary daughter languages. These are languages that descend from the same parent language and that have been changing separately for hundreds or even thousands of years. We call the original language from which they diverge the protolanguage. Romance languages such as French and Spanish, for example, are daughter languages of Latin, their common protolanguage. German, English, Dutch, and the Scandinavian languages are daughter languages of proto-Germanic. The Romance languages and the Germanic languages all belong to the Indo-European language family. Their common protolanguage is called Proto-Indo-European, PIE. Historical linguists classify languages according to their degree of relationship (see Figure 5-2—PIE family tree). Language changes over time. It evolves—varies, spreads, divides into subgroups (languages within a taxonomy of related languages that are most closely related). Dialects of a single parent language become distinct daughter languages, especially if they are isolated from one another. Some of them split, and new "granddaughter" languages develop. If people remain in the ancestral homeland, their speech patterns also change. The evolving speech in the ancestral homeland should be considered a daughter language like the others. A close relationship between languages doesn't necessarily mean that their speakers are closely related biologically or culturally, because people Historical Linguistics 103 FIGURE 5-2 PIE Family Tree Main languages and subgroups of the Indo-European language stock, showing approximate time of their divergence. can adopt new languages. In the equatorial forests of Africa, "pygmy" hunters have discarded their ancestral languages and now speak those of the cultivators who have migrated to the area. Immigrants to the United States spoke many different languages on arrival, but their descendants now speak fluent English. Knowledge of linguistic relationships is often valuable to anthropologists interested in history, particularly events during the past 5,000 years. Cultural features may (or may not) correlate with the distribution of language families. Groups that speak related languages may (or may not) be more culturally similar to each other than they are to groups whose speech derives from different linguistic ancestors. Of course, cultural similarities aren't limited to speakers of related languages. Even groups whose members speak unrelated languages have contact through trade, intermarriage, and warfare. Ideas and inventions diffuse widely among human groups. Many items of vocabulary in contemporary English come from 104 Chapter Five Language and Communication French. Even without written documentation of France's influence after the Norman Conquest of England in 1066, linguistic evidence in contemporary English would reveal a long period of important firsthand contact with France. Similarly, linguistic evidence may confirm cultural contact and borrowing when written history is lacking. By considering which words have been borrowed, we can also make inferences about the nature of the contact. Using Modern Technology to Preserve Linguistic and Cultural Diversity Jesus Salinas Pedraza, a rural schoolteacher in the Mexican state of Hidalgo, sat down to a word processor a few years back and produced a monumental book, a 250,000-word description of his own Indian culture written in the Nahnu language. Nothing seems to be left out: folktales and traditional religious beliefs, the practical uses of plants and minerals, and the daily flow of life in field and village. Mr. Salinas is neither a professional anthropologist nor a literary stylist. He is, though, the first person to write a book in Nahnu (NYAW-hnyu), the native tongue of several hundred thousand Indians but a previously unwritten language. Such a use of microcomputers and desktop publishing for languages with no literary tradition is now being encouraged by anthropologists for recording ethnographies from an insider's perspective. They see this as a means of preserving cultural diversity and a wealth of human knowledge. With even greater urgency, linguists are promoting the techniques as a way of saving some of the worlds languages from imminent extinction. Half of the worlds 6,000 languages are considered by linguists to be endangered. These are the languages spoken by small societies that are dwindling with the encroachment of larger, more dynamic cultures. Young people feel economic pressure to learn only the lan- guage of the dominant culture, and as the older people die, the nonwritten language vanishes, unlike languages with a history of writing, such as Latin. Dr. H. Russell Bernard, the anthropologist at the University of Florida at Gainesville who taught Mr. Salinas to read and write his native language, said: "Languages have always come and gone. . . . But languages seem to be disappearing faster than ever before." Dr. Michael E. Krauss, the director of the Alaska Native Language Center at the University of Alaska in Fairbanks, estimates that 300 of the 900 indigenous languages in the Americas are moribund. That is, they are no longer being spoken by children, and so could disappear in a generation or two. Only two of the 20 native languages in Alaska are still being learned by children. In an effort to preserve language diversity in Mexico, Dr. Bernard and Mr. Salinas decided in 1987 on a plan to teach the Indian people to read and write their own language using microcomputers. They established a native literacy center in Oaxaca, Mexico, where others could follow in the footsteps of Mr. Salinas and write books in other Indian languages. The Oaxaca center goes beyond most bilingual education programs, which concentrate on teaching people to speak and read their native languages. Instead, it operates on the premise that, Summary 105 as Dr. Bernard decided, what most native languages lack is native authors who write books in their own languages. The Oaxaca projects influence is spreading. Impressed by the work of Mr. Salinas and others, Dr. Norman Whitten, an anthropologist at the University of Illinois, arranged for schoolteachers from Ecuador to visit Oaxaca and learn the techniques. Now Ecuadorian Indians have begun writing about their cultures in the Quechua and Shwara languages. Others from Bolivia and Peru are learning to use the computers to write their lan- guages, including Quecha, the tongue of the ancient Incas, still spoken by about 12 million Andean Indians. Dr. Bernard emphasizes that these native literacy programs are not intended to discourage people from learning the dominant language of their country as well. "I see nothing useful or charming about remaining monolingual in any Indian language if that results in being shut out of the national economy," he said. Source: Excerpted from John Noble Wilford, "In a Publishing Coup, Books in 'Unwritten' Languages," The New York limes, December 31, 1991, pp. B5-B6. Summary 1. Humans use nonverbal communication, such as facial expressions, gestures, and body stances and movements. But language is the main system humans use to communicate. 2. No language uses all the sounds the human vocal tract can make. Phonology—the study of speech sounds—focuses on sound contrasts (phonemes) that distinguish meaning. The grammars and lexicons of particular languages can lead their speakers to perceive and think in certain ways. 3. Linguistic anthropologists share anthropology's general interest in diversity in time and space. Sociolinguistics investigates relationships between social and linguistic variation by focusing on the actual use of language. Only when features of speech acquire social meaning are they imitated. If they are valued, they will spread. People vary their speech, shifting styles, dialects, and languages. 4. As linguistic systems, all languages and dialects are equally complex, rule-governed, and effective for communication. However, speech is used, is evaluated, and changes in the context of political, economic, and social forces. Often the linguistic traits of a low-status group are negatively evaluated. This devaluation is not because of linguistic features per se. Rather, it reflects the association of such features with low social status. One dialect, supported by the dominant institutions of the state, exercises symbolic domination over the others. 5. Historical linguistics is useful for anthropologists interested in historical relationships among populations. Cultural similarities and 106 Chapter Five Language and Communication differences often correlate with linguistic ones. Linguistic clues can suggest past contacts between cultures. Related languages—members of the same language family—descend from an original protolanguage. Relationships between languages don't necessarily mean there are biological ties between their speakers because people can learn new languages. Key Terms daughter languages diglossia focal vocabulary historical linguistics kinesics lexicon morphology phoneme phonemics phonetics phonology protolanguage Sapir-Whorf hypothesis semantics sociolinguistics style shifts subgroups syntax Making a Living ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES Foraging • Correlates of Foraging CULTIVATION orticulrure • Agriculture • Agricultural Intensification: People and the Environment PASTORALISM H ECONOMIC SYSTEMS Production in Nonindustrial Societies • Means of Production • Alienation in Industrial Economies ECONOMIZING AND MAXIMIZATION Alternative Ends DISTRIBUTION, EXCHANGE The Market Principle • Redistribution • Reciprocity • Coexistence of Exchange Principles • Potlatching Box: Scarcity and the Betsileo In todays world, communities and societies are being incorporated, at an accelerating rate, into larger systems. The origin (around 10,000 years ago) and spread of food production (plant cultivation and animal domestication) led to the formation of larger and more powerful social and political systems. Food production led to major changes in human life. The pace of cultural transformation increased enormously. This chapter provides a framework for understanding a variety of human adaptive strategies and economic systems. ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES The anthropologist Yehudi Cohen (1974) used the term adaptive strategy to describe a society's system of economic production. Cohen argued that the most important reason for similarities between two (or more) unrelated 108 Chapter Six Making a Living societies is their possession of a similar adaptive strategy. In other words, similar economic causes have similar sociocultural effects. For example, there are clear similarities among societies that have a foraging (hunting and gathering) strategy. Cohen developed a typology of societies based on correlations between their economies and their social features. His typology includes these five adaptive strategies: foraging, horticulture, agriculture, pastoralism, and industrialism. Industrialism is discussed in the chapter, "The Modern World System." The present chapter focuses on the first four adaptive strategies. Foraging Until 10,000 years ago people everywhere were foragers. However, environmental differences did create substantial contrasts among the world's foragers. Some, like the people who lived in Europe during the ice ages, were big-game hunters. Today, hunters in the Arctic still focus on large animals and herd animals; they have much less vegetation and variety in their diets than do tropical foragers. Moving from colder to hotter areas, the number of species increases. The tropics contain tremendous biodiversity, and tropical foragers typically hunt and gather a wide range of plant and animal species. The same may be true in temperate areas. For example, on the North Pacific Coast of North America, foragers could draw on varied sea, river, and land species, such as salmon and other fish, sea mammals, berries, and mountain goats. Despite differences caused by such environmental variation, all foraging economies have shared one essential feature: People rely on nature to make their living. Animal domestication (initially of sheep and goats) and plant cultivation (of wheat and barley) began 10,000 to 12,000 years ago in the Middle East. Cultivation based on different crops, such as corn (maize), manioc (cassava), and potatoes, arose independently some 3,000 to 4,000 years later in the Americas. In both hemispheres most foragers eventually turned to food production. Today most foragers have at least some dependence on food production or on food producers (Kent 1992). The foraging way of life survived into modern times in certain forests, deserts, islands, and very cold areas—places where food production was not practicable with simple technology (see Lee and Daly 1999). In many areas, foragers were exposed to the "idea" of food production but never adopted it because their own economies provided a perfectly adequate and nutritious diet—with a lot less work. In some places, people reverted to foraging after trying food production and abandoning it. In most areas where hunter-gatherers did survive, foraging should be described as "recent" rather than "contemporary." All modern foragers live in nation-states and depend to some extent on government assistance. They are in contact with food-producing neighbors as well as with missionaries and other outsiders. We should not view contemporary foragers as isolated or pristine survivors of the Stone Age. Modern foragers are influenced by national Adaptive Strategies 109 and international policies and political and economic events in the world system. Although foraging is disappearing as a way of life, the outlines of Africa's two broad belts of recent foraging remain evident. One is the Kalahari Desert of southern Africa. This is the home of the San ("Bushmen"), who include the Ju/'hoansi (see Kent 1996; Lee 2003). The other main African foraging area is the equatorial forest of central and eastern Africa, home of the Mbuti, Efe, and other "pygmies" (Bailey et al. 1989; Turnbull 1965). People still do subsistence foraging in certain remote forests in Madagascar, Southeast Asia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and on certain islands off the Indian coast. Some of the best-known recent foragers are the aborigines of Australia. Those Native Australians lived on their island continent for more than 50,000 years without developing food production. The Western Hemisphere also had recent foragers. The Eskimos, or Inuit, of Alaska and Canada are well-known hunters. These (and other) northern foragers now use modern technology, including rifles and snowmobiles, in their subsistence activities (Pelto 1973). The native populations of California, Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia were all foragers, as were those of inland subarctic Canada and the Great Lakes. For many Native Americans fishing, hunting, and gathering remain important subsistence (and sometimes commercial) activities. Coastal foragers also lived near the southern tip of South America, in Patagonia. On the grassy plains of Argentina, southern Brazil, Uruguay, and Paraguay, there were other hunter-gatherers. The contemporary Ache of Paraguay are usually called "hunter-gatherers" although they get just a third of their livelihood from foraging. The Ache also grow crops, have domesticated animals, and live in or near mission posts, where they receive food from missionaries (Hawkes, O'Connell, and Hill 1982; Hill et al. 1987). Throughout the world, foraging survived mainly in environments that posed major obstacles to food production. (Some foragers took refuge in such areas after the rise of food production, the state, colonialism, or the modern world system.) The difficulties of cultivating at the North Pole are obvious. In southern Africa the Dobe Ju/'hoansi San area studied by Richard Lee and others is surrounded by a waterless belt 43 to 124 miles (70 to 200 kilometers) in breadth (Solway and Lee 1990). Environmental obstacles to food production aren't the only reason foragers survived. Their niches have one thing in common—their marginality. Their environments haven't been of immediate interest to farmers, herders, or colonialists. The foraging way of life did persist in a few areas that could be cultivated, even after contact with farmers. Those tenacious foragers, like the indigenous peoples of what is now California and the Pacific Northwest, did not turn to food production because they were supporting themselves adequately by hunting and gathering. As the modern world system spreads, the number of foragers continues to decline. See Figure 6-1 for the distribution of recent hunter-gatherers. 110 Chapter Six Making a Living 1-Eskimos or Inuit 11-Fuegians 21-Kubu 2-Subarctic Indians 12-"Pygmies" 22-Semang 3-Northwest Coast Indians 13-Okiek 23-Andaman 4-Plateau Indians 14-Hadza Islanders 5-California Indians 15-San 24-Mlabri 6-Great Basin Indians 16-Native Australians 25-Vedda 7-Plains Indians 17-Maori 26-Kadar 8-Amazon Basin 18-Toala 27-Chenchu Hunter-gatherers 19-Agta 28-Birhor 9-Gran Chaco Indians 20-Punan 29-Ainu 10-Tehuelche 30-Chukchi FIGURE 6-1 Worldwide Distribution of Recent Hunter-Gatherers Source: Adapted from a map by Ray Sim, in Goran Burenhult, ed., Encyclopedia of Humankind: People of the Stone Age (McMahons Point, NSW, Australia: Weldon Owen Pty Ltd., 1993), p. 193. Correlates of Foraging Typologies, such as Cohens adaptive strategies, are useful because they suggest correlations—that is, association or covariation between two or more variables. (Correlated variables are factors that are linked and interrelated, such as food intake and body weight, such that when one increases or decreases, the other changes, too.) Ethnographic studies in hundreds of societies have revealed many correlations between the economy and social life. Associated (correlated) with each adaptive strategy is a bundle of particular sociocultural features. Correlations, however, are rarely perfect. Some foragers lack cultural features usually associated with foraging, and some of those features are found in groups with other adaptive strategies. What, then, are some correlates of foraging? People who subsist by hunting and gathering often, but not always (see the section on potlatch-ing), live in band-organized societies. Their basic social unit, the band, is a small group of fewer than a hundred people, all related by kinship or marriage. Among some foragers, band size stays about the same year-round. In others, the band splits up for part of the year. Families leave to gather resources that are better exploited by just a few people. Later, they regroup for cooperative work and ceremonies. One typical characteristic of the foraging life is mobility. In many San groups, as among the Mbuti of Congo, people shift band membership Cultivation 111 several times in a lifetime. One may be born, for example, in a band in which ones mother has kin. Later, ones family may move to a band in which the father has relatives. Because bands are exogamous (people marry outside their own band) ones parents come from two different bands, and one's grandparents may come from four. People may join any band to which they have kin or marital links. A couple may live in, or shift between, the husband's and the wife's band. All human societies have some kind of division of labor based on gender. (See the chapter on gender for more on this.) Among foragers, men typically hunt and fish while women gather and collect, but the specific nature of the work varies among cultures. Sometimes women's work contributes most to the diet. Sometimes male hunting and fishing predominate. Among foragers in tropical and semitropical areas, gathering tends to contribute more to the diet than hunting and fishing do. All foragers make social distinctions based on age. Often old people receive great respect as guardians of myths, legends, stories, and traditions. Younger people value the elders' special knowledge of ritual and practical matters. Most foraging societies are egalitarian. This means that contrasts in prestige are minor and are based on age and gender. When considering issues of "human nature," we should remember that the egalitarian band was a basic form of human social life for most of our history. Food production has existed less than 1 percent of the time Homo has spent on earth. However, it has produced huge social differences. We now consider the main economic features of food-producing strategies. CULTIVATION In Cohen s typology, the three adaptive strategies based on food production in nonindustrial societies are horticulture, agriculture, and pastoralism. Just as they do in the United States and Canada, people in nonindustrial societies carry out a variety of economic activities. Each adaptive strategy refers to the main economic activity. Pastoralists (herders), for example, consume milk, butter, blood, and meat from their animals as mainstays of their diet. However, they also add grain to their diet by doing some cultivating or by trading with neighbors. Horticulture Horticulture and agriculture are two types of cultivation found in nonindustrial societies. Both differ from the farming systems of industrial nations like the United States and Canada, which use large land areas, machinery, and petrochemicals. According to Cohen, horticulture is cultivation that makes intensive use of none of the factors of production: land, labor, capital, and machinery. Horticulturalists use simple tools such as hoes and 112 Chapter Six Making a Living digging sticks to grow their crops. Their fields are not permanent property and lie fallow for varying lengths of time. Horticulture often involves slash-and-burn techniques. Here, horticul-turalists clear land by cutting down (slashing) and burning forest or bush or by setting fire to the grass covering the plot. The vegetation is broken down, pests are killed, and the ashes remain to fertilize the soil. Crops are then sown, tended, and harvested. Use of the plot is not continuous. Often it is cultivated for only a year or two. When horticulturalists abandon a plot because of soil exhaustion or a thick weed cover, they clear another piece of land, and the original plot In slash-and-burn horticulture, the land is cleared by cutting down (slashing) and burning trees and bush, using simple technology. After such clearing, this woman uses a digging stick to plant mountain rice in Madagascar. What might be the environmental effects of slash-and-burn cultivation? Cultivation 113 reverts to forest. After several years of fallowing, the cultivator returns to farm the original plot again. Because the relationship between people and land is not permanent, horticulture is also called shifting cultivation. Shifting cultivation does not mean that whole villages must move when plots are abandoned. Among the Kuikuru of the South American tropical forest, one village of 150 people remained in the same place for 90 years (Carneiro 1956). Kuikuru houses are large and well made. Because the work involved in building them is great, the Kuikuru would rather walk farther to their fields than construct a new village. They shift their plots rather than their settlements. On the other hand, horticulturalists in the montafia (Andean foothills) of Peru live in small villages of about 30 people (Carneiro 1961/ 1968). Their houses are small and simple. After a few years in one place, these people build new villages near virgin land. Because their houses are so simple, they prefer rebuilding to walking even a half mile to their fields. Agriculture Agriculture is cultivation that requires more labor than horticulture does because it uses land intensively and continuously. The greater labor demands associated with agriculture reflect its use of domesticated animals, irrigation, or terracing. Domesticated Animals Many agriculturists use animals as means of production—for transport, as cultivating machines, and for their manure. Asian farmers typically incorporate cattle and/or water buffalo into agricultural economies based on rice production. Rice farmers may use cattle to trample pre-tilled flooded fields, thus mixing soil and water, before transplanting. Many agriculturists attach animals to plows and harrows for field preparation before planting or transplanting. Also, agriculturists typically collect manure from their animals, using it to fertilize their plots, thus increasing yields. Animals are attached to carts for transport and also to implements of cultivation. Irrigation While horticulturalists must await the rainy season, agriculturists can schedule their planting in advance because they control water. Like other irrigation experts in the Philippines, the Ifugao water their fields with canals from rivers, streams, springs, and ponds. Irrigation makes it possible to cultivate a plot year after year. Irrigation enriches the soil because the irrigated field is a unique ecosystem with several species of plants and animals, many of them minute organisms, whose wastes fertilize the land. An irrigated field is a capital investment that usually increases in value. It takes time for a field to start yielding; it reaches full productivity only after several years of cultivation. The Ifugao, like other irrigators, have farmed the same fields for generations. In some agricultural areas, including the Middle East, however, salts carried in the irrigation water can make fields unusable after 50 or 60 years. 114 Chapter Six Making a Living Agriculture requires more labor than horticulture does and uses land intensively and continuously. Labor demands associated with agriculture reflect its use of domesticated animals, irrigation, and terracing. Shown here, irrigated rice terraces in southern China. Terracing Terracing is another agricultural technique the Ifugao have mastered. Their homeland has small valleys separated by steep hillsides. Because the population is dense, people need to farm the hills. However, if they simply planted on the steep hillsides, fertile soil and crops would be washed away during the rainy season. To prevent this, the Ifugao cut into the hillside and build stage after stage of terraced fields rising above the valley floor. Springs located above the terraces supply their irrigation water. The labor necessary to build and maintain a system of terraces is great. Terrace walls crumble each year and must be partially rebuilt. The canals that bring water down through the terraces also demand attention. Costs and Benefits of Agriculture Agriculture requires human labor to build and maintain irrigation systems, terraces, and other works. People must feed, water, and care for their animals. But agricultural land can yield one or two crops annually for years, or even generations. An agricultural field does not necessarily produce a higher single-year yield than does a horticultural plot. The first crop grown by horticulturalists on long-idle land may be larger than that from an agricultural plot of the same size. Furthermore, because agriculturists work harder than horticulturalists do, agriculture's yield relative to the labor invested is also lower. Agriculture's main advantage is that the long-term yield per area is far greater and more dependable. Because a single field Cultivation 115 sustains its owners year after year, there is no need to maintain a reserve of uncultivated land as horticulturalists do. This is why agricultural societies tend to be more densely populated than horticultural ones are. Agricultural Intensification: People and the Environment The range of environments available for food production has widened as people have increased their control over nature. For example, in arid areas of California, where Native Americans once foraged, modern irrigation technology now sustains rich agricultural estates. Agriculturalists live in many areas that are too arid for nonirrigators or too hilly for nonterracers. Increasing labor intensity and permanent land use have major demographic, social, political, and environmental consequences. Thus, because of their permanent fields, agriculturists are sedentary. People live in larger and more permanent communities located closer to other settlements. Growth in population size and density increases contact between individuals and groups. There is more need to regulate interpersonal relations, including conflicts of interest. Economies that support more people usually require more coordination in the use of land, labor, and other resources. Intensive agriculture has significant environmental effects. Irrigation ditches and paddies (fields with irrigated rice) become repositories for organic wastes, chemicals (such as salts), and disease microorganisms. Intensive agriculture typically spreads at the expense of trees and forests, which are cut down to be replaced by fields. Accompanying such deforestation is loss of environmental diversity (see Srivastava, Smith, and Forno 1999). Agricultural economies grow increasingly specialized. They focus on one or a few caloric staples, such as rice, and on the animals that are raised and tended to aid the agricultural economy. Because tropical horticulturalists typically cultivate dozens of plant species simultaneously, a horticultural plot mirrors the botanical diversity that is found in a tropical forest. Agricultural plots, by contrast, reduce ecological diversity by cutting down trees and concentrating on just a few staple foods. Such crop specialization is true of agriculturists both in the tropics (e.g., Indonesian paddy farmers) and outside the tropics (e.g., Middle Eastern irrigation farmers). Agriculturists attempt to reduce risk in production by favoring stability in the form of a reliable annual harvest and long-term production. Tropical foragers and horticulturalists, by contrast, attempt to reduce risk by relying on multiple species and benefiting from ecological diversity. The agricultural strategy is to put all one's eggs in one big and very dependable basket. The strategy of tropical foragers and horticulturalists is to have several smaller baskets, a few of which may fail without endangering subsistence. The agricultural strategy makes sense when there are lots of children to raise and adults to be fed. Foraging and horticulture, of course, are associated with smaller, sparser, and more mobile populations. 116 Chapter Six Making a Living Agricultural economies also pose a series of regulatory problems— which central governments often have arisen to solve. How is water to be managed? How are disputes about access to and distribution of water to be resolved? With more people living closer together on more valuable land, agriculturists are more likely to come into conflict than foragers and horti-culturalists are. The social and political implications of food production and intensification are examined more fully in the chapter "Political Systems." PASTORALISM Pastoralists live in North Africa, the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa. These herders are people whose activities focus on such domesticated animals as cattle, sheep, goats, camels, yak, and reindeer. East African pastoralists, like many others, live in symbiosis with their herds. (Symbiosis is an obligatory interaction between groups—here humans and animals—that is beneficial to each.) Herders attempt to protect their animals and to ensure their reproduction in return for food and other products, such as leather. Herds provide dairy products and meat. People use livestock in various ways. Natives of North Americas Great Plains, for example, didn't eat, but only rode, their horses. (Europeans reintroduced horses to the Western Hemisphere; the native American horse had become extinct thousands of years earlier.) For Plains Indians horses served as "tools of the trade," means of production used to hunt buffalo, a main target of their economies. So the Plains Indians were not true pastoralists but hunters who used horses—as many agriculturists use animals—as means of production. Unlike the use of animals merely as productive machines, pastoralists typically make direct use of their herds for food. They consume their meat, blood, and milk, from which they make yogurt, butter, and cheese. Although some pastoralists rely on their herds more completely than others do, it is impossible to base subsistence solely on animals. Most pastoralists therefore supplement their diet by hunting, gathering, fishing, cultivating, or trading. The Samis (also known as Lapps or Laplanders) of Norway, Sweden, and Finland domesticated the reindeer, which their ancestors used to hunt, in the 16th century. Like other herders, they follow their animals as they make an annual trek, in this case from coast to interior. Today's Samis use modern technology, such as snowmobiles and four-wheel-drive vehicles, to accompany their herds on their annual nomadic trek. Although their environment is harsher, the Samis, like other herders, live in nation-states and must deal with outsiders, including government officials, as they follow their herds and make their living through animal husbandry, trade, and sales (Hoge 2001). Unlike foraging and cultivation, which existed throughout the world before the Industrial Revolution, pastoralism was confined almost totally to the Old World. Before European conquest, the only pastoralists in the Americas lived in the Andean region of South America. They used their llamas Economic Systems 117 and alpacas for food and wool and in agriculture and transport. Much more recently, Navajo of the southwestern United States developed a pastoral economy based on sheep, which were brought to North America by Europeans. The populous Navajo are now the major pastoral population in the Western Hemisphere. Two patterns of movement occur with pastoralism: nomadism and trans-humance. Both are based on the fact that herds must move to use pasture available in particular places in different seasons. In pastoral nomadism, the entire group—women, men, and children—moves with the animals throughout the year. The Middle East and North Africa provide numerous examples of pastoral nomads. In Iran, for example, the Basseri and the Qashqai ethnic groups traditionally followed a nomadic route more than 300 miles (480 kilometers) long (see Salzman 2004). With transhumance, part of the group moves with the herds, but most people stay in the home village. There are examples from Europe and Africa. In Europe's Alps it is just the shepherds and goatherds—not the whole village—who accompany the flocks to highland meadows in summer. Among the Turkana of Uganda, men and boys accompany the herds to distant pastures, while much of the village stays put and does some horticultural farming. During their annual trek, pastoral nomads trade for crops and other products with more sedentary people. Transhumants don't have to trade for crops. Because only part of the population accompanies the herds, transhumants can maintain year-round villages and grow their own crops. ECONOMIC SYSTEMS An economy is a system of production, distribution, and consumption of resources; economics is the study of such systems. Economists focus on modern nations and capitalist systems. Anthropologists have broadened understanding of economic principles by gathering data on nonindus-trial economies. Economic anthropology studies economics in a comparative perspective (see Gudeman, ed. 1999; Plattner, ed. 1989; Sahlins, 2004; Wilk 1996). A mode of production is a way of organizing production—"a set of social relations through which labor is deployed to wrest energy from nature by means of tools, skills, organization, and knowledge" (Wolf 1982, p. 75). In the capitalist mode of production, money buys labor power, and there is a social gap between the people (bosses and workers) involved in the production process. By contrast, in nonindustrial societies, labor usually is not bought but is given as a social obligation. In such a kin-based mode of production, mutual aid in production is one among many expressions of a larger web of social relations. Societies representing each of the adaptive strategies just discussed (e.g., foraging) tend to have a similar mode of production. Differences in the mode of production within a given strategy may reflect differences 118 Chapter Six Making a Living What kind of agricultural division of labor is suggested by this photo of women transplanting rice in a paddy near Kanchipuram, India. Does this scene fit the description in the text of rice agriculture in Madagascar? in environments, target resources, or cultural traditions (Kelly 1995). Thus a foraging mode of production may be based on individual hunters or teams, depending on whether the game is a solitary or a herd animal. Gathering is usually more individualistic than hunting, although collecting teams may assemble when abundant resources ripen and must be harvested quickly. Fishing may be done alone (as in ice or spear fishing) or in crews (as with open sea fishing and hunting of sea mammals). Production in Nonindustrial Societies Although some kind of division of economic labor related to age and gender is a cultural universal, the specific tasks assigned to each sex and to people of different ages vary (see the chapter "Gender"). Many horticultural societies assign a major productive role to women, but some make men's work primary. Similarly, among pastoralists men generally tend large animals, but in some societies women do the milking. Jobs accomplished through teamwork in some cultivating societies are done in other societies by smaller groups or by individuals working over a longer period. The Betsileo of Madagascar have two stages of teamwork in rice cultivation: transplanting and harvesting. Both feature a traditional division of labor by age and gender which is well known to all Betsileo and is repeated across the generations. The first job in transplanting is the trampling of a previously tilled flooded field by young men driving cattle, in order to mix Economic Systems 119 earth and water. They bring cattle to trample the fields just before transplanting. The young men yell at and beat the cattle, striving to drive them into a frenzy so that they will trample the fields properly. Trampling breaks up clumps of earth and mixes irrigation water with soil to form a smooth mud into which women transplant seedlings. Once the tramplers leave the field, older men arrive. With their spades they break up the clumps that the cattle missed. Meanwhile, the owner and other adults uproot rice seedlings and bring them to the field. Women plant the seedlings. At harvest time, four or five months later, young men cut the rice off the stalks. Young women carry it to the clearing above the field. Older women arrange and stack it. The oldest men and women then stand on the stack, stomping and compacting it. Three days later, young men thresh the rice, beating the stalks against a rock to remove the grain. Older men then attack the stalks with sticks to make sure all the grains have fallen off. Means of Production In nonindustrial societies there is a more intimate relationship between the worker and the means of production than there is in industrial nations. Means, or factors, of production include land (territory), labor, and technology. Land Among foragers, ties between people and land are less permanent than they are among food producers. Although many bands have territories, the boundaries usually are not marked, and there is no way they can be enforced. The hunters stake in an animal is more important than where the animal finally dies. A person acquires the rights to use a bands territory by being born in the band or by joining it through a tie of kinship, marriage, or fictive kinship. In Botswana in southern Africa, Ju/'hoansi San women, whose work provides over half the food, habitually use specific tracts of berry-bearing trees. When a woman changes bands, she immediately acquires a new gathering area. Among food producers, rights to the means of production also come through kinship and marriage. Descent groups (groups whose members claim common ancestry) are common among nonindustrial food producers, and those who descend from the founder share the group's territory and resources. If the adaptive strategy is horticulture, the estate includes garden and fallow land for shifting cultivation. As members of a descent group, pas-toralists have access to animals to start their own herds, to grazing land, to garden land, and to other means of production. Labor, Tools, and Specialization Like land, labor is a means of production. In nonindustrial societies, access to both land and labor comes through social links such as kinship, marriage, and descent. Mutual aid in production is merely one aspect of ongoing social relations that are expressed on many other occasions. 120 Chapter Six Making a Living Nonindustrial societies contrast with industrial nations regarding another means of production—technology. In bands and tribes manufacturing is often linked to age and gender. Women may weave and men may make pottery, or vice versa. Most people of a particular age and gender share the technical knowledge associated with that age and gender. If married women customarily make baskets, most married women know how to make baskets. Neither technology nor technical knowledge is as specialized as it is in states. Some tribal societies, however, do promote specialization. Among the Yanomami of Venezuela and Brazil, for instance, certain villages manufacture clay pots and others make hammocks. They don't specialize, as one might suppose, because certain raw materials happen to be available near particular villages. Clay suitable for pots is widely available. Everyone knows how to make pots, but not everybody does so. Craft specialization reflects the social and political environment rather than the natural environment. Such specialization promotes trade, which is the first step in creating an alliance with enemy villages (Chagnon 1997). Alienation in Industrial Economies There are some significant contrasts between industrial and nonindustrial economies. When factory workers produce for sale and for their employers profit, they may be alienated from the items they make. Such alienation means they don't feel strong pride in or personal identification with their products. They see their product as belonging to someone else, not to the man or woman whose labor actually produced it. In nonindustrial societies, by contrast, people usually see their work through from start to finish and have a sense of accomplishment in the product. In nonindustrial societies the economic relation between coworkers is just one aspect of a more general social relation. They aren't just coworkers but kin, in-laws, or celebrants in the same ritual. In industrial nations, people usually don't work with relatives and neighbors. If coworkers are friends, the personal relationship usually develops out of their common employment rather than being based on a previous association. Thus, industrial workers have impersonal relations with their products, coworkers, and employers. People sell their labor for cash, and the economic domain stands apart from ordinary social life. In nonindustrial societies, however, the relations of production, distribution, and consumption are social relations with economic aspects. Economy is not a separate entity but is embedded in the society. A Case of Industrial Alienation For decades, the government of Malaysia has promoted export-oriented industry, allowing transnational companies to install labor-intensive manufacturing operations in rural Malaysia. The industrialization of Malaysia is part of a global strategy. In search of Economic Systems 121 cheaper labor, corporations headquartered in Japan, Western Europe, and the United States have been moving labor-intensive factories to developing countries. Malaysia has hundreds of Japanese and American subsidiaries, which mainly produce garments, foodstuffs, and electronics components. In electronics plants in rural Malaysia, thousands of young women from peasant families now assemble microchips and microcomponents for transistors and capacitors. Aihwa Ong (1987) did a study of electronics assembly workers in an area where 85 percent of the workers were young unmarried females from nearby villages. Ong found that, unlike village women, female factory workers had to cope with a rigid work routine and constant supervision by men. The discipline that factories value was being taught in local schools, where uniforms helped prepare girls for the factory dress code. Village women wear loose, flowing tunics, sarongs, and sandals, but factory workers had to don tight overalls and heavy rubber gloves, in which they felt constrained. Assembling electronics components requires precise, concentrated labor. Demanding and depleting, labor in these factories illustrates the separation of intellectual and manual activity—the alienation that Karl Marx considered the defining feature of industrial work. One woman said about her bosses, "They exhaust us very much, as if they do not think that we too are human beings" (Ong 1987, p. 202). Nor does factory work bring women a substantial financial reward, given low wages, job uncertainty, and family claims on wages. Young women typically work just a few years. Production quotas, three daily shifts, overtime, and surveillance take their toll in mental and physical exhaustion. One response to factory relations of production has been spirit possession (factory women are possessed by spirits). Ong interprets this phenomenon as the women's unconscious protest against labor discipline and male control of the industrial setting. Sometimes possession takes the form of mass hysteria. Spirits have simultaneously invaded as many as 120 factory workers. Weretigers (the Malay equivalent of the werewolf) arrive to avenge the construction of a factory on aboriginal burial grounds. Disturbed earth and grave spirits swarm on the shop floor. First the women see the spirits; then their bodies are invaded. The women become violent and scream abuses. The weretigers send the women into sobbing, laughing, and shrieking fits. To deal with possession, factories employ local medicine men, who sacrifice chickens and goats to fend off the spirits. This solution works only some of the time; possession still goes on. Factory women continue to act as vehicles to express their own frustrations and the anger of avenging ghosts. Ong argues that spirit possession expresses anguish at, and resistance to, capitalist relations of production. By engaging in this form of rebellion, however, factory women avoid a direct confrontation with the source of their distress. Ong concludes that spirit possession, while expressing repressed resentment, doesn't do much to modify factory conditions. (Other tactics, such as unionization, would do more.) Spirit possession may even 122 Chapter Six Making a Living help maintain the current system by operating as a safety valve for accumulated tensions. ECONOMIZING AND MAXIMIZATION Economic anthropologists have been concerned with two main questions: 1. How are production, distribution, and consumption organized in different societies? This question focuses on systems of human behavior and their organization. 2. What motivates people in different societies to produce, distribute or exchange, and consume? Here the focus is not on systems of behavior but on the individuals who participate in those systems. Anthropologists view both economic systems and motivations in a cross-cultural perspective. Motivation is a concern of psychologists, but it also has been, implicitly or explicitly, a concern of economists and anthropologists. American economists assume that producers and distributors make decisions rationally, using the profit motive, as do consumers when they shop around for the best value. Although anthropologists know that the profit motive is not universal, the assumption that individuals try to maximize profits is basic to capitalism and to Western economic theory. In fact, the subject matter of economics is often defined as economizing, or the rational allocation of scarce means (or resources) to alternative ends (or uses). What does that mean? Classical economic theory assumes that our wants are infinite and our means are limited. Since means are limited, people must make choices about how to use their scarce resources—their time, labor, money, and capital. (The box at the end of this chapter disputes the idea that people always make economic choices based on scarcity.) Western economists assume that when confronted with choices and decisions, people tend to make the one that maximizes profit. This is assumed to be the most rational choice. The idea that individuals choose to maximize profits was a basic assumption of the classical economists of the 19th century and one held by many contemporary economists. However, certain economists now recognize that individuals in Western societies, as in others, may be motivated by many other goals. Depending on the society and the situation, people may try to maximize profit, wealth, prestige, pleasure, comfort, or social harmony. Individuals may want to realize their personal or family ambitions or those of another group to which they belong (see Sahlins 2004). Alternative Ends To what uses do people in various societies put their scarce resources? Throughout the world, people devote some of their time and energy to building up a subsistence fund (Wolf 1966). In other words, they have to Distribution, Exchange 123 work to eat, to replace the calories they use in their daily activity. People must also invest in a replacement fund. They must maintain their technology and other items essential to production. If a hoe or plow breaks, they must repair or replace it. They must also obtain and replace items that are essential not to production but to everyday life, such as clothing and shelter. People everywhere also have to invest in a social fund. They have to help their friends, relatives, in-laws, and neighbors. It is useful to distinguish between a social fund and a ceremonial fund. The latter term refers to expenditures on ceremonies or rituals. To prepare a festival honoring ones ancestors, for example, requires time and the outlay of wealth. Citizens of nonindustrial states must also allocate scarce resources to a rent fund. We think of rent as payment for the use of property. Rent fund, however, has a wider meaning. It refers to resources that people must render to an individual or agency that is superior politically or economically. Tenant farmers and sharecroppers, for example, either pay rent or give some of their produce to their landlords, as peasants did under feudalism. Peasants are small-scale agriculturists who live in nonindustrial states and have rent fund obligations (see Kearney 1996). They produce to feed themselves, to sell their produce, and to pay rent. All peasants have two things in common: 1. They live in state-organized societies. 2. They produce food without the elaborate technology—chemical fertilizers, tractors, airplanes to spray crops, and so on—of modern farming or agribusiness. Besides paying rent to landlords, peasants must satisfy government obligations, paying taxes in the form of money, produce, or labor. The rent fund is not simply an additional obligation for peasants. Often it becomes their foremost and unavoidable duty. Sometimes, to meet the obligation to pay rent, their own diets suffer. The demands of social superiors may divert resources from subsistence, replacement, social, and ceremonial funds. Motivations vary from society to society, and people often lack freedom of choice in allocating their resources. Because of obligations to pay rent, peasants may allocate their scarce means toward ends that are not their own but those of government officials. Thus, even in societies in which there is a profit motive, people are often prevented from rationally maximizing self-interest by factors beyond their control. DISTRIBUTION, EXCHANGE The economist Karl Polanyi (1968) stimulated the comparative study of exchange, and several anthropologists followed his lead. To study exchange cross-culturally, Polanyi defined three principles orienting exchanges: the market principle, redistribution, and reciprocity. These principles can all 124 Chapter Six Making a Living be present in the same society, but in that case they govern different kinds of transactions. In any society, one of them usually dominates. The principle of exchange that dominates in a given society is the one that allocates the means of production. The Market Principle In today's world capitalist economy, the market principle dominates. It governs the distribution of the means of production—land, labor, natural resources, technology, and capital. With market exchange, items are bought and sold, using money, with an eye to maximizing profit, and value is determined by the law of supply and demand (things cost more the scarcer they are and the more people want them). Bargaining is characteristic of market-principle exchanges. The buyer and seller strive to maximize—to get their "moneys worth." Bargaining doesn't require that the buyer and seller meet. Consumers bargain whenever they shop around or use advertisements or the Internet in their decision making (see Madra 2004). Redistribution Redistribution operates when goods, services, or their equivalent move from the local level to a center. The center may be a capital, a regional collection point, or a storehouse near a chief's residence. Products often move through a hierarchy of officials for storage at the center. Along the way officials and their dependents may consume some of them, but the exchange principle here is redistribution. The flow of goods eventually reverses direction—out from the center, down through the hierarchy, and back to the common people. One example of a redistributive system comes from the Cherokee, the original owners of the Tennessee Valley. Productive farmers who subsisted on maize, beans, and squash, supplemented by hunting and fishing, the Cherokee had chiefs. Each of their main villages had a central plaza, where meetings of the chief's council took place and where redistributive feasts were held. According to Cherokee custom, each family farm had an area where the family could set aside part of their annual harvest for the chief. This supply of corn was used to feed the needy, as well as travelers and warriors journeying through friendly territory. This store of food was available to all who needed it, with the understanding that it "belonged" to the chief and was dispersed through his generosity. The chief also hosted the redistributive feasts held in the main settlements (Harris 1978). Reciprocity Reciprocity is exchange between social equals, who normally are related by kinship, marriage, or another close personal tie. Because it occurs between social equals, it is dominant in the more egalitarian societies— Distribution, Exchange 125 among foragers, cultivators, and pastoralists. There are three degrees of reciprocity: generalized, balanced, and negative (Sahlins 1968, 2004; Service 1966). These may be imagined as areas of a continuum defined by these questions: 1. How closely related are the parties to the exchange? 2. How quickly and unselfishly are gifts reciprocated? Generalized reciprocity, the purest form of reciprocity, is characteristic of exchanges between closely related people. In balanced reciprocity, social distance increases, as does the need to reciprocate. In negative reciprocity, social distance is greatest and reciprocation is most calculated. With generalized reciprocity, someone gives to another person and expects nothing concrete or immediate in return. Such exchanges are not primarily economic transactions but expressions of personal relationships. Most parents don't keep accounts of every penny they spend on their children. They merely hope that the children will respect their culture s customs involving love, honor, loyalty, and other obligations to parents. Among foragers, generalized reciprocity tends to govern exchanges. People routinely share with other band members (Bird-David 1992; Kent 1992). So strong is the ethic of reciprocal sharing that most foragers lack an expression for "thank you." To offer thanks would be impolite because it would imply that a particular act of sharing, which is the keystone of egalitarian society, was unusual. Among the Semai, foragers of central Malaysia (Dentan 1979), to express gratitude would suggest surprise at the hunter's generosity or success (Harris 1974). Balanced reciprocity applies to exchanges between people who are more distantly related than are members of the same band or household. In a horticultural society, for example, a man presents a gift to someone in another village. The recipient may be a cousin, a trading partner, or a brothers fictive kinsman. The giver expects something in return. This may not come immediately, but the social relationship will be strained if there is no reciprocation. Exchanges in nonindustrial societies may also illustrate negative reciprocity, mainly in dealing with people outside or on the fringes of their social systems. To people who live in a world of close personal relations, exchanges with outsiders are full of ambiguity and distrust. Exchange is one way of establishing friendly relations with outsiders, but especially when trade begins, the relationship is still tentative. Often the initial exchange is close to being purely economic; people want to get something back immediately. Just as in market economies, but without using money, they try to get the best possible immediate return for their investment. Generalized reciprocity and balanced reciprocity are based on trust and a social tie. Negative reciprocity involves the attempt to get something for as little as possible, even if it means being cagey or deceitful or cheating. Among the most extreme and "negative" examples of negative 126 Chapter Six Making a Living reciprocity was 19th-century horse thievery by North American Plains Indians. Men would sneak into camps and villages of neighboring tribes to steal horses. A similar pattern of livestock (cattle) raiding continues today in East Africa, among tribes such as the Kuria (Fleisher 2000). In these cases, the party that starts the raiding can expect reciprocity—a raid on their own village—or worse. The Kuria hunt down cattle thieves and kill them. It's still reciprocity, governed by "Do unto others as they have done unto you." One way of reducing the tension in situations of potential negative reciprocity is to engage in "silent trade." One example is the silent trade of the Mbuti pygmy foragers of the African equatorial forest and their neighboring horticultural villagers. There is no personal contact during their exchanges. A Mbuti hunter leaves game, honey, or another forest product at a customary site. Villagers collect it and leave crops in exchange. Often the parties bargain silently. If one feels the return is insufficient, he or she simply leaves it at the trading site. If the other party wants to continue trade, it will be increased. Coexistence of Exchange Principles In today's North America, the market principle governs most exchanges, from the sale of the means of production to the sale of consumer goods. We also have redistribution. Some of our tax money goes to support the government, but some of it also comes back to us in the form of social services, education, health care, and road building. We also have reciprocal exchanges. Generalized reciprocity characterizes the relationship between parents and children. However, even here the dominant market mentality surfaces in comments about the high cost of raising children and in the stereotypical statement of the disappointed parent: "We gave you everything money could buy." Exchanges of gifts, cards, and invitations exemplify reciprocity, usually balanced. Everyone has heard remarks like "They invited us to their daughters wedding, so when ours gets married, well have to invite them" and "They've been here for dinner three times and haven't invited us yet. I don't think we should ask them back until they do." Such precise balancing of reciprocity would be out of place in a foraging band, where resources are communal (common to all) and daily sharing based on generalized reciprocity is an essential ingredient of social life and survival. Potlatching One of the most famous cultural practices studied by ethnographers is the potlatch. This is a festive event within a regional exchange system among tribes of the North Pacific Coast of North America, including the Salish and Kwakiutl of Washington and British Columbia. Some tribes still practice Distribution, Exchange 127 This historic photo shows Tlingit clan members attending a pot-latch at Sitka, Alaska, in 1904. Such ancestral headdresses have been repatriated recently from museums back to Tlingit clans. Have you ever partaken in anything like a potlatch? the potlatch, sometimes as a memorial to the dead (Kan 1986, 1989). At each such event, assisted by members of their communities, potlatch sponsors traditionally gave away food, blankets, pieces of copper, or other items. In return for this, they got prestige. To give a potlatch enhanced ones reputation. Prestige increased with the lavishness of the potlatch, the value of the goods given away in it. The potlatching tribes were foragers, but atypical ones for relatively recent times. They were sedentary and had chiefs. And unlike the environments of most other recent foragers, theirs wasn't marginal. They had access to a wide variety of land and sea resources. Among their most important foods were salmon, herring, candlefish, berries, mountain goats, seals, and porpoises (Piddocke 1969). If the profit motive is universal, with the goal of maximizing material benefits, how does one explain the potlatch, in which considerable wealth is given away? Scholars once cited the potlatch as a classic case of economically wasteful behavior. In this view, potlatching was based on an economically irrational drive for prestige. This interpretation stressed the lavishness and supposed wastefulness, especially of the Kwakiutl displays, to support the contention that in some societies people strive to maximize prestige at the expense of their material well-being. This interpretation has been challenged. Ecological anthropology, also known as cultural ecology, is a theoretical school that attempts to interpret cultural practices, such as the potlatch, in 128 Chapter Six Making a Living terms of their long-term role in helping humans adapt to their environments. Consider an alternative interpretation of the potlatch proposed by the ecological anthropologists Wayne Suttles (1960) and Andrew Vayda (1961/1968). These scholars saw potlatching not in terms of its immediate wastefulness, but in terms of its long-term role as a cultural adaptive mechanism. This view not only helps us understand potlatching, it also has comparative value because it helps us understand similar patterns of lavish feasting throughout the world. Here is the ecological interpretation: Customs such as the potlatch are cultural adaptations to alternating periods of local abundance and shortage. How does this work? Although the natural environment of the North Pacific Coast is favorable, resources do fluctuate from year to year and place to place. Salmon and herring aren't equally abundant every year in a given locality. One village can have a good year while another is experiencing a bad one. Later their fortunes reverse. In this context, the potlatch cycle had adaptive value, and the potlatch was not a competitive display that brought no material benefit. A village enjoying an especially good year had a surplus of subsistence items, which it could trade for more durable wealth items, such as blankets, canoes, or pieces of copper. Wealth, in turn, by being distributed, could be converted into prestige. Members of several villages were invited to any potlatch and got to take home the resources that were given away. In this way, potlatching linked villages together in a regional economy—an exchange system that distributed food and wealth from wealthy to needy communities. In return, the potlatch sponsors and their villages got prestige. The decision to potlatch was determined by the health of the local economy. If there had been subsistence surpluses, and thus a buildup of wealth over several good years, a village could afford a potlatch to convert its surplus food and wealth into prestige. The long-term adaptive value of intercommunity feasting becomes clear when we consider what happened when a formerly prosperous village had a run of bad luck. Its people started accepting invitations to potlatches in villages that were doing better. The tables were turned as the temporarily rich became temporarily poor and vice versa. The newly needy accepted food and wealth items. They were willing to receive rather than bestow gifts and thus to relinquish some of their stored-up prestige. They hoped their luck would eventually improve so that resources could be recouped and prestige regained. The potlatch linked local groups along the North Pacific Coast into a regional alliance and exchange network. Potlatching and intervillage exchange had adaptive functions, regardless of the motivations of the individual participants. The anthropologists who stressed rivalry for prestige were not wrong. They were merely emphasizing motivations at the expense of an analysis of economic and ecological systems. The use of feasts to enhance individual and community reputations and to redistribute wealth is not peculiar to populations of the North Pacific Distribution, Exchange 129 Coast. Competitive feasting is widely characteristic of nonindustrial food producers. But among most surviving foragers, who live in marginal areas, resources are too meager to support feasting on such a level. In such societies, sharing rather than competition prevails. Scarcity and the Betsi In the late 1960s my wife and I lived among the Betsileo people of Madagascar, studying their economy and social life (Kottak 1980). Soon after our arrival we met two well-educated schoolteachers (first cousins) who were interested in our research. The woman's father was a congressional representative who became a cabinet minister during our stay. Their family came from a historically important and typical Betsileo village called Ivato, which they invited us to visit with them. We had traveled to many other Betsileo villages, where we often were displeased with our reception. As we drove up, children would run away screaming. Women would hurry inside. Men would retreat to doorways, where they lurked bashfully. This behavior expressed the Betsileo's great fear of the mpakafo. Believed to cut out and devour his victim's heart and liver, the mpakafo is the Malagasy vampire. These cannibals are said to have fair skin and to be very tall. Because I have light skin and stand over six feet tall, I was a natural suspect. The fact that such creatures were not known to travel with their wives helped convince the Betsileo that I wasn't really an mpakafo. When we visited Ivato, its people were different—friendly and hospitable. Our very first day there we did a brief census and found out who lived in which households. We learned people's names and their relationships to our schoolteacher friends and to each other. We met an excellent informant who knew all about the local history. In a few afternoons I learned much more than I had in the other villages in several sessions. Ivatans were so willing to talk because we had powerful sponsors, village natives who had made it in the outside world, people the Ivatans knew would protect them. The schoolteachers vouched for us, but even more significant was the cabinet minister, who was like a grandfather and benefactor to everyone in town. The Ivatans had no reason to fear us because their more influential native son had asked them to answer our questions. Once we moved to Ivato, the elders established a pattern of visiting us every evening. They came to talk, attracted by the inquisitive foreigners but also by the wine, tobacco, and food we offered. I asked questions about their customs and beliefs. I eventually developed interview schedules about various subjects, including rice production. I used these forms in Ivato and in two other villages I was studying less intensively. Never have I interviewed as easily as I did in Ivato. As our stay neared its end, our Ivatan friends lamented, saying, "We'll miss you. When you leave, there won't be any more cigarettes, any more wine, or any more questions." They wondered what it would be like for us back in the United States. They knew we had an automobile and that we regularly 130 Chapter Six Making a Living purchased things, including the wine, cigarettes, and food we shared with them. We could afford to buy products they would never have. They commented, "When you go back to your country, you'll need a lot of money for things like cars, clothes, and food. We don't need to buy those things. We make almost everything we use. We don't need as much money as you, because we produce for ourselves." The Betsileo weren't unusual for nonindustrial people. Strange as it may seem to an American consumer, those rice farmers actually believed they had all they needed. The lesson from the Betsileo of the 1960s is that scarcity, which economists view as universal, is variable. Although shortages do arise in nonindustrial societies, the concept of scarcity (insufficient means) is much less developed in stable subsistence-oriented societies than in the societies characterized by industrialism, particularly as the reliance on consumer goods increases. But, over the past several decades, significant changes have affected the Betsileo—and most nonindustrial peoples. On my last visit to Ivato, in 1990, the effects of cash and of rapid population increase were evident there— and throughout Madagascar—where the national growth rate has been about 3 percent per year. Madagascar's population doubled between 1966 and 1991— from 6 to 12 million people. Today it stands near 18 million (Kottak 2004). One result of population pressure has been agricultural intensification. In Ivato, farmers who formerly had grown only rice in their rice fields now were using the same land for commercial crops, such as carrots, after the annual rice harvest. Another change affecting Ivato in 1990 was the breakdown of social and political order, fueled by increasing demand for cash. Cattle rustling was a growing threat. Cattle thieves (sometimes from neighboring villages) were terrorizing peasants who previously had felt secure in their villages. Some of the rustled cattle were being driven to the coasts for commercial export to nearby islands. Prominent among the rustlers were relatively well-educated young men who had studied long enough to be comfortable negotiating with outsiders, but who had been unable to find formal work, and who were unwilling to work the rice fields like their peasant ancestors. The formal education system had familiarized them with external institutions and norms, including the need for cash. The concepts of scarcity, commerce, and negative reciprocity now thrived among the Betsileo. I witnessed other striking evidence of the new addiction to cash during my 1990 visit to Betsileo country. Near Ivato's county seat, we met men selling precious stones—tourmalines, which had been found by chance in a local rice field. Around the corner we saw an amazing sight: dozens of villagers destroying an ancestral resource, digging up a large rice field, seeking tourmalines—clear evidence of the encroachment of cash on the local subsistence economy. Throughout the Betsileo homeland, population growth and density were propelling emigration. Locally, land, jobs, and money were all scarce. One woman with ancestors from Ivato, herself now a resident of the national capital (Antananarivo), remarked that half the children of Ivato now lived in that city. Although she was exaggerating, a census of all the descendants of Ivato surely would reveal a substantial emigrant and urban population. Ivato's recent history is one of increasing participation in a cash economy. That history, combined with the pressure of a growing population on local resources, has made scarcity not just a concept but a reality for Ivatans and their neighbors. Summary 131 Summary 1. Cohen's adaptive strategies include foraging (hunting and gathering), horticulture, agriculture, pastoralism, and industrialism. Foraging was the only human adaptive strategy until the advent of food production (farming and herding) 10,000 years ago. Food production eventually replaced foraging in most places. Almost all modern foragers have some dependence on food production or food producers. 2. Horticulture doesn't use land or labor intensively. Horticulturalists cultivate a plot for one or two years (sometimes longer) and then abandon it. There is always a fallow period. Agriculturalists farm the same plot of land continuously and use labor intensively. They use one or more of the following: irrigation, terracing, domesticated animals as means of production, and manuring. 3. The pastoral strategy is mixed. Nomadic pastoralists trade with cultivators. Part of a transhumant pastoral population cultivates while another part takes the herds to pasture. Except for some Peruvians and the Navajo, who are recent herders, the New World lacks native pastoralists. 4. Economic anthropology is the cross-cultural study of systems of production, distribution, and consumption. In nonindustrial societies, a kin-based mode of production prevails. One acquires rights to resources and labor through membership in social groups, not impersonally through purchase and sale. Work is just one aspect of social relations expressed in varied contexts. 5. Economics has been defined as the science of allocating scarce means to alternative ends. Western economists assume the notion of scarcity is universal—which it isn't—and that in making choices, people strive to maximize personal profit. In nonindustrial societies, indeed as in our own, people often maximize values other than individual profit. 6. In nonindustrial societies, people invest in subsistence, replacement, social, and ceremonial funds. States add a rent fund: People must share their output with their social superiors. In states, the obligation to pay rent often becomes primary. 7. Besides studying production, economic anthropologists study and compare exchange systems. The three principles of exchange are the market principle, redistribution, and reciprocity, which may coexist in a given society. The primary exchange mode is the one that allocates the means of production. 8. Patterns of feasting and exchanges of wealth among villages are common among nonindustrial food producers, as among the potlatching societies of North America's North Pacific Coast. Such systems help even out the availability of resources over time. 132 Chapter Six Making a Living Key Terms agriculture balanced reciprocity band correlation economy generalized reciprocity horticulture market principle means (or factors) of production mode of production negative reciprocity nomadism, pastoral pastoralists peasants potlatch reciprocity redistribution transhumance Political Systems WHAT IS "THE POLITICAL"? TYPES AND TRENDS BANDS AND TRIBES Foraging Bands • Tribal Cultivators • The Village Head • The "Big Man" • Pantribal Sodalities and Age Grades • Nomadic Politics CHIEFDOMS Political and Economic Systems in Chiefdoms • Social Status in Chiefdoms • Status Systems in Chiefdoms and States STATES Population Control • Judiciary • Enforcement • Fiscal Systems Box: Diwaniyas in Kuwait Anthropologists and political scientists share an interest in political systems and organization, but the anthropological approach is global and comparative. Anthropological studies have revealed substantial variation in power, authority, and legal systems in different societies. (Power is the ability to exercise one's will over others; authority is the socially approved use of power.) (See Gledhill 2000; Kurtz 2001; Lewellen 2003; Nugent and Vincent, eds. 2004; Wolf with Silverman 2001.) WHAT IS "THE POLITICAL"? Recognizing that political organization is sometimes just an aspect of social organization, Morton Fried offered this definition: Political organization comprises those portions of social organization that specifically relate to the individuals or groups that manage the affairs of public policy or seek to control the appointment or activities of those individuals or groups. (Fried 1967, pp. 20-21) This definition certainly fits contemporary North America. Under "individuals or groups that manage the affairs of public policy" come federal, 134 Chapter Seven Political Systems Citizens routinely use collective action to influence public policy. Shown here, members of Citizens for Responsible Growth in Clemson, South Carolina, have mobilized against the construction of a Wal-Mart Super Center on this 35-acre (14-hectare) site. Have your actions ever influenced public policy? state (provincial), and local (municipal) governments. Those who seek to influence public policy include such interest groups as political parties, unions, corporations, consumers, activists, action committees, religious groups, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Frieds definition is much less applicable to nonstates, where it was often difficult to detect any "public policy." For this reason, I prefer to speak of soc/opolitical organization in discussing the regulation or management of relations among groups and their representatives. Political regulation includes such processes as decision making and conflict resolution. The study of political regulation draws our attention to those who make decisions and resolve conflicts (are there formal leaders?). Ethnographic and archaeological studies in hundreds of places have revealed many correlations between economy and social and political organization. TYPES AND TRENDS Decades ago, the anthropologist Elman Service (1962) listed four types, or levels, of political organization: band, tribe, chiefdom, and state. Today, none of these political entities (polities) can be studied as a self-contained Types and Trends 135 form of political organization, since all exist within the context of nation-states and are subject to state control (see Ferguson 2002). There is archaeological evidence for early bands, tribes, and chiefdoms that existed before the first states appeared. However, since anthropology came into being long after the origin of the state, anthropologists have never been able to observe "in the flesh" a band, tribe, or chiefdom outside the influence of some state. There still may be local political leaders (e.g., village heads) and regional figures (e.g., chiefs) of the sort discussed in this chapter, but all now exist and function within the context of state organization. A band refers to a small kin-based group (all its members are related by kinship or marriage) found among foragers. Tribes had economies based on nonintensive food production (horticulture and pastoralism). Living in villages and organized into kin groups based on common descent (clans and lineages—see the next chapter), tribes lacked a formal government and had no reliable means of enforcing political decisions. Chiefdom refers to a form of sociopolitical organization intermediate between the tribe and the state. In chiefdoms, social relations were based mainly on kinship, marriage, descent, age, generation, and gender—just as they were in bands and tribes. Although chiefdoms were kin-based, they featured differential access to resources (some people had more wealth, prestige, and power than others) and a permanent political structure. The state is a form of sociopolitical organization based on a formal government structure and socioeconomic stratification. The four labels in Service's typology are much too simple to account for the full range of political diversity and complexity known to archaeology and ethnography. We'll see, for instance, that tribes have varied widely in their political systems and institutions. Nevertheless, Service's typology does highlight some significant contrasts in political organization, especially those between states and nonstates. For example, in bands and tribes—unlike states, which have clearly visible governments—political organization did not stand out as separate and distinct from the total social order. In bands and tribes, it was difficult to characterize an act or event as political rather than merely social. Service's labels "band," "tribe," "chiefdom," and "state" are categories or types within a sociopolitical typology. These types are correlated with the adaptive strategies (economic typology) discussed in the chapter "Making a Living." Thus, foragers (an economic type) tended to have band organization (a sociopolitical type). Similarly, many horticulturalists and pastoralists lived in tribal societies (or, more simply, tribes). Although most chiefdoms had farming economies, herding was important in some Middle Eastern chiefdoms. Nonindustrial states usually had an agricultural base. With food production came larger, denser populations and more complex economies than was the case among foragers. These features posed new regulatory problems, which gave rise to more complex relations and linkages. Many sociopolitical trends reflect the increased regulatory demands associated with food production. Archaeologists have studied 136 Chapter Seven Political Systems these trends through time, and cultural anthropologists have observed them among contemporary groups. BANDS AND TRIBES This chapter examines a series of societies with different political systems. A common set of questions will be addressed for each one. What kinds of social groups does the society have? How do the groups link up with larger ones? How do the groups represent themselves to each other? How are their internal and external relations regulated? To answer these questions, we begin with bands and tribes and then move on to chiefdoms and states. Foraging Bands How representative are modern hunter-gatherers of Stone Age peoples, all of whom were foragers? G. R Murdock (1934) erroneously described living hunter-gatherers as "our primitive contemporaries." This label gave an image of foragers as living fossils—frozen, primitive, unchanging social forms that had managed to hang on in remote areas. Later, many anthropologists followed the prolific ethnographer Richard Lee (1984, 2003) in using the San ("Bushmen") of the Kalahari Desert of southern Africa to represent the hunting-gathering way of life and band organization. But anthropologists increasingly wonder about just how much contemporary foragers can tell us about the economic, social, and political relations that characterized humanity before food production. The traditional view of the San is that of an egalitarian, autonomous, band-organized people who until recently were nomadic or seminomadic (Lee 1979; Silberbauer 1981; Tanaka 1980). An opposing "revisionist" view claims that the San tell us little about the ancient world in which all humans were foragers, since the San have been linked to food producers for generations, and this contact has changed the basis of their culture (Wilmsen 1989). Susan Kent (1992, 1996) notes a tendency to stereotype foragers, to treat them as all alike. Foraging bands used to be stereotyped as isolated, primitive survivors of the Stone Age. A new stereotype sees them as culturally deprived people forced by states, colonialism, or world events into marginal environments. Although this view often is exaggerated, it probably is more accurate than the old one. The traditionalist-revisionist debate, suggests Kent, is based largely on failure to recognize the extent of diversity among the San themselves. Researchers on both sides may be correct, depending on the group of San being described and the time period of the research. San economic adaptations range from hunting and gathering to fishing, farming, herding, and wage work. Solway and Lee (1990) describe environmental degradation caused by herding and population increase. These factors are depleting game and forcing more and more San to give up foraging. Bands and Tribes 137 Modern foragers are not Stone Age relics, living fossils, lost tribes, or noble savages. Still, to the extent that foraging is the basis of their subsistence, modern hunter-gatherers can illustrate links between a foraging economy and other aspects of society and culture. For example, San groups that are still mobile, or that were so until recently, emphasize social, political, and gender equality. Social relations that stress kinship, reciprocity, and sharing work well in an economy with limited resources and few people. The nomadic pursuit of wild plants and animals tends to discourage permanent settlements, accumulation of wealth, and status distinctions. Given the magnitude of change affecting the societies ethnographers traditionally studied, it's difficult to know whether to use the present or the past tense when discussing bands, tribes, and chiefdoms. Earlier we saw that none of these political systems (polities) is totally autonomous, and we've just seen that contemporary "foragers" derive less and less of their subsistence from hunting and gathering and participate in larger sociopolitical systems. Many San have forsaken nomadic bands for settled villages. Traditionally foragers have been seen as having two kinds of social groups: the nuclear family and the band—nomadic or seminomadic. Bands were impermanent, forming seasonally when component families got together. The particular combination of families in a band varied from year to year. The main social building blocks were the personal relationships of individuals. Marriage and kinship created ties between members of different bands. Trade and visiting also linked local groups. Foraging bands were fairly egalitarian in terms of power and authority, although particular talents did lead to special respect, for example, someone who could sing or dance well, someone who was an especially good storyteller, or someone who could go into a trance and communicate with spirits. Band leaders were leaders in name only. They were first among equals. Sometimes they gave advice or made decisions, but they had no way to enforce their decisions. Foragers lacked formal law in the sense of a legal code with trial and enforcement, but they did have methods of social control and dispute settlement. The absence of law did not mean total anarchy. The aboriginal Inuit (Hoebel 1954, 1954/1968) provide a good example of methods of settling disputes in stateless societies. As described by E. A. Hoebel (1954) in a classic ethnographic study of conflict resolution, a sparse population of some 20,000 Inuit spanned 6,000 miles (9,500 kilometers) of the Arctic region. The most significant social groups were the nuclear family and the band. Personal relationships linked the families and bands. Some bands had headmen. There were also shamans (part-time religious specialists). However, these positions conferred little power on those who occupied them. Hunting and fishing by men were the primary Inuit subsistence activities. The diverse and abundant plant foods available in warmer areas, where female labor in gathering is important, were absent in the Arctic. Traveling on land and sea in a bitter environment, Inuit men faced more dangers than women did. The traditional male role took its toll in lives, so that adult 138 Chapter Seven Political Systems women outnumbered men. This permitted some men to have two or three wives. The ability to support more than one wife conferred a certain amount of prestige, but it also encouraged envy. (Prestige is esteem, respect, or approval for culturally valued acts or qualities.) If a man seemed to be taking additional wives just to enhance his reputation, a rival was likely to steal one of them. Most disputes were between men and originated over women, caused by wife stealing or adultery. If a man discovered that his wife had been having sexual relations without his permission, he considered himself wronged. The husband had several options. He could try to kill the wife stealer. However, if he succeeded, one of his rival's kinsmen would surely try to kill him in retaliation. One dispute could escalate into several deaths as relatives avenged a succession of murders. No government existed to intervene and stop such a blood feud (a murderous feud between families). However, one also could challenge a rival to a song battle. In a public setting, contestants made up insulting songs about each other. At the end of the match, the audience judged one of them the winner. However, if a man whose wife had been stolen won, there was no guarantee she would return. Often she would decide to stay with her abductor. Thefts are common in societies with marked property differentials, like our own, but thefts are uncommon among foragers. Each Inuit had access to the resources needed to sustain life. Every man could hunt, fish, and make the tools necessary for subsistence. Every woman could obtain the materials needed to make clothing, prepare food, and do domestic work. Inuit men could even hunt and fish in the territories of other local groups. There was no notion of private ownership of territory or animals. Tribal Cultivators As is true of foraging bands, there are no totally autonomous tribes in today's world. Still, there are societies, for example, in Papua New Guinea and in South America's tropical forests, in which tribal principles continue to operate. Tribes typically have a horticultural or pastoral economy and are organized by village life or membership in descent groups (kin groups whose members trace descent from a common ancestor). Tribes lack socioeconomic stratification (i.e., a class structure) and a formal government of their own. A few tribes still conduct small-scale warfare, in the form of intervillage raiding. Tribes have more effective regulatory mechanisms than foragers do, but tribal societies have no sure means of enforcing political decisions. The main regulatory officials are village heads, "big men," descent-group leaders, village councils, and leaders of pantribal associations. All these figures and groups have limited authority. Like foragers, horticulturalists tend to be egalitarian, although some have marked gender stratification: an unequal distribution of resources, power, prestige, and personal freedom between men and women (see the chapter "Gender"). Horticultural villages usually are small, with low population density and open access to strategic resources. Age, gender, and Bands and Tribes 139 personal traits determine how much respect people receive and how much support they get from others. Egalitarianism diminishes, however, as village size and population density increase. Horticultural villages usually have headmen—rarely, if ever, headwomen. The Village Head The Yanomami (Chagnon 1997) are Native Americans who live in southern Venezuela and the adjacent part of Brazil. Their tribal society has about 20,000 people living in 200 to 250 widely scattered villages, each with a population between 40 and 250. The Yanomami are horticulturalists who also hunt and gather. Their staple crops are bananas and plantains (a banana-like crop). There are more significant social groups among the Yanomami than exist in a foraging society. The Yanomami have families, villages, and descent groups. Their descent groups, which span more than one village, are patrilineal (ancestry is traced back through males only) and exogamous (people must marry outside their own descent group). However, local branches of two different descent groups may live in the same village and intermarry. As has been true in many village-based tribal societies, the only leadership position among the Yanomami is that of village head (always a man). His authority, like that of a foraging band's leader, is severely limited. If a headman wants something done, he must lead by example and persuasion. The headman lacks the right to issue orders. He can only persuade, harangue, and try to influence public opinion. For example, if he wants people to clean up the central plaza in preparation for a feast, he must start sweeping it himself, hoping his covillagers will take the hint and relieve him. When conflict erupts within the village, the headman may be called on as a mediator who listens to both sides. He will give an opinion and advice. If a disputant is unsatisfied, the headman has no power to back his decisions and no way to impose punishments. Like the band leader, he is first among equals. A Yanomami village headman also must lead in generosity. Because he must be more generous than any other villager, he cultivates more land. His garden provides much of the food consumed when his village holds a feast for another village. The headman represents the village in its dealings with outsiders. Sometimes he visits other villages to invite people to a feast. The way a person acts as headman depends on his personal traits and the number of supporters he can muster. One village headman, Kaobawa, intervened in a dispute between a husband and a wife and kept him from killing her (Chagnon 1983/1992). He also guaranteed safety to a delegation from a village with which a covillager of his wanted to start a war. Kaobawa was a particularly effective headman. He had demonstrated his fierceness in battle, but he also knew how to use diplomacy to avoid offending other villagers. No one in the village had a better personality for the headmanship. Nor (because Kaobawa had many brothers) did anyone have more supporters. Among the Yanomami, when a group is dissatisfied with a village headman, its members can leave and found a new village; this is done from time to time. 140 Chapter Seven Political Systems Yanomami society, with its many villages and descent groups, is more complex than a band-organized society. The Yanomami also face more regulatory problems. A headman sometimes can prevent a specific violent act, but there is no government to maintain order. In fact, intervil-lage raiding in which men are killed and women are captured has been a feature of some areas of Yanomami territory, particularly those studied by Chagnon (1997). We also must stress that the Yanomami are not isolated from outside events. They live in two nation-states, Venezuela and Brazil, and external warfare waged by Brazilian ranchers and miners increasingly has threatened them (Chagnon 1997; Cultural Survival Quarterly 1989; Ferguson 1995). During a Brazilian gold rush between 1987 and 1991, one Yanomami died each day, on average, from external attacks. By 1991, there were some 40,000 Brazilian miners in the Yanomami homeland. Some Indians were killed outright. The miners introduced new diseases, and the swollen population ensured that old diseases became epidemic. In 1991, a commission of the American Anthropological Association reported on the plight of the Yanomami (Anthropology Newsletter, September 1991). Brazilian Yanomami were dying at a rate of 10 percent annually, and their fertility rate had dropped to zero. Since then, both the Brazilian and the Venezuelan governments have intervened to protect the Yanomami. One Brazilian president declared a huge Yanomami territory off-limits to outsiders. Unfortunately, local politicians, miners, and ranchers have increasingly evaded the ban. The future of the Yanomami remains uncertain. The "Big Man" Many societies of the South Pacific, particularly in the Melanesian Islands and Papua New Guinea, had a kind of political leader that we call the big man. The big man (almost always a male) was an elaborate version of the village head, but with one significant difference. The village head's leadership is within one village; the big man had supporters in several villages. The big man therefore was a regulator of regional political organization. Here we see the trend toward expansion in the scale of sociopolitical regulation—from village to region. The Kapauku Papuans live in Irian Jaya, Indonesia (which is on the island of New Guinea). Anthropologist Leopold Pospisil (1963) studied the Kapauku (45,000 people), who grow crops (with the sweet potato as their staple) and raise pigs. Their economy is too complex to be described as simple horticulture. The only political figure among the Kapauku was the big man, known as a tonowi. A tonowi achieved his status through hard work, amassing wealth in the form of pigs and other native riches. Characteristics that distinguished a big man from his fellows included wealth, generosity, eloquence, physical fitness, bravery, and supernatural powers. Men became big men because they had certain personalities. They amassed resources during their own lifetimes; they did not inherit their wealth or position. Bands and Tribes 141 A man who was determined enough could become a big man, creating wealth through hard work and good judgment. Wealth resulted from successful pig breeding and trading. As a man's pig herd and prestige grew, he attracted supporters. He sponsored ceremonial pig feasts in which pigs were slaughtered, and their meat distributed to guests. Unlike the Yanomami village head, a big man's wealth exceeded that of his fellows. His supporters, recognizing his past favors and anticipating future rewards, recognized him as a leader and accepted his decisions as binding. The big man was an important regulator of regional events in Kapauku life. He helped determine the dates for feasts and markets. He persuaded people to sponsor feasts, which distributed pork and wealth. He initiated economic projects requiring the cooperation of a regional community. The Kapauku big man again exemplifies a generalization about leadership in tribal societies: If someone achieves wealth and widespread respect The big man persuades people to organize feasts, which distribute pork and wealth. Shown here is such a regional event, drawing on several villages, in Papua New Guinea. Big men owe their status to their individual personalities rather than to inherited wealth or position. Does our society have equivalents of big men? 142 Chapter Seven Political Systems and support, he or she must be generous. The big man worked hard not to hoard wealth but to be able to give away the fruits of his labor, to convert wealth into prestige and gratitude. A stingy big man would lose his support, his reputation plummeting. Selfish and greedy big men sometimes were murdered by their fellows. How are contemporary North American politicians like Melanesian big men? Politically valuable attributes of a Melanesian big man included wealth, generosity, eloquence, physical fitness, bravery, and supernatural powers. Americans routinely use their own wealth to finance campaigns. Big men get their loyalists to produce and deliver wealth in the form of pigs, just as modern politicians persuade their supporters to make campaign contributions. And, like big men, successful American politicians try to be generous with their supporters. Payback may take the form of a night in the Lincoln bedroom, a strategic dinner invitation, an ambassadorship, or largesse to a place that was particularly supportive. Big men amass wealth, then give away pigs. Successful American politicians give away "pork." As with the big man, eloquence and communication skills contribute to political success (e.g., Bill Clinton and Ronald Reagan), although lack of such skills isn't necessarily fatal (e.g., either President Bush). What about physical fitness? Hair, height, and health are still political advantages. Bravery, for instance, demonstrated through distinguished military service, also helps political careers (e.g., Wesley Clark and John McCain), but it certainly isn't required. Supernatural powers? Candidates who proclaim themselves atheists are as rare as self-identified witches. Almost all political candidates claim to belong to a mainstream religion. Some even present their candidacies as promoting divine wishes. On the other hand, contemporary politics isn't just about personality, as it is in big man systems. We live in a state-organized, stratified society with inherited wealth, power, and privilege, all of which have political implications. As is typical of states, inheritance and kin connections play a role in political success. Just think of Kennedys, Bushes, Clintons, Gores, and Gandhis. Political figures such as the big man emerge as regulators both of population growth and of economic complexity. Among the Kapauku, labor-intensive cultivation in valleys involves mutual aid in turning the soil before planting. The digging of long drainage ditches is even more complex. Kapauku plant cultivation supports a larger and denser population than does the simpler horticulture of the Yanomani. Kapauku society could not survive in its current form without political regulation of the more complex economic tasks. Pantribal Sodalities and Age Grades Big men could forge regional political organization, albeit temporarily, by mobilizing people from several villages. Other social and political mechanisms in tribal societies—such as a belief in common ancestry, kinship, or descent—could be used to link local groups within a region. The same Bands and Tribes 143 descent group, for example, might span several villages, and its dispersed members might follow a descent group leader. Principles other than kinship can also link local groups. In a modern nation, a labor union, national sorority or fraternity, political party, or religious denomination may provide such a nonkin-based link. In tribes, nonkin groups called associations or sodalities may serve the same linking function. Often, sodalities are based on common age or gender, with all-male sodalities more common than all-female ones. Pantribal sodalities (those that extend across the whole tribe, spanning several villages) sometimes arose in areas where two or more different cultures came into regular contact. Such sodalities were especially likely to develop in the presence of warfare between tribes. Drawing their membership from different villages of the same tribe, pantribal sodalities could mobilize men in many local groups for attack or retaliation against another tribe. In the cross-cultural study of nonkin groups, we must distinguish between those that are confined to a single village and those that span several local groups. Only the latter, the pantribal groups, are important in general military mobilization and regional political organization. Localized men's houses and clubs, limited to particular villages, are found in many horticultural societies in tropical South America, Melanesia, and Papua New Guinea. These groups may organize village activities and even intervillage raiding. However, their leaders are similar to village heads and their political scope is mainly local. The following discussion, which continues our examination of the growth in scale of regional sociopolitical organization, concerns pantribal groups. The best examples of pantribal sodalities come from the Central Plains of North America and from tropical Africa. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Native American societies of the Great Plains of the United States and Canada experienced a rapid growth of pantribal sodalities. This development reflected an economic change that followed the spread of horses, which had been reintroduced to the Americas by the Spanish, to the states between the Rocky Mountains and the Mississippi River. Many Plains Indian societies changed their adaptive strategies because of the horse. At first they had been foragers who hunted bison (buffalo) on foot. Later they adopted a mixed economy based on hunting, gathering, and horticulture. Finally they changed to a much more specialized economy based on horseback hunting of bison (eventually with rifles). As the Plains tribes were undergoing these changes, other Indians also adopted horseback hunting and moved into the Plains. Attempting to occupy the same area, groups came into conflict. A pattern of warfare developed in which the members of one tribe raided another, usually for horses. The new economy demanded that people follow the movement of the bison herds. During the winter, when the bison dispersed, a tribe fragmented into small bands and families. In the summer, as huge herds assembled on the Plains, members of the tribe reunited. They camped together for social, political, and religious activities, but mainly for communal bison hunting. 144 Chapter Seven Political Systems Only two activities in the new adaptive strategy demanded strong leadership: organizing and carrying out raids on enemy camps (to capture horses) and managing the summer bison hunt. All the Plains societies developed pantribal sodalities, and leadership roles within them, to police the summer hunt. Leaders coordinated hunting efforts, making sure that people did not cause a stampede with an early shot or an ill-advised action. Leaders imposed severe penalties, including seizure of a culprit's wealth, for disobedience. Some Plains sodalities were age sets of increasing rank. Each set included all the men—from that tribe's component bands-born during a certain time span. Each set had its distinctive dance, songs, possessions, and privileges. Members of each set had to pool their wealth to buy admission to the next higher level as they moved up the age hierarchy. Most Plains societies had pantribal warrior associations whose rituals celebrated militarism. As noted previously, the leaders of these associations organized bison hunting and raiding. They also arbitrated disputes during the summer, when many people came together. Many tribes that adopted this Plains strategy of adaptation had once been foragers for whom hunting and gathering had been individual or small-group affairs. They had never come together previously as a single social unit. Age and gender were available as social principles that could quickly and efficiently forge unrelated people into pantribal groups. Raiding of one tribe by another, this time for cattle rather than horses, was also common in eastern and southeastern Africa, where pantribal sodalities, including age sets, also developed. Among the pastoral Masai of Kenya, men born during the same four-year period were circumcised together and belonged to the same named group, an age set, throughout their lives. The sets moved through age grades, the most important of which was the warrior grade. Members of the set who wished to enter the warrior grade were at first discouraged by its current occupants, who eventually vacated the warrior grade and married. Members of a set felt a strong allegiance to one another and eventually had sexual rights to each others wives. Masai women lacked comparable set organization, but they also passed through culturally recognized age grades: the initiate, the married woman, and the postmenopausal woman. To understand the difference between an age set and an age grade, think of a college class, the Class of 2009, for example, and its progress through the university. The age set would be the group of people constituting the Class of 2009, while the first ("freshman"), sophomore, junior, and senior years would represent the age grades. Not all societies with age grades also have age sets. When there are no sets, men can enter or leave a particular grade individually or collectively, often by going through a predetermined ritual. The grades most commonly recognized in Africa are these: 1. Recently initiated youths. 2. Warriors. Bands and Tribes 145 3. One or more grades of mature men who play important roles in pan-tribal government. 4. Elders, who may have special ritual responsibilities. In certain parts of West Africa and Central Africa, the pantribal sodalities are secret societies, made up exclusively of men or women. Like our college fraternities and sororities, these associations have secret initiation ceremonies. Among the Mende of Sierra Leone, men's and women's secret societies are very influential. The men's group, the Poro, trains boys in social conduct, ethics, and religion and supervises political and economic activities. Leadership roles in the Poro often overshadow village headship and play an important part in social control, dispute management, and tribal political regulation. Age, gender, and ritual can link members of different local groups into a single social collectivity in tribal society and thus create a sense of ethnic identity, of belonging to the same cultural tradition. Nomadic Politics Although many pastoralists, such as the Masai, live in tribes, a range of demographic and sociopolitical diversity occurs with pastoralism. A comparison of pastoralists shows that as regulatory problems increase, political hierarchies become more complex. Political organization becomes less personal, more formal, and less kinship-oriented. The pastoral strategy of adaptation does not dictate any particular political organization. Unlike the Masai and other tribal herders, some pastoralists have chiefs and live in nation-states. The scope of political authority among pastoralists expands considerably as regulatory problems increase in densely populated regions. Consider two Iranian pastoral nomadic tribes—the Basseri and the Qashqai (Salzman 1974). Starting each year from a plateau near the coast, these groups took their animals to grazing land 17,000 feet (5,400 meters) above sea level. The Basseri and the Qashqai shared this route with one another and with several other ethnic groups. Use of the same pasture land at different times was carefully scheduled. Ethnic-group movements were tightly coordinated. Expressing this schedule is il-rah, a concept common to all Iranian nomads. A group's il-rah is its customary path in time and space. It is the schedule, different for each group, of when specific areas can be used in the annual trek. Each tribe had its own leader, known as the khan or il-khan. The Basseri khan, because he dealt with a smaller population, faced fewer problems in coordinating its movements than did the leaders of the Qashqai. Correspondingly, his rights, privileges, duties, and authority were weaker. Nevertheless, his authority exceeded that of any political figure we have discussed so far. However, the khan's authority still came from his personal traits rather than from his office. That is, the Basseri followed a particular khan not because of a political position he happened to fill but because of their personal allegiance and loyalty to him as a man. The khan relied on the support of the heads of the descent groups into which Basseri society was divided. 146 Chapter Seven Political Systems In Qashqai society, however, allegiance shifted from the person to the office. The Qashqai had multiple levels of authority and more powerful chiefs or khans. Managing 400,000 people required a complex hierarchy. Heading it was the il-khan, helped by a deputy, under whom were the heads of constituent tribes, under each of whom were descent-group heads. A case illustrates just how developed the Qashqai authority structure was. A hailstorm prevented some nomads from joining the annual migration at the appointed time. Although everyone recognized that they were not responsible for their delay, the il-khan assigned them less favorable grazing land, for that year only, in place of their usual pasture. The tardy herders and other Qashqai considered the judgment fair and didn't question it. Thus, Qashqai authorities regulated the annual migration. They also adjudicated disputes between people, tribes, and descent groups. These Iranian cases illustrate the fact that pastoralism often is just one among many specialized economic activities within complex nation-states and regional systems. As part of a larger whole, pastoral tribes are constantly pitted against other ethnic groups. In these nations, the state becomes a final authority, a higher-level regulator that attempts to limit conflict between ethnic groups. State organization arose not just to manage agricultural economies but also to regulate the activities of ethnic groups within expanding social and economic systems (see Das and Poole, eds. 2004). CHIEFDOMS Having looked at bands and tribes, we turn to more complex forms of sociopolitical organization—chiefdoms and states. The first states emerged in the Old World about 5,500 years ago. The first chiefdoms developed perhaps a thousand years earlier, but few survive today. The chiefdom was a transitional form of organization that emerged during the evolution of tribes into states. State formation began in Mesopotamia (currently Iran and Iraq). It next occurred in Egypt, the Indus Valley of Pakistan and India, and northern China. A few thousand years later states also arose in two parts of the Western Hemisphere—Mesoamerica (Mexico, Guatemala, Belize) and the central Andes (Peru and Bolivia). Early states are known as archaic states, or nonindustrial states, in contrast to modern industrial nation-states. Robert Carneiro defines the state as "an autonomous political unit encompassing many communities within its territory, having a centralized government with the power to collect taxes, draft men for work or war, and decree and enforce laws" (Carneiro 1970, p. 733). The chiefdom and the state, like many categories used by social scientists, are ideal types. That is, they are labels that make social contrasts seem sharper than they really are. In reality there is a continuum from tribe to chiefdom to state. Some societies had many attributes of chiefdoms but retained tribal features. Some advanced chiefdoms had many attributes of archaic states and thus are difficult to assign to either category. Recognizing Chiefdoms 147 this "continuous change" (Johnson and Earle 2000), some anthropologists speak of "complex chiefdoms" (Earle 1987, 1997), which are almost states. Political and Economic Systems in Chiefdoms Chiefdoms developed in several parts of the world, including the circum-Caribbean (e.g., Caribbean islands, Panama, Colombia), lowland Amazonia, what is now the southeastern United States, and Polynesia. Between the emergence and spread of food production and the expansion of the Roman :V:.::":': Stonehenge, England, and an educational display designed for tourists and visitors. Chiefdoms created the megalithic cultures of Europe, such as the one that built Stonehenge over 5,000 years ago. Between the emergence and spread of food production and the expansion of the Roman empire, much of Europe was organized at the chiefdom level, to which it reverted after the fall of Rome. 148 Chapter Seven Political Systems empire, much of Europe was organized at the chiefdom level. Europe reverted to this level for centuries after the fall of Rome in the fifth century a.d. Chiefdoms created the megalithic cultures of Europe, such as the one that built Stonehenge. Much of our ethnographic knowledge about chiefdoms comes from Polynesia, where they were common at the time of European exploration. In chiefdoms, social relations are mainly based on kinship, marriage, descent, age, generation, and gender—just as they are in bands and tribes. This is a fundamental difference between chiefdoms and states. States bring nonrela-tives together and oblige them all to pledge allegiance to a government. Unlike bands and tribes, however, chiefdoms are characterized by permanent political regulation of the territory they administer. They have a clear-cut and enduring regional political system. Chiefdoms may include thousands of people living in many villages or hamlets. Regulation is carried out by the chief and his or her assistants, who occupy political offices. An office is a permanent position, which must be refilled when it is vacated by death or retirement. Because offices are refilled systematically, the structure of a chiefdom endures across the generations, ensuring permanent political regulation. In the Polynesian chiefdoms, the chiefs were full-time political specialists in charge of regulating the economy—-production, distribution, and consumption. Polynesian chiefs relied on religion to buttress their authority. They regulated production by commanding or prohibiting (using religious taboos) the cultivation of certain lands and crops. Chiefs also regulated distribution and consumption. At certain seasons—often on a ritual occasion such as a first-fruit ceremony—people would offer part of their harvest to the chief through his or her representatives. Products moved up the hierarchy, eventually reaching the chief. Conversely, illustrating obligatory sharing with kin, chiefs sponsored feasts at which they gave back much of what they had received. Such a flow of resources to and then from a central office is known as chiefly redistribution. Redistribution offers economic advantages. If the different areas specialized in particular crops, goods, or services, chiefly redistribution made those products available to the entire society. Chiefly redistribution also played a role in risk management. It stimulated production beyond the immediate subsistence level and provided a central storehouse for goods that might become scarce at times of famine (Earle 1987, 1997). Chiefdoms and archaic states had similar economies, often based on intensive cultivation, and both administered systems of regional trade or exchange. Social Status in Chiefdoms Social status in chiefdoms was based on seniority of descent. Because rank, power, prestige, and resources came through kinship and descent, Polynesian chiefs kept extremely long genealogies. Some chiefs (without writing) managed to trace their ancestry back 50 generations. All the people in the Chiefdoms 149 chiefdom were thought to be related to each other. Presumably, all were descended from a group of founding ancestors. The chief (usually a man) had to demonstrate seniority in descent. Degrees of seniority were calculated so intricately on some islands that there were as many ranks as people. For example, the third son would rank below the second, who in turn would rank below the first. The children of an eldest brother, however, would all rank above the children of the next brother, whose children would in turn outrank those of younger brothers. However, even the lowest-ranking person in a chiefdom was still the chiefs relative. In such a kin-based context, everyone, even a chief, had to share with his or her relatives. Because everyone had a slightly different status, it was difficult to draw a line between elites and common people. Other chiefdoms calculated seniority differently and had shorter genealogies than did those in Polynesia. Still, the concern for seniority and the lack of sharp gaps between elites and commoners are features of all chiefdoms. Status Systems in Chiefdoms and States The status systems of chiefdoms and states are similar in that both are based on differential access to resources. This means that some men and women had privileged access to power, prestige, and wealth. They controlled strategic resources such as land, water, and other means of production. Earle characterizes chiefs as "an incipient aristocracy with advantages in wealth and lifestyle" (1987, p. 290). Nevertheless, differential access in chiefdoms was still very much tied to kinship. The people with privileged access were generally chiefs and their nearest relatives and assistants. Compared with chiefdoms, archaic states drew a much firmer line between elites and masses, distinguishing at least between nobles and commoners. Kinship ties did not extend from the nobles to the commoners because of stratum endogamy—marriage within one's own group. Commoners married commoners; elites married elites. Such a division of society into socioeconomic strata contrasts strongly with bands and tribes, whose status systems are based on prestige, rather than on differential access to resources. The prestige differentials that do exist in bands reflect special qualities and abilities. Good hunters get respect from their fellows if they are generous. So does a skilled curer, dancer, storyteller—or anyone else with a talent or skill that others appreciate. In tribes, some prestige goes to descent-group leaders, to village heads, and especially to the big man. All these figures must be generous, however. If they accumulate more resources—such as property or food—than others in the village, they must share them with the others. Since strategic resources are available to everyone, social classes based on the possession of unequal amounts of resources can never exist. In many tribes, particularly those with patrilineal descent (descent traced through males only), men have much greater prestige and power than women 150 Chapter Seven Political Systems TABLE 7-1 JHHHHHHIHHHI Max Weber's Three Dimensions of Stratification wealth power prestige economic status political status social status do. The gender contrast in rights may diminish in chiefdoms, where prestige and access to resources are based on seniority of descent, so that some women are senior to some men. Unlike big men, chiefs are exempt from ordinary work and have rights and privileges that are unavailable to the masses. Like big men, however, they still return much of the wealth they take in. The status system in chiefdoms, although based on differential access, differed from the status system in states because the privileged few were always relatives and assistants of the chief. However, this type of status system didn't last very long. Chiefs would start acting like kings and try to erode the kinship basis of the chiefdom. In Madagascar they would do this by demoting their more distant relatives to commoner status and banning marriage between nobles and commoners (Kottak 1980). Such moves, if accepted by the society, created separate social strata—unrelated groups that differ in their access to wealth, prestige, and power. (A stratum is one of two or more groups that contrast in social status and access to strategic resources. Each stratum includes people of both sexes and all ages.) The creation of separate social strata is called stratification, and its emergence signified the transition from chiefdom to state. The presence of stratification is one of the key distinguishing features of a state. The influential sociologist Max Weber (1922/1968) defined three related dimensions of social stratification: (1) Economic status, or wealth, encompasses all a person's material assets, including income, land, and other types of property. (2) Power, the ability to exercise one's will over others—to do what one wants—is the basis of political status. (3) Prestige—the basis of social status—refers to esteem, respect, or approval for acts, deeds, or qualities considered exemplary. Prestige, or "cultural capital" (Bourdieu 1984), gives people a sense of worth and respect, which they may often convert into economic advantage (Table 7-1). In archaic states—for the first time in human evolution—there were contrasts in wealth, power, and prestige between entire groups (social strata) of men and women. Each stratum included people of both sexes and all ages. The superordinate (the higher or elite) stratum had privileged access to wealth, power, and other valued resources. Access to resources by members of the subordinate (lower or underprivileged) stratum was limited by the privileged group. Socioeconomic stratification continues as a defining feature of all states, archaic or industrial. The elites control a significant part of the means of production, for example, land, herds, water, capital, farms, or factories. Those born at the bottom of the hierarchy have reduced chances of social States 151 mobility. Because of elite ownership rights, ordinary people lack free access to resources. Only in states do the elites get to keep their differential wealth. Unlike big men and chiefs, they don't have to give it back to the people whose labor has built and increased it. STATES Table 7-2 summarizes the information presented so far on bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states. States, remember, are autonomous political units with social classes and a formal government, based on law. States tend to be large and populous, as compared to bands, tribes, and chiefdoms. Certain statuses, systems, and subsystems with specialized functions are found in all states (see Sharma and Gupta 2006). They include the following: 1. Population control: fixing of boundaries, establishment of citizenship categories, and the taking of a census. 2. Judiciary: laws, legal procedure, and judges. A Georgia family celebrates the winning of "Mega Millions" in January, 2005. Wealth and prestige aren't always correlated. Does the prestige of lottery winners usually rise? 152 Chapter Seven Political Systems TABLE 7-2 Economic Basis of and Political Regulation in Bands, Tribes Chiefdoms, and States >es, Sociopolitical Type Economic Type Examples Type of Regulation Band Tribe Chiefdom Foraging Horticulture, pastoralism Intensive horticulture, pastoral nomadism, agriculture Agriculture, industrialism Inuit, San Yanomami, Masai, Kapauku Local Local, temporary, regional Qashqai, Polynesia, Permanent, Cherokee Ancient Mesopotamia, contemporary U.S., and Canada regional Permanent, regional I 3. Enforcement: permanent military and police forces. 4. Fiscal: taxation. In archaic states, these subsystems were integrated by a ruling system or government composed of civil, military, and religious officials (Fried 1960). Population Control To know whom they govern, states typically conduct censuses. States demarcate boundaries that separate them from other societies. Customs agents, immigration officers, navies, and coast guards patrol frontiers. Even nonindustrial states have boundary-maintenance forces. In Buganda, an archaic state on the shores of Lake Victoria in Uganda, the king rewarded military officers with estates in outlying provinces. They became his guardians against foreign intrusion. States also control population through administrative subdivision: provinces, districts, "states," counties, subcounties, and parishes. Lower-level officials manage the populations and territories of the subdivisions. In nonstates, people work and relax with their relatives, in-laws, and agemates—people with whom they have a personal relationship. Such a personal social life existed throughout most of human history, but food production spelled its eventual decline. After millions of years of human evolution, it took a mere 4,000 years for the population increase and regulatory problems spawned by food production to lead from tribe to chief-dom to state. With state organization, kinship's pervasive role diminished. Descent groups may continue as kin groups within archaic states, but their importance in political organization declines. States foster geographic mobility and resettlement, severing longstanding ties among people, land, and kin (Smith 2003). Population States 153 displacements have increased in the modern world. War, famine, and job seeking across national boundaries churn up migratory currents. People in states come to identify themselves by new statuses, both ascribed and achieved. These include ethnicity, residence, occupation, party, religion, and team or club affiliation, rather than only as members of a descent group or extended family. States also manage their populations by granting different rights and obligations to citizens and noncitizens. Status distinctions among citizens are also common. Many archaic states granted different rights to nobles, commoners, and slaves. Unequal rights within state-organized societies persist in today's world. In recent American history, before the Emancipation Proclamation, there were different laws for enslaved and free people. In European colonies, separate courts judged cases involving only natives and cases involving Europeans. In contemporary America, a military code of justice and court system continue to coexist alongside the civil judiciary. Judiciary States have laws based on precedent and legislative proclamations. Without writing, laws may be preserved in oral tradition, with justices, elders, and other specialists responsible for remembering them. Oral traditions as repositories of legal wisdom have continued in some nations with writing, such as Great Britain. Laws regulate relations between individuals and groups. Crimes are violations of the legal code, with specified types of punishment. However, a given act, such as killing someone, may be legally defined in different ways (e.g., as manslaughter, justifiable homicide, or first-degree murder). Furthermore, even in contemporary North America, where justice is supposed to be "blind" to social distinctions, the poor are prosecuted more often and more severely than are the rich. To handle disputes and crimes, all states have courts and judges. Precolonial African states had subcounty, county, and district courts, plus a high court formed by the king or queen and his or her advisers. Most states allow appeals to higher courts, although people are encouraged to solve problems locally. A striking contrast between states and nonstates is intervention in family affairs. In states, aspects of parenting and marriage enter the domain of public law. Governments step in to halt blood feuds and regulate previously private disputes. States attempt to curb internal conflict, but they aren't always successful. About 85 percent of the worlds armed conflicts since 1945 have begun within states—in efforts to overthrow a ruling regime or as disputes over tribal, religious, and ethnic minority issues (see Chatterjee 2004). Only 15 percent have been fights across national borders (Barnaby, ed. 1984). Rebellion, resistance, repression, terrorism, and warfare continue (see Nordstrom 2004; Tishkov 2004). Indeed, recent states have perpetrated some of history's bloodiest deeds. 154 Chapter Seven Political Systems Enforcement All states have agents to enforce judicial decisions. Confinement requires jailers. If there is a death penalty, it requires executioners. Agents of the state have the power to collect fines and confiscate property. As a relatively new form of sociopolitical organization, states have competed successfully with nonstates throughout the world. A government suppresses internal disorder (with police) and guards the nation against external threats (with the military). Military organization helps states subdue neighboring nonstates, but this is not the only reason for the spread of state organization. Although states impose hardships, they also offer advantages. They provide protection from outsiders and preserve internal order. By promoting internal peace, states enhance production. Their economies support massive, dense populations, which supply armies and colonists to promote expansion. A major concern of government is to defend hierarchy, property, and the power of the law. Fiscal Systems A financial or fiscal system is needed in states to support rulers, nobles, officials, judges, military personnel, and thousands of other specialists. As in the chiefdom, the state intervenes in production, distribution, and consumption. The state may decree that a certain area will produce certain things or forbid certain activities in particular places. Although, like chiefdoms, states also have redistribution (through taxation), generosity and sharing are played down. Less of what comes in flows back to the people. In nonstates, people customarily share with relatives, but residents of states face added obligations to bureaucrats and officials. Citizens must turn over a substantial portion of what they produce to the state. Of the resources that the state collects, it reallocates part for the general good and uses another part (often larger) for the elite. The state does not bring more freedom or leisure to the common people, who usually work harder than do people in nonstates. They may be called on to build monumental public works. Some of these projects, such as dams and irrigation systems, may be economically necessary. People also build temples, palaces, and tombs for the elites. Markets and trade are usually under at least some state control, with officials overseeing distribution and exchange, standardizing weights and measures, and collecting taxes on goods passing into or through the state. Taxes support government and the ruling class, which is clearly separated from the common people in regard to activities, privileges, rights, and obligations. Taxes also support the many specialists—administrators, tax collectors, judges, lawmakers, generals, scholars, and priests. As the state matures, the segment of the population freed from direct concern with subsistence grows. States 155 The elites of archaic states reveled in the consumption of sumptuary goods—jewelry, exotic food and drink, and stylish clothing reserved for, or affordable only by, the rich. Peasants' diets suffered as they struggled to meet government demands. Commoners perished in territorial wars that had little relevance to their own needs. Diwaniyas in Kuwait mmBmmmm HHHHHH When we think of politics, we think of government, of federal and state institutions, of Washington, Ottawa, or perhaps our state or provincial capital, city hall, or courthouse. We hear discussions of public service, political offices, and elections—and maybe the economic and political power that goes along with holding office, or with influencing those who hold office. Binding decisions get made at the top levels of government. There are also informal political institutions, which aren't part of the governmental apparatus, but which substantially influence it. Described here are the diwaniyas of Kuwait—informal, local-level meeting places where informal discussions can have formal consequences. Much of Kuwait's decision making, networking, and influence peddling takes place in diwaniyas. In the historical fabric of Kuwait, diwaniyas have been men-only political salons—a local equivalent of neighborhood pub and town-hall meeting combined. They serve not only as parlors for chit-chats, but governance, too. Diwaniyas are so integral to Kuwaiti culture that during election season, candidates don't go door to door, but diwaniya to diwaniya. This is where business deals are made and marriages arranged.... Traditionally, most men have an open invitation to attend a diwaniya on any given night, and wealthy families have a large, long room adjacent to their homes expressly for their diwaniya. Some neighborhoods have a common diwaniya, much like a community center. At a typical men-only diwaniya . . . the attendees lounge among the partitions of a never-ending couch that follow the contours of the room in one giant U. They usually gather once a week, starting at 8 in the evening and sometimes going past midnight. As they discuss issues . . . they twirl smoothly polished beads around their fingers and worry aloud whether change has come to Kuwait too fast. The presence of malls and movies, they fret, is breaking down social norms like the taboo against premarital dating. At the Al-Fanar Center, with its bevy of Body Shops and Benettons, teenage boys say they also have no interest in chattering the night away when they could be flirting. "We like to follow around girls without hijab [veil]," says teenager Abdul Rahman al-Tarket, roaming the mall with his two friends. Mixed [male and female] diwaniyas are still an anomaly. "For me, the diwaniya is a very comfortable place to have people come and see me," says artist Thoraya al-Baqsami, who co-hosts one mixed gathering. "I know many people don't like it, but we are in the 21st century now," she says as she gives a tour of her adjacent gallery. . . . Many women here say they're happy to leave the diwaniya to the domain of men. But more problematic is that it is the diwaniya at which much of the country's decision making and networking 156 Chapter Seven Political Systems takes place. It is also a forum where a constituent can meet his parliamentary representative and consult him about major problems or minor potholes. The importance of diwaniyas to Kuwaiti society cannot be understated. Kuwait's parliament emerged from a 1921 proposal by diwaniyas. And Sheik Jaber al-Sabah, who dissolved the assembly in 1986, restored it in 1992 following pressure from diwaniyas. And since that (politics) is a male-only world, even liberal-minded youth say they can't see allowing a woman to represent them in office. A bill to give women the right to vote and to run for parliament lost by a narrow vote of 32 to 20 last November. "I was stopped for driving without a license, and a friend of my fathers got me released," says one teenager. "If we elected a woman, what would she do? She can't come to the diwaniya and she can't have those kinds of contacts, so she can't represent us." Some here say they wouldn't mind seeing the decline of the diwaniya. Says Kuwait University political scientist Shamlan El-Issa: "The positive aspects are that it helps democracy—men meet every day and talk and complain for two or three hours. The negative is that it replaces the family—men go to work and diwaniya, and never see their wives." Source: Ilene R. Prusher, "Chat Rooms, Bedouin Style," Christian Science Monitor, April 26, 2000. http://search.csmonitor.com/durable/2000/04/26/ fpls4.shtml. © 2000 The Christian Science Publishing Society. Summary 1. Although no anthropologist has been able to observe a polity unifluenced by some state, many anthropologists use a sociopolitical typology that classifies societies as bands, tribes, chiefdoms, or states. Foragers tended to live in egalitarian, band-organized, societies. Personal networks linked individuals, families, and bands. Band leaders were first among equals, with no sure way to enforce decisions. Disputes rarely arose over strategic resources, which were open to all. 2. Political authority and power increased with the growth in population size and density and in the scale of regulatory problems. More people mean more relations among individuals and groups to regulate. Increasingly complex economies pose further regulatory problems. 3. Heads of horticultural villages are local leaders with limited authority. They lead by example and persuasion. Big men have support and authority beyond a single village. They are regional regulators, but temporary ones. In organizing a feast, they mobilize labor from several villages. Sponsoring such events leaves them with little wealth but with prestige and a reputation for generosity. 4. Age and gender can also be used for regional political integration. Among North America's Plains Indians, men's associations (pantribal sodalities) organized raiding and buffalo hunting. Such men's associations tend to emphasize the warrior grade. They serve for offense and defense when there is intertribal raiding for animals. Among pastoralists, the degree Summary 157 of authority and political organization reflects population size and density, interethnic relations, and pressure on resources. 5. The state is an autonomous political unit that encompasses many communities. Its government collects taxes, drafts people for work and war, and decrees and enforces laws. The state is a form of sociopolitical organization based on central government and social stratification—a division of society into classes. Early states are known as archaic, or nonindustrial, states, in contrast to modern industrial nation-states. 6. Unlike tribes, but like states, chiefdoms have permanent regional regulation and differential access to resources. But chiefdoms lack stratification. Unlike states, but like bands and tribes, chiefdoms are organized by kinship, descent, and marriage. Chiefdoms emerged in several areas, including the circum-Caribbean, lowland Amazonia, the southeastern United States, and Polynesia. 7. Weber's three dimensions of stratification are wealth, power, and prestige. In early states—for the first time in human history—contrasts in wealth, power, and prestige between entire groups of men and women came into being. A socioeconomic stratum includes people of both sexes and all ages. The superordinate—higher or elite—stratum enjoys privileged access to resources. 8. Certain systems are found in all states: population control, judiciary, enforcement, and fiscal. These are integrated by a ruling system or government composed of civil, military, and religious officials. States conduct censuses and demarcate boundaries. Laws are based on precedent and legislative proclamations. Courts and judges handle disputes and crimes. A police force maintains internal order, as a military defends against external threats. A financial or fiscal system supports rulers, officials, judges, and other specialists. Families, Kinship, and Marriage FAMILIES Nuclear and Extended Families • Industrialism and Family Organization • Changes in North American Kinship • The Family among Foragers DESCENT Descent Groups • Lineages, Clans, and Residence Rules MARRIAGE Incest and Exogamy • Endogamy MARITAL RIGHTS AND SAME-SEX MARRIAGE MARRIAGE ACROSS CULTURES Bridewealth and Dowry • Durable Alliances DIVORCE PLURAL MARRIAGES Polygyny • Polyandry Box: Social Security, Kinship Style The kinds of societies that anthropologists traditionally have studied have stimulated a strong interest in families, along with larger systems of kinship and marriage. The web of kinship—as vitally important in daily life in non-industrial societies as work outside the home is in our own—has become an essential part of anthropology because of its importance to the people we study. We are ready to take a closer look at the systems of kinship and marriage that have organized human life for much of our history. Ethnographers quickly recognize social divisions, or groups, within any society they study. In the field, the anthropologist learns about significant groups by observing their activities and membership. People often live in the same village or neighborhood or work, pray, or celebrate together because they are related in some way. For example, the most significant local groups may consist of descendants of the same grandfather. These people may live in neighboring houses, farm adjoining fields, and help each other Families 159 in daily tasks. Other sorts of groups, based on other kin links, get together less often. The nuclear family (parents and children) is one kind of kin group that is widespread in human societies. Other kin groups include extended families (families consisting of three or more generations) and descent groups— lineages and clans. Descent groups, which are composed of people claiming common ancestry, are basic units in the social organization of nonindustrial food producers. FAMILIES Nuclear and Extended Families A nuclear family is impermanent; it lasts only as long as the parents and children remain together. Most people belong to at least two nuclear families at different times in their lives. They are born into a family consisting of their parents and siblings. When they reach adulthood, they may marry and establish a nuclear family that includes the spouse and eventually children. Since most societies permit divorce, some people establish more than one family through marriage. Anthropologists distinguish between the family of orientation (the family in which one is born and grows up) and the family of procreation (formed when one marries and has children). From the individual's point of view, the critical relationships are with parents and siblings in the family of orientation and with spouse and children in the family of procreation. Nuclear family organization is widespread but not universal. In certain societies, the nuclear family is rare or nonexistent. In others, the nuclear family has no special role in social life. Other social units—most notably extended families and descent groups—can assume most or all of the functions otherwise associated with the nuclear family. In other words, there are many alternatives to nuclear family organization. Consider an example from the former Yugoslavia. Traditionally, among the Muslims of western Bosnia (Lockwood 1975), nuclear families lacked autonomy. Several such families lived in an extended-family household called a zadruga. The zadruga was headed by a male household head and his wife, the senior woman. It included married sons and their wives and children, and unmarried sons and daughters. Each nuclear family had a sleeping room, decorated and partly furnished from the brides trousseau. However, possessions—even clothing and trousseau items—were shared by zadruga members. Such a residential unit is known as a patrilocal extended family because each couple resides in the husbands fathers household after marriage. The zadruga took precedence over its component units. Social interaction was more usual among the women, the men, or the children of the zadruga than between spouses or between parents and children. There were three successive meal settings—for men, women, and children, respectively. 160 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage Among herders living in the steppe region of the Mongolian Peoples Republic, patrilocal extended families often span four generations. Is the family here more like a zadruga or a tarawad? Traditionally, all children over the age of 12 slept together in boys' or girls' rooms. When a woman wished to visit another village, she sought the permission of the male zadruga head. Although men usually felt closer to their own children than to those of their brothers, they were obliged to treat them equally. Children were disciplined by any adult in the household. When a nuclear family broke up, children under age 7 went with the mother. Older children could choose between their parents. Children were considered part of the household where they were born even if their mother left. One widow who remarried had to leave her five children, all over the age of 7, in their father's zadruga, now headed by his brother. Another example of an alternative to the nuclear family is provided by the Nayars (or Nair), a large and powerful caste on the Malabar Coast of southern India (Gough 1959; Shivaram 1996). Their traditional kinship system was matrilineal (descent traced only through females). Nayar lived in matrilineal extended family compounds called tarawads. The tarawad was a residential complex with several buildings, its own temple, granary, water well, orchards, gardens, and land holdings. Headed by a senior woman, assisted by her brother, the tarawad housed her siblings, sisters' children, and other matrikin—matrilineal relatives. Traditional Nayar marriage seems to have been hardly more than a formality: a kind of coming of age ritual. A young woman would go through a marriage ceremony with a man, after which they might spend a few days together at her tarawad. Then the man would return to his own tarawad, where he lived with his sisters, aunts, and other matrikin. Nayar Families 161 men belonged to a warrior class, who left home regularly for military expeditions, returning permanently to their tarawad on retirement. Nayar women could have multiple sexual partners. Children became members of the mother's tarawad; they were not considered to be relatives of their biological father. Indeed, many Nayar children didn't even know who their biological father (genitor) was. Child care was the responsibility of the tarawad. Nayar society therefore reproduced itself biologically without the nuclear family. Industrialism and Family Organization For many Americans and Canadians, the nuclear family is the only well-defined kin group. Family isolation arises from geographic mobility, which is associated with industrialism, so that a nuclear family focus is characteristic of many modern nations. Born into a family of orientation, North Americans leave home for college or work, and the break with parents is under way. Selling our labor on the market, we often move to places where jobs are available. Eventually most North Americans marry and start a family of procreation. Many married couples live hundreds of miles from their parents. Their jobs have determined where they live. Such a postmarital residence pattern is neolocality: Married couples are expected to establish a new place of residence—a "home of their own." Among middle-class North Americans, neolocal residence is both a cultural preference and a statistical norm. Most middle-class Americans eventually establish households and nuclear families of their own. There are significant differences between middle-class and poorer North Americans. For example, in the lower class the incidence of expanded family households (those that include nonnuclear relatives) is greater than it is in the middle class. When an expanded family household includes three or more generations, it is an extended family household, such as the zadruga. Another type of expanded family is the collateral household, which includes siblings and their spouses and children. The higher proportion of expanded family households among poorer Americans has been explained as an adaptation to poverty (Stack 1975). Unable to survive economically as nuclear family units, relatives band together in an expanded household and pool their resources. Adaptation to poverty causes kinship values and attitudes to diverge from middle-class norms. Thus, when North Americans raised in poverty achieve financial success, they often feel obligated to provide financial help to a wide circle of less fortunate relatives (see Willie 2003). Changes in North American Kinship Although the nuclear family remains a cultural ideal for many Americans, Table 8-1 and Figure 8-1 show that nuclear families accounted for just 162 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage TABLE 8-1 Changes in Family and Household Organization States, 1970 versus 2003 in the United 1970 2003 Numbers: Total number of households 63 million 111 million Number of people per household 3.1 2.6 Percentages: Married couples with children 40% 23% Family households 81 68 Households with five or more people 21 10 People living alone 17 26 Percentage of single-mother families 5 12 Percentage of single-father families 0 2 Households with own children under 18 45 32 Sources: From U.S. Census data in Fields 2004, Fields and Casper 2001, and Statistical Abstract of the United States 2004-2005, Tables 56-58, http://www.census.gov/prod/www/statistical-abstract-04.html. 1.7 11.5 5.6 10.6 30.3 40.3 1970 3.6 14.0 8.6 12.9 29.9 30.9 1980 4.6 14.9 9.7 14.8 29.8 26.3 5.0 14.7 10.2 15.6 28.9 25.5 1990 1995 5.7 14.8 10.7 16.0 28.7 24.1 2000 Nonfamily households 5.6 4— Other nonfamily households 15.2 11.2 — 16.4 - 28.2 23.3 - Women living alone Men living alone Family households Other family households Married couples without children Married couples with children 2003 FIGURE 8-1 Households by Type: Selected Years, 1970 to 2003 (percent distribution) Sources: U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey, March and Annual Social and Economic Supplements: 1970 to 2003; Fields 2004. Families 163 23 percent of American households in 2003. Other domestic arrangements now outnumber the "traditional" American household more than three to one. There are several reasons for this changing household composition. Women increasingly are joining men in the cash workforce. This often removes them from their family of orientation while making it economically feasible to delay marriage. Furthermore, job demands compete with romantic attachments. The median age at first marriage for American women jumped from 20.8 years in 1970 to 25.3 in 2003. The comparable ages for men were 23.2 and 27.1 (Fields 2004). Also, the U.S. divorce rate has risen. Between 1970 and 2003 the number of divorced Americans more than quintupled, rising to five times the 1970 figure of 4.3 million, to 22.6 million in 2003. This compares with a comparable figure of 1.4 for overall U.S. population growth in that same period. In other words, the U.S. divorce rate rose more than three times faster than the population growth rate. The number of single-parent families also outstripped population growth, tripling from fewer than 4 million in 1970 to more than 12 million in 2003. The percentage of children in fatherless households in 2003 was three times the 1970 rate, while the percentage in motherless homes increased fivefold. Only 52 percent of American women and 55 percent of American men were currently married in 2003, versus 60 and 65 percent, respectively, in 1970 (Fields 2004; Fields and Casper 2001). To be sure, contemporary Americans maintain social lives through work, friendship, sports, clubs, religion, and organized social activities. However, the isolation from kin that these figures suggest is unprecedented in human history. Table 8-2 documents comparable changes in family and household size in the United States and Canada between 1975 and 2003. Those figures confirm a general trend toward smaller families and living units in North America (see also Hansen and Garey, eds. 1998). This trend is also detectable in western Europe and other industrial nations. TABLE 8-2 Household and Family Size in the United States and Canada, 1975 versus 2003 1975 2003 Sources: Fields and Casper 2001; U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States 2004-2005, and Statistics Canada, 2001 Census, http://www.statcan.ca/english/Pgdb/famil53a.htm, http://www.statcan.ca/ english/Pgdb/famil40a.htm. 164 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage In contemporary North America, single-parent families have increased at a rapid rate. In 1960, 88 percent of American children lived with both parents, compared with 68 percent today. This divorced mom, Valerie Jones, enjoys a candlelight dinner with her kids. What do you see as the main differences between nuclear families and single-parent families? Immigrants are often shocked by what they perceive as weak kinship bonds and lack of proper respect for family in contemporary North America. In fact, most of the people whom middle-class North Americans see every day are either nonrelatives or members of the nuclear family. On the other hand, Stacks (1975) study of welfare-dependent families in a ghetto area of a midwestern city shows that regular sharing with nonnu-clear relatives is an important strategy that the urban poor use to adapt to poverty. The Family among Foragers Foraging societies are far removed from industrial nations in terms of social complexity. Here again, however, the nuclear family is often the most significant kin group, although in no foraging society is it the only group based on kinship. The two basic social units of traditional foraging societies are the nuclear family and the band. Unlike middle-class couples in industrial nations, foragers don't usually reside neolocally. Instead, they join a band in which either the husband or the wife has relatives. However, couples and families may move from one band to another several times. Although nuclear families are ultimately as impermanent among foragers as they are in any other society, they are usually more stable than bands are. 15 Descent 165 Many foraging societies lacked year-round band organization. The Native American Shoshone of Utah and Nevada provide an example. The resources available to the Shoshone were so meager that for most of the year families traveled alone through the countryside hunting and gathering. In certain seasons families assembled to hunt cooperatively as a band, but after just a few months together they dispersed. Industrial and foraging economies do have something in common. In neither type are people tied permanently to the land. The mobility and the emphasis on small, economically self-sufficient family units promote the nuclear family as a basic kin group in both types of societies. DESCENT We've seen that the nuclear family is important in industrial nations and among foragers. The analogous group among nonindustrial food producers is the descent group. A descent group is a permanent social unit whose members claim common ancestry. Descent group members believe they all descend from those common ancestors. The group endures even though its membership changes, as members are born and die, move in and move out. Often, descent-group membership is determined at birth and is lifelong. In this case, it is an ascribed status (see the chapter "Ethnicity and Race"). Descent Groups Descent groups frequently are exogamous (members seek their mates from other descent groups). Two common rules serve to admit certain people as descent-group members while excluding others. With a rule of patrilineal descent, people automatically have lifetime membership in their father's group. The children of the group's men join the group, but the children of the group's women are excluded. With matrilineal descent, people join the mothers group automatically at birth and stay members throughout life. Matrilineal descent groups therefore include only the children of the group s women. (In Figures 8-2 and 8-3, which show patrilineal and matrilineal descent groups, respectively, the triangles stand for males and the circles for females.) Matrilineal and patrilineal descent are types of unilineal descent. This means the descent rule uses one line only, either the male or the female line. Patrilineal descent is much more common than matrilineal descent is. In a sample of 564 societies (Murdock 1957), about three times as many were found to be patrilineal (247 to 84). Descent groups may be lineages or clans. Common to both is the belief that members descend from the same apical ancestor, the person who stands at the apex, or top, of the common genealogy. For example, Adam and Eve are the apical ancestors of the biblical Jews, and, according to the Bible, of all humanity. Since Eve is said to have come from Adam's rib, Adam 166 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage FIGURE 8-2 A Patrilineage Five Generations Deep Lineages are based on demonstrated descent from an apical ancestor. With patrilineal descent, children of the group's men (shaded) are included as descent-group members. Children of the group s women are excluded; they belong to their fathers patrilineage. At OAj O FIGURE 8-3 A Matrilineage Five Generations Deep Matrilineages are based on demonstrated descent from a female ancestor. Only the children of the group's women (shaded) belong to the matrilineage. The children of the group's men are excluded; they belong to their mother's matrilineage. Descent 167 stands as the original apical ancestor for the patrilineal genealogy laid out in the Bible. How do lineages and clans differ? A lineage uses demonstrated descent. Members can recite the names of their forebears in each generation from the apical ancestor through the present. (This doesn't mean their recitations are accurate, only that lineage members think they are.) In the Bible the litany of men who "begat" other men is a demonstration of genealogical descent for a large patrilineage that ultimately includes Jews and Arabs (who share Abraham as their last common apical ancestor). Unlike lineages, clans use stipulated descent. Clan members merely say they descend from the apical ancestor, without trying to trace the actual genealogical links. The Betsileo of Madagascar have both clans and lineages. Descent may be demonstrated for the most recent 8-10 generations, then stipulated for the more remote past—sometimes with mermaids and vaguely defined foreign royalty mentioned among the founders (Kottak 1980). Like the Betsileo, many societies have both lineages and clans. In such a case, clans have more members and cover a larger geographical area than lineages do. Sometimes a clans apical ancestor is not a human at all but an animal or plant (called a totem). The economic types that usually have descent group organization are horticulture, pastoralism, and agriculture. Such societies tend to have several descent groups. Any one of them may be confined to a single village, but usually they span more than one village. Any branch of a descent group that lives in one place is a local descent group. Two or more local branches of different descent groups may live in the same village. Descent groups in the same village or different villages may establish alliances through frequent intermarriage. Lineages, Clans, and Residence Rules As we've seen, descent groups, unlike families, are permanent and enduring units, with new members added in every generation. Members have access to the lineage estate, where some of them must live, in order to benefit from and manage that estate across the generations. An easy way to keep members at home is to have a rule about who belongs to the descent group and where they should live after they get married. Patrilineal and matrilineal descent, and the postmarital residence rules that usually accompany them, ensure that about half the people born in each generation will spend their lives on the ancestral estate. Patiilocality is the rule that when a couple marries, it moves to the hus-bands community, so that their children will grow up in their father's village. Patrilocality is associated with patrilineal descent. This makes sense. If the group's male members are expected to exercise their rights in the ancestral estate, it's a good idea to raise them on that estate and to keep them there after they marry. This can be done by having wives move to the husband's village, rather than vice versa. 168 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage A less common postmarital residence rule, often associated with matri-lineal descent, is matrilocality: Married couples live in the wife's community, and their children grow up in their mother's village. This rule keeps related women together. Together, patrilocality and matrilocality are known as unilocal rules of postmarital residence. MARRIAGE "Love and marriage," "marriage and the family": These familiar phrases show how we link the romantic love of two individuals to marriage, and how we link marriage to reproduction and family creation. But marriage is an institution with significant roles and functions in addition to reproduction. What is marriage, anyway? No definition of marriage is broad enough to apply easily to all societies and situations. A commonly quoted definition comes from Notes and Queries on Anthropology: Marriage is a union between a man and a woman such that the children born to the woman are recognized as legitimate offspring of both partners. (Royal Anthropological Institute 1951, p. Ill) This definition isn't valid universally for several reasons. In many societies, marriages unite more than two spouses. Here we speak of plural marriages, as when a man weds two (or more) women, or a woman weds a group of brothers—an arrangement called fraternal polyandry that is characteristic of certain Himalayan cultures. In the Brazilian community of Arembepe, people can choose among various forms of marital union. Most people live in long-term "common-law" domestic partnerships that are not legally sanctioned. Some have civil marriages, which are licensed and legalized by a justice of the peace. Still others go through religious ceremonies, so they are united in "holy matrimony," although not legally. And some have both civil and religious ties. The different forms of union permit someone to have multiple spouses (e.g., one common-law, one civil, one religious) without ever getting divorced. Some societies recognize various kinds of same-sex marriages. In Sudan, a Nuer woman could marry a woman if her father had only daughters but no male heirs, who are necessary if his patrilineage is to survive. He might ask his daughter to stand as a son in order to take a bride. This daughter would become the socially recognized husband of another woman (the wife). This was a symbolic and social relationship rather than a sexual one. The "wife" had sex with a man or men (whom her female "husband" had to approve) until she got pregnant. The children born to the wife were accepted as the offspring of both the female husband and the wife. Although the female husband was not the actual genitor, the biological father, of the children, she was their pater, or socially recognized father. What's important in this Nuer case is social rather than Marriage 169 biological paternity. We see again how kinship is socially constructed. The brides children were considered the legitimate offspring of her female husband, who was biologically a woman but socially a man, and the descent line continued. Incest and Exogamy In nonindustrial societies, a persons social world includes two main categories—friends and strangers. Strangers are potential or actual enemies. Marriage is one of the primary ways of converting strangers into friends, of creating and maintaining personal and political alliances, relationships of affinity. Exogamy, the practice of seeking a mate outside ones own group, has adaptive value because it links people into a wider social network that nurtures, helps, and protects them in times of need. Incest refers to sexual relations with a close relative. All cultures have taboos against it. However, although the taboo is a cultural universal, cultures define their kin, and thus incest, differently. When unilineal descent is very strongly developed, the parent who belongs to a different descent group than your own isn't considered a relative. Thus, with strict patrilineality, the mother is not a relative but a kind of in-law who has married a member of your own group—your father. With strict matrilineality, the father isn't a relative because he belongs to a different descent group. The Lakher of Southeast Asia are strictly patrilineal (Leach 1961). Using the male ego (the reference point, the person in question) in Figure 8-4, let's suppose that ego s father and mother get divorced. Each remarries and has a daughter by a second marriage. A Lakher always belongs to his or her fathers group, all the members of which (one's agnates, or patrikin) are considered too closely related to marry because they are members of the same patrilineal descent group. Therefore, ego can't marry his father's daughter by the second marriage, just as in contemporary North America it's illegal for half-siblings to marry. However, in contrast to our society, where all half-siblings are tabooed in marriage, the Lakher would permit ego to marry his mother's daughter by a different father. She is not ego's relative because she belongs to her own fathers descent group rather than ego's. The Lakher illustrate very well that definitions of relatives, and therefore of incest, vary from culture to culture. Endogamy The practice of exogamy pushes social organization outward, establishing and preserving alliances among groups. In contrast, rules of endogamy dictate mating or marriage within a group to which one belongs. Endo-gamic rules are less common but are still familiar to anthropologists. Indeed, most cultures are endogamous units, although they usually do not need a formal rule requiring people to marry someone from their own society. In 170 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage Incestuous union Nonincestuous union OA: Ego's patrilineage , L-X Ego's mother's patrilineage ( ) /\- Ego's mother's ' second husband's patrilineage o Ego's father's second wife's patrilineage & : Separation or divorce. FD by second marriage is a comember of ego's descent group and is included within the incest taboo. MD by second marriage is not a comember of ego's descent group and is not tabooed. FIGURE 8-4 Patrilineal Descent-Group Identity and Incest among the Lakher our own society, classes and ethnic groups are quasi-endogamous groups. Members of an ethnic or religious group often want their children to marry within that group, although many of them do not do so. The outmarriage rate varies among such groups, with some more committed to endogamy than others. Caste An extreme example of endogamy is India's caste system, which was formally abolished in 1949, although its structure and effects linger. Castes are stratified groups in which membership is ascribed at birth and is lifelong. Indian castes are grouped into five major categories, or varna. Each is ranked relative to the other four, and these categories extend throughout India. Each varna includes a large number of castes (jati), each of which includes people within a region who may intermarry. All the jati in a single varna in a given region are ranked, just as the varna themselves are ranked. Occupational specialization often sets off one caste from another. A community may include castes of agricultural workers, merchants, artisans, priests, and sweepers. The untouchable varna, found throughout India, includes castes whose ancestry, ritual status, and occupations are considered so impure that higher-caste people consider even casual contact with untouchables to be defiling. Marital Rights and Same-Sex Marriage 171 The belief that intercaste sexual unions lead to ritual impurity for the higher-caste partner has been important in maintaining endogamy. A man who has sex with a lower-caste woman can restore his purity with a bath and a prayer. However, a woman who has intercourse with a man of a lower caste has no such recourse. Her defilement cannot be undone. Because the women have the babies, these differences protect the purity of the caste line, ensuring the pure ancestry of high-caste children. Although Indian castes are endogamous groups, many of them are internally subdivided into exogamous lineages. Traditionally this meant that Indians had to marry a member of another descent group from the same caste. This shows that rules of exogamy and endogamy can coexist in the same society. MARITAL RIGHTS AND SAME-SEX MARRIAGE The British anthropologist Edmund Leach (1955) observed that, depending on the society, several kinds of rights are allocated by marriage. According to Leach, marriage can, but doesn't always, accomplish the following: 1. Establish the legal father of a woman's children and the legal mother of a man's. 2. Give either or both spouses a monopoly in the sexuality of the other. 3. Give either or both spouses rights to the labor of the other. 4. Give either or both spouses rights over the other's property. 5. Establish a joint fund of property—a partnership—for the benefit of the children. 6. Establish a socially significant "relationship of affinity" between spouses and their relatives. The discussion of same-sex marriage that follows will serve to illustrate the six rights just listed by seeing what happens in their absence. What if same-sex marriages, which by and large remain illegal in the United States, were legal? Could a same-sex marriage establish legal parentage of children born to one or both partners after the partnership is formed? In the case of a different-sex marriage, children born to the wife after the marriage takes place usually are defined legally as her husband's regardless of whether he is the genitor. Nowadays, of course, DNA testing makes it possible to establish paternity, just as modern reproductive technology makes it possible for a lesbian couple to have one or both partners artificially inseminated. If same-sex marriages were legal, the social construction of kinship easily could make both partners parents. If a Nuer woman married to a woman can be the pater of a child she did not father, why can't two lesbians be the maters (socially recognized mothers) of a child one of them did not father? And if a married different-sex couple can adopt a child and have it be theirs through the social and legal construction of kinship, the same logic could be applied to a gay male or lesbian couple. 172 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage On May 17, 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to allow same-sex couples to marry. Shown here, two women (the first lesbian couple to be issued a marriage license in Massachusetts) celebrate their wedding in the Mayor's Chambers of Cambridge Town Hall. What rights, benefits, and obligations are conferred by marriage? Continuing with Leach's list of the rights transmitted by marriage, same-sex marriage certainly could give each spouse rights to the sexuality of the other. Same-sex marriages, as forms of monogamous commitment, have been endorsed by representatives of many religions, including Unitarians, Quakers (the Society of Friends), and reform Jewish synagogues (Eskridge 1996). In June 2003 a court ruling established same-sex marriages as legal in the province of Ontario, Canada. On June 28, 2005, Canada's House of Commons voted to guarantee full marriage rights to same-sex couples throughout that nation. On May 17, 2004, Massachusetts became the first state in the United States to allow same-sex couples to marry. In reaction to same-sex marriage, voters in 18 U.S. states have approved measures in their state constitutions defining marriage as an exclusively heterosexual union. If they were legal, same-sex marriages could easily give each spouse rights to the other spouse's labor and its products. Some societies do allow marriage between members of the same biological sex. Several Native Marital Rights and Same-Sex Marriage 173 American groups had figures known as berdach.es. These were biological men who assumed many of the mannerisms, behavior patterns, and tasks of women. Sometimes berdaches married men, who shared the products of their labor from hunting and traditional male roles, as the berdache fulfilled the traditional wifely role. Also, in some Native American cultures, a marriage of a "manly-hearted woman" to another woman brought the traditional male-female division of labor to their household. The manly woman hunted and did other male tasks, while the wife played the traditional female role. There's no logical reason why same-sex marriage could not give spouses rights over the other's property. But in the United States, the same inheritance rights that apply to male-female couples do not apply to same-sex couples. For instance, even in the absence of a will, property can pass to a widow or a widower without going through probate. The wife or husband pays no inheritance tax. This benefit is not available to gay men and lesbians. When a same-sex partner is in a nursing home, prison, or hospital, the other partner may not have the same visiting rights as would a husband, wife, or biological relative (Weston 1991). What about Leach's fifth right—to establish a joint fund of property—to benefit the children? Here again, gay and lesbian couples are at a disadvantage. If there are children, property is separately, rather than jointly, transmitted. Some organizations do make staff benefits, such as health and dental insurance, available to same-sex domestic partners. Finally, there is the matter of establishing a socially significant "relationship of affinity" between spouses and their relatives. In many societies, one of the main roles of marriage is to establish an alliance between groups, in addition to the individual bond. Affinals are relatives through marriage, such as a brother-in-law or mother-in-law. For same-sex couples in contemporary North America, affinal relations are problematic. In an unofficial union, terms like "daughter-in-law" and "mother-in-law" may sound strange. Many parents are suspicious of their children's sexuality and lifestyle choices and may not recognize a relationship of affinity with a child's partner of the same sex. This discussion of same-sex marriage has been intended to illustrate the different kinds of rights that typically accompany marriage, by seeing what may happen when there is a permanent pair bond without legal sanction. In the United States, with the exception of Vermont and Massachusetts, such unions are illegal. As we have seen, same-sex marriages have been recognized in different historical and cultural settings. In certain African cultures, including the Igbo of Nigeria and the Lovedu of South Africa, women may marry other women. In situations in which women, such as prominent market women in West Africa, are able to amass property and other forms of wealth, they may take a wife. Such marriage allows the prominent woman to strengthen her social status and the economic importance of her household (Amadiume 1987). 174 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage MARRIAGE ACROSS CULTURES Outside industrial societies, marriage often is more a relationship between groups than one between individuals. We think of marriage as an individual matter. Although the bride and groom usually seek their parents' approval, the final choice (to live together, to marry, to divorce) lies with the couple. The idea of romantic love symbolizes this individual relationship. In nonindustrial societies, although there can be romantic love, (Goleman 1992), marriage is a group concern. People don't just take a spouse; they assume obligations to a group of in-laws. When residence is patrilocal, for example, a woman must leave the community where she was born. She faces the prospect of spending the rest of her life in her husband s village, with his relatives. She may even have to transfer her major allegiance from her own group to her husband's. Bridewealth and Dowry In societies with descent groups, people enter marriage not alone but with the help of the descent group. Descent-group members often have to contribute to the bridewealth, a customary gift before, at, or after the marriage from the husband and his kin to the wife and her kin. Another word for bridewealth is brideprice, but this term is inaccurate because people with the custom don't usually think of marriage as a commercial relationship between a man and an object that can be bought and sold. Bridewealth compensates the bride's group for the loss of her companionship and labor. More important, it makes the children born to the woman full members of her husbands descent group. For this reason, the institution is also called progeny price. Rather than the woman herself, it is her children who are permanently transferred to the husband's group. Whatever we call it, such a transfer of wealth at marriage is common in patrilineal groups. In matrilineal societies, children are members of the mother's group, and there is no reason to pay a progeny price. Dowry is a marital exchange in which the wife's group provides substantial gifts to the husbands family. Dowry, best known from India but also practiced in Europe, correlates with low female status. Women are perceived as burdens. When husbands and their families take a wife, they expect to be compensated for the added responsibility. Bridewealth exists in many more cultures than dowry does, but the nature and quantity of transferred items differ. In many African societies, cattle constitute bridewealth, but the number of cattle given varies from society to society. As the value of bridewealth increases, marriages become more stable. Bridewealth is insurance against divorce. Imagine a patrilineal society in which a marriage requires the transfer of about 25 cattle from the groom s descent group to the bride s. Michael, a member of descent group A, marries Sarah from group B. His relatives help him assemble the bridewealth. He gets the most help from his Marriage Across Cultures 175 close agnates—his older brother, father, fathers brother, and closest patrilineal cousins. The distribution of the cattle once they reach Sarah s group mirrors the manner in which they were assembled. Sarah's father, or her oldest brother if the father is dead, receives her bridewealth. He keeps most of the cattle to use as bridewealth for his sons' marriages. However, a share also goes to everyone who will be expected to help when Sarah's brothers marry. When Sarahs brother David gets married, many of the cattle go to a third group—C, which is David's wife's group. Thereafter, they may serve as bridewealth to still other groups. Men constantly use their sisters' bridewealth cattle to acquire their own wives. In a decade, the cattle given when Michael married Sarah will have been exchanged widely. In such societies marriage entails an agreement between descent groups. If Sarah and Michael try to make their marriage succeed but fail to do so, both groups may conclude that the marriage can't last. Here it becomes especially obvious that marriages are relationships between groups as well as between individuals. If Sarah has a younger sister or niece (her older brother's daughter, for example), the concerned parties may agree to Sarah's replacement by a kinswoman. However, incompatibility isn't the main problem that threatens marriage in societies with bridewealth. Infertility is a more important concern. If Sarah has no children, she and her group have not fulfilled their part of the marriage agreement. If the relationship is to endure, Sarah's group must furnish another woman, perhaps her younger sister, who can have children. If this happens, Sarah may choose to stay in her husband's village. Perhaps she will someday have a child. If she does stay on, her husband will have established a plural marriage. Most nonindustrial food-producing societies, unlike most industrial nations, allow plural marriages, or polygamy. There are two varieties; one is common and the other is very rare. The more common variant is polygyny, in which a man has more than one wife. The rare variant is polyandry, in which a woman has more than one husband. If the infertile wife remains married to her husband after he has taken a substitute wife provided by her descent group, this is polygyny. Durable Alliances It is possible to exemplify the group-alliance nature of marriage by examining still another common practice—continuation of marital alliances when one spouse dies. Sororate What happens if Sarah dies young? Michael's group will ask Sarah's group for a substitute, often her sister. This custom is known as the sororate (Figure 8-5). If Sarah has no sister, or if all her sisters are already married, another woman from her group may be available. Michael marries her, there is no need to return the bridewealth, and the alliance continues. 176 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage FIGURE 8-5 Sororate and Levirate The sororate exists in both matrilineal and patrilineal societies. In a matrilineal society with matrilocal postmarital residence, a widower may remain with his wife's group by marrying her sister or another female member of her matrilineage (Figure 8-5). Levirate What happens if the husband dies? In many societies, the widow may marry his brother. This custom is known as the levirate (Figure 8-5). Like the sororate, it is a continuation marriage that maintains the alliance between descent groups, in this case by replacing the husband with another member of his group. The implications of the levirate vary with age. One study found that in African societies the levirate, although widely permitted, rarely involves cohabitation of the widow and her new husband. Furthermore, widows don't automatically marry the husband's brother just because they are allowed to. Often they prefer to make other arrangements (Potash 1986). DIVORCE In some societies marriages may seem to go on forever, but in our own they are fairly brittle. Ease of divorce varies across cultures. What factors work for and against divorce? As we've seen, marriages that are political alliances between groups are more difficult to dissolve than are marriages that are more individual affairs, of concern mainly to the married couple and their children. Substantial bridewealth may decrease the divorce rate Divorce 177 for individuals; replacement marriages (levirate and sororate) also work to preserve group alliances. Divorce tends to be more common in matrilin-eal than in patrilineal societies. When residence is matrilocal (in the wife's home village), the wife may simply send off a man with whom she's incompatible. Among the Hopi of the American Southwest, houses were owned by ma-trilineal clans, with matrilocal postmarital residence. The household head was the senior woman of that household, which also included her daughters and their husbands and children. A son-in-law had no important role there; he returned to his own mother's home for his clan's social and religious activities. In this matrilineal society, women were socially and economically secure and the divorce rate was high. Consider the Hopi of Oraibi (Orayvi) pueblo, northeastern Arizona (Levy 1992; Titiev 1992). In a study of the marital histories of 423 Oraibi women, Mischa Titiev found 35 percent to have been divorced at least once. Jerome Levy found that 31 percent of 147 adult women had been divorced and remarried at least once. For comparison, of all ever-married women in the United States, only 4 percent had been divorced in 1960, 10.7 percent in 1980, and 10.9 percent today. Titiev characterizes Hopi marriages as unstable. Part of this brittleness was due to conflicting loyalties to matrikin versus spouse. Most Hopi divorces appear to have been matters of personal choice. Levy generalizes that, cross-culturally, high divorce rates are correlated with a secure female economic position. In Hopi society women were secure in their home and land ownership and in the custody of their children. In addition, there were no formal barriers to divorce. Divorce is harder in a patrilineal society, especially when substantial bridewealth would have to be reassembled and repaid if the marriage failed. A woman residing patrilocally (in her husband's household and community) might be reluctant to leave him. Unlike the Hopi, where the kids stay with the mother, in patrilineal, patrilocal societies the children of divorce would be expected to remain with their father, as members of his patrilineage. From the women's perspective this is a strong impediment to divorce. Among foragers, different factors favor or oppose divorce. What factors work against durable marriages? Since foragers tend to lack descent groups, the political alliance functions of marriage are less important to them than they are to food producers. Foragers also tend to have minimal material possessions. The process of dissolving a joint fund of property is less complicated when spouses do not hold substantial resources in common. What factors work in opposition to divorce among foragers? In societies in which the family is an important year-round unit with a gender-based division of labor, ties between spouses tend to be durable. Also, sparse populations mean few alternative spouses if a marriage doesn't work out. In contemporary Western societies, we have the idea that romantic love is necessary for a good marriage (see Ingraham 1999). When romance fails, so may the marriage. Or it may not fail, if the other rights associated with marriage, as discussed previously in this chapter, are compelling. Economic 178 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage ties and obligations to children, along with other factors, such as concern about public opinion, or simple inertia, may keep marriages intact after sex, romance, or companionship fade. PLURAL MARRIAGES In contemporary North America, where divorce is fairly easy and common, polygamy (marriage to more than one spouse at the same time) is against the law. Marriage in industrial nations joins individuals, and relationships between individuals can be severed more easily than can those between groups. As divorce grows more common, North Americans practice serial monogamy: Individuals have more than one spouse but never, legally, more than one at the same time. As stated earlier, the two forms of polygamy are polygyny and polyandry. Polyandry is practiced in only a few societies, notably among certain groups in Tibet, Nepal, and India. Polygyny is much more common. Polygyny We must distinguish between the social approval of plural marriage and its actual frequency in a particular society. Many cultures approve of a man's having more than one wife. However, even when polygyny is encouraged, most people are monogamous, and polygyny characterizes only a fraction of the marriages. Why? One reason is equal sex ratios. In the United States, about 105 males are born for every 100 females. In adulthood the ratio of men to women equalizes, and eventually it reverses. The average North American woman outlives the average man. In many nonindustrial societies as well, the male-biased sex ratio among children reverses in adulthood. The custom of men marrying later than women also promotes polygyny. Among Nigeria's Kanuri people (Cohen 1967), men got married between the ages of 18 and 30; women, between 12 and 14. The age difference between spouses meant there were more widows than widowers. Most of the widows remarried, some in polygynous unions. Among the Kanuri and in other polygynous societies, such as the Tiwi of northern Australia, widows made up a large number of the women involved in plural marriages (Hart, Pilling, and Goodale 1988). In certain societies, the first wife requests a second wife to help with household chores. The second wife's status is lower than that of the first; they are senior and junior wives. The senior wife sometimes chooses the junior one from among her close kinswomen. Among the Betsileo of Madagascar, the different wives always lived in different villages. A man's first and senior wife, called "Big Wife," lived in the village where he cultivated his best rice field and spent most of his time. High-status men with several Plural Marriages 179 Members of the Uighur ethnic group, this polygynous family includes two wives, six children, and one husband. They sit in front of their house at the Buzak Commune, near Khotan, Xinjiang Province, People s Republic of China. Would you expect most marriages to be polygynous in a society that allows polygyny? rice fields and multiple wives had households near each field. They spent most of their time with the senior wife but visited the others throughout the year. Plural wives can play important political roles in nonindustrial states. The king of the Merina, a populous society in the highlands of Madagascar, had palaces for each of his 12 wives in different provinces. He stayed with them when he traveled through the kingdom. They were his local agents, overseeing and reporting on provincial matters. The king of Buganda, the major precolonial state of Uganda, took hundreds of wives, representing all the clans in his nation. Everyone in the kingdom became the kings in-law, and all the clans had a chance to provide the next ruler. This was a way of giving the common people a stake in the government. These examples show there is no single explanation for polygyny. Its context and function vary from society to society and even within the same society. Some men are polygynous because they have inherited a widow from a brother. Others have plural wives because they seek prestige or want to increase household productivity. Men and women with political and economic ambitions cultivate marital alliances that serve their aims. In many societies, including the Betsileo of Madagascar and the Igbo of Nigeria, women arrange the marriages. 180 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage Polyandry Polyandry is rare and is practiced under very specific conditions. Most of the world's polyandrous peoples live in South Asia—Tibet, Nepal, India, and Sri Lanka. In some of these areas, polyandry seems to be a cultural adaptation to mobility associated with customary male travel for trade, commerce, and military operations. Polyandry ensures there will be at least one man at home to accomplish male activities within a gender-based division of labor. Fraternal polyandry is also an effective strategy when resources are scarce. Brothers with limited resources (in land) pool their resources in expanded (polyandrous) households. They take just one wife. Polyandry restricts the number of wives and heirs. Less competition among heirs means that land can be transmitted with minimal fragmentation. ocial Security, Kinship Sty My book Assault on Paradise, fourth edition (Kottak 2006) describes social relations in Arembepe, the Brazilian fishing community I've studied since the 1960s. When I first studied Arembepe I was struck by how similar its social relations were to those in the egalitarian, kin-based societies anthropologists have studied traditionally. The twin assertions "We're all equal here" and "We're all relatives here" were offered repeatedly as Arembepeiros' own summaries of the nature and basis of local life. Like members of a clan (who claim to share common ancestry, but who can't say exactly how they are related), most villagers couldn't trace precise genealogical links to their distant kin. "What difference does it make, as long as we know we're relatives?" As in most nonindustrial societies, close personal relations were either based or modeled on kinship. A degree of community solidarity was promoted, for example, by the myth that everyone was kin. However, social solidarity was actually much less developed in Arembepe than in societies with clans and lineages—which use genealogy to include some people, and exclude others, from membership in a given descent group. Intense social solidarity demands that some people be excluded. By asserting they all were related—that is, by excluding no one—Arembepeiros were actually weakening kinship's potential strength in creating and maintaining group solidarity. Rights and obligations always are associated with kinship and marriage. In Arembepe, the closer the kin connection and the more formal the marital tie, the greater the rights and obligations. Couples could be married formally or informally. The most common union was a stable common-law marriage. Less common, but with more prestige, was legal (civil) marriage, performed by a justice of the peace and conferring inheritance rights. The union with the most prestige combined legal validity with a church ceremony. The rights and obligations associated with kinship and marriage comprised the local social security system, but people had to weigh the benefits of the system against its costs. The most obvious cost was this: Villagers had to share in proportion to their success. As ambitious men climbed the local ladder Plural Marriages 181 of success, they got more dependents. To maintain their standing in public opinion, and to guarantee they could depend on others in old age, they had to share. However, sharing was a powerful leveling mechanism. It drained surplus wealth and restricted upward mobility. How, specifically, did this leveling work? As is often true in stratified nations, Brazilian national cultural norms are set by the upper classes. Middle- and upper-class Brazilians usually marry legally and in the church. Even Arem-bepeiros knew this was the only "proper" way to marry. The most successful and ambitious local men copied the behavior of elite Brazilians. By doing so, they hoped to acquire some of their prestige. However, legal marriage drained individual wealth, for example, by creating a responsibility to help one's in-laws financially. Such obligations could be regular and costly. Obligations to kids also increased with income because successful people tended to have more living children. Children were valued as companions and as an eventual economic benefit to their parents. Boys especially were prized because their economic prospects were so much brighter than those of girls. Children's chances of survival surged dramatically in wealthier households with better diets. The normal household diet included fish—usually in a stew with tomatoes, onions, palm oil, vinegar, and lemon. Dried beef replaced fish once a week. Roasted manioc flour was the main source of calories and was eaten at all meals. Other daily staples included coffee, sugar, and salt. Fruits and vegetables were eaten in season. Diet was one of the main contrasts between households. The poorest people didn't eat fish regularly; often they subsisted on manioc flour, coffee, and sugar. Better-off households supplemented the staples with milk, butter, eggs, rice, beans, and more ample portions of fresh fish, fruits, and vegetables. Adequate incomes bought improved diets and provided the means and confidence to seek out better medical attention than was locally available. Most of the kids born in the wealthier households survived. But this meant more mouths to feed, and (since the heads of such households usually wanted a better education for their children) it meant increased expenditures on schooling. The correlation between economic success and large families was a siphoner of wealth that restricted individual economic advance. Tome\ a fishing entrepreneur, envisioned a life of constant hard work if he was to feed, clothe, and educate his growing family. Tome and his wife had never lost a child. But he recognized that his growing family would, in the short run, be a drain on his resources. "But in the end, I'll have successful sons to help their mother and me, if we need it, in our old age." Arembepeiros knew who could afford to share with others; success can't be concealed in a small community. Villagers based their expectations of others on this knowledge. Successful people had to share with more kin and in-laws, and with more distant kin, than did poorer people. Successful captains and boat owners were expected to buy beer for ordinary fishers; store owners had to sell on credit. As in bands and tribes, any well-off person was expected to exhibit a corresponding generosity. With increasing wealth, people were also more frequently asked to enter ritual kin relationships. Through baptism—which took place twice a year when a priest visited, or which could be done outside—a child acquired two godparents. These became the coparents (compadres) of the baby's parents. The fact that ritual kinship obligations increased with wealth was another factor limiting individual economic advance. We see that kinship, marriage, and ritual kinship in Arembepe had costs 182 Chapter Eight Families, Kinship, and Marriage and benefits. The costs were limits on however, came only after costs had been the economic advance of individuals, paid: that is, only to those who had lived The primary benefit was social security-— "proper" lives, not deviating too notice-guaranteed help from kin, in-laws, and ably from local norms, especially those ritual kin in times of need. Benefits, about sharing. Summary 1. Kinship and marriage organize social and political life in nonindustrial societies. One widespread kin group is the nuclear family, consisting of a married couple and their children. Other groups, such as extended families and descent groups, may assume functions usually associated with the nuclear family. Nuclear families tend to be especially important in foraging and industrial societies. 2. In contemporary North America, the nuclear family is the characteristic kin group for the middle class. Expanded households and sharing with extended family kin occur more frequently among the poor, who may pool their resources in dealing with poverty. Today, however, even in the American middle class, nuclear family households are declining as single-person households and other domestic arrangements increase. 3. The descent group is a basic kin group among nonindustrial food producers (farmers and herders). Unlike families, descent groups have perpetuity, lasting for generations. Descent-group members share and manage an estate. Lineages are based on demonstrated descent; clans, on stipulated descent. Unilineal (patrilineal and matrilineal) descent is associated with unilocal (patrilocal and matrilocal, respectively) postmarital residence. 4. All societies have an incest taboo. Because kinship is socially constructed, the taboo applies to different relatives in different societies. Exogamy extends social and political ties outward; endogamy does the reverse. Endogamic rules are common in stratified societies. One extreme example is India, where castes are the endogamous units. 5. The discussion of same-sex marriage, which, by and large, is illegal in the United States, illustrates the various rights that go along with marriage. Marriage establishes the legal parents of children. It gives spouses rights to the sexuality, labor, and property of the other. And it establishes a socially significant "relationship of affinity" between spouses and each others relatives. 6. In societies with descent groups, marriages are relationships between groups as well as between spouses. With bridewealth, the groom and Summary 183 his relatives transfer wealth to the bride and her relatives. As the bridewealths value increases, the divorce rate declines. Bridewealth customs show that marriages among nonindustrial food producers create and maintain group alliances. So do the sororate, by which a man marries the sister of his deceased wife, and the levirate, by which a woman marries the brother of her deceased husband. 7. The ease and frequency of divorce vary across cultures. When marriage is a matter of intergroup alliance, as is typically true in societies with descent groups, divorce is Jess common. A large fund of joint property also complicates divorce. 8. Many societies permit plural marriages. The two kinds of polygamy are polygyny and polyandry. The former involves multiple wives; the latter, multiple husbands. Polygyny is much more common than polyandry. Key Terms bridewealth clan descent group dowry endogamy exogamy extended family household family of orientation family of procreation genitor incest levirate lineage mater matrilineal descent matrilocality neolocality pater patrilineal descent patrilocality plural marriages polyandry polygyny progeny price sororate unilineal descent BBHHRHflHBHRHHHBB Gender RECURRENT GENDER PATTERNS GENDER AMONG FORAGERS GENDER AMONG HORTICULTURAL!STS Reduced Gender Stratification—Matrilineal, Matrilocal Societies • Increased Gender Stratification—Patrilineal-Parrilocal Societies GENDER AMONG AGRICULTURALISTS PATRIARCHY AND VIOLENCE GENDER AND INDUSTRIALISM The Feminization of Poverty WHAT DETERMINES GENDER VARIATION? SEXUAL ORIENTATION Box: Indonesia's Matriarchal Minangkabau Offer an Alternative Social System Because anthropologists study biology, society, and culture, they are in a unique position to comment on nature (biological predispositions) and nurture (environment) as determinants of human behavior. Human attitudes, values, and behavior are limited not only by our genetic predispositions— which are often difficult to identify—but also by our experiences during en-culturation. Our attributes as adults are determined both by our genes and by our environment during growth and development. Questions about nature and nurture emerge in the discussion of human sex-gender roles and sexuality. Men and women differ genetically. Women have two X chromosomes, and men have an X and a Y. The father determines a baby's sex because only he has the Y chromosome to transmit. The mother always provides an X chromosome. The chromosomal difference is expressed in hormonal and physiological contrasts. Humans are sexually dimorphic, more so than some primates, such as gibbons (small tree-living Asiatic apes) and less so than others, such Chapter Fifteen Gender 185 as gorillas and orangutans. Sexual dimorphism refers to differences in male and female biology besides the contrasts in breasts and genitals. Women and men differ not just in primary (genitalia and reproductive organs) and secondary (breasts, voice, hair distribution) sexual characteristics, but in average weight, height, strength, and longevity. Women tend to live longer than men and have excellent endurance capabilities. In a given population, men tend to be taller and to weigh more than women do. Of course, there is a considerable overlap between the sexes in terms of height, weight, and physical strength, and there has been a pronounced reduction in sexual dimorphism during human biological evolution. Just how far, however, do such genetically and physiologically determined differences go? What effects do they have on the way men and women act and are treated in different societies? Anthropologists have discovered both similarities and differences in the roles of men and women in different cultures. The predominant anthropological position on sex-gender roles and biology may be stated as follows: The biological nature of men and women [should be seen] not as a narrow enclosure limiting the human organism, but rather as a broad base upon which a variety of structures can be built. (Friedl 1975, p. 6) Although in most societies men tend to be somewhat more aggressive than women, many of the behavioral and attitudinal differences between the sexes emerge from culture rather than biology. Sex differences are biological, but gender encompasses all the traits that a culture assigns to and inculcates in males and females. "Gender," in other words, refers to the cultural construction of male and female characteristics (Rosaldo 1980b). Given the "rich and various constructions of gender" within the realm of cultural diversity, Susan Bourque and Kay Warren (1987) note that the same images of masculinity and femininity do not always apply. Anthropologists have gathered systematic ethnographic data about similarities and differences involving gender in many cultural settings (Bonvillain 2001; Gilmore 2001; Morgen, ed. 1989; Mukhopadhyay and Higgins 1988; Peplau, ed. 1999; Ward 2003). Anthropologists can detect recurrent themes and patterns involving gender differences. They also can observe that gender roles vary with environment, economy, adaptive strategy, and type of political system. Before we examine the cross-cultural data, some definitions are in order. Gender roles are the tasks and activities a culture assigns to the sexes. Related to gender roles are gender stereotypes, which are oversimplified but strongly held ideas about the characteristics of males and females. Gender stratification describes an unequal distribution of rewards (socially valued resources, power, prestige, human rights, and personal freedom) between men and women, reflecting their different positions in a social hierarchy. According to Ann Stoler (1977), the "economic determinants of female status" include freedom or autonomy (in disposing of ones labor and its fruits) and social power (control over the lives, labor, and produce of others). Chapter Nine Gender The realm of cultural diversity contains richly different social constructions and expressions of gender, as is illustrated by these Bororo male dancers. For what reasons do men decorate their bodies in your society? In stateless societies, gender stratification is often more obvious in regard to prestige than it is in regard to wealth. In her study of the Ilongots of northern Luzon in the Philippines, Michelle Rosaldo (1980a) described gender differences related to the positive cultural value placed on adventure, travel, and knowledge of the external world. More often than women, Ilon-got men, as headhunters, visited distant places. They acquired knowledge of the external world, amassed experiences there, and returned to express their knowledge, adventures, and feelings in public oratory. They received acclaim as a result. Ilongot women had inferior prestige because they lacked external experiences on which to base knowledge and dramatic expression. On the basis of Rosaldo s study and findings in other stateless societies, Ong (1989) argues that we must distinguish between prestige systems and actual power in a given society. High male prestige may not entail economic or political power held by men over their families. RECURRENT GENDER PATTERNS Remember from previous chapters that ethnologists compare ethnographic data from several cultures (i.e., cross-cultural data) to discover and explain differences and similarities. Data relevant to the cross-cultural study of gender can be drawn from the domains of economics, politics, domestic Recurrent Gender Patterns 187 activity, kinship, and marriage. Table 9-1 shows cross-cultural data from 185 randomly selected societies on the division of labor by gender. Remembering the discussion in the chapter "Culture" of universals, generalities, and particularities, the findings in Table 9-1 about the division of labor by gender illustrate generalities rather than universals. That is, among the societies known to ethnography, there is a very strong tendency for men to build boats, but there are exceptions. One was the Hidatsa, a Native American group in which the women made the boats used to cross the Missouri River. (Traditionally, the Hidatsa were village farmers and bison hunters on the North American Plains; they now live in North Dakota.) Another exception: Pawnee women worked wood; this is the only Native American group that assigned this activity to women. (The Pawnee, also traditionally Plains farmers and bison hunters, originally lived in what is now central Nebraska and central Kansas; they now live on a reservation in north central Oklahoma.) Exceptions to cross-cultural generalizations may involve societies or individuals. That is, a society like the Hidatsa can contradict the cross-cultural generalization that men build boats by assigning that task to women. Or, in a society where the cultural expectation is that only men build boats, a particular woman or women can contradict that expectation by doing the male activity. Table 9-1 shows that in a sample of 185 societies, certain activities ("swing activities") are assigned to either or both men and women. Among the most important of such activities are planting, tending, and harvesting crops. We'll see below that some societies customarily assign more farming chores to women, whereas others call on men to be the main farm laborers. Among the tasks almost always assigned to men (Table 9-1), some (e.g., hunting large animals on land and sea) seem clearly related to the greater average size and strength of males. Others, such as working wood and making musical instruments, seem more culturally arbitrary. And women, of course, are not exempt from arduous and time-consuming physical labor, such as gathering firewood and fetching water. In Arembepe, Bahia, Brazil, women routinely transport water in five-gallon tins, balanced on their heads, from wells and lagoons located long distances from their homes. Both women and men have to fit their activities into 24-hour days. Based on cross-cultural data, Table 9-2 shows that the time and effort spent in subsistence activities by men and women tend to be about equal. If anything, men do slightly less subsistence work than women do. Think about how female domestic activities could have been specified in greater detail in Table 9-1. The original coding of the data in Table 9-1 probably illustrates a male bias in that extradomestic activities received much more prominence than domestic activities did. For example, is collecting wild honey (listed in Table 9-1) more necessary or time-consuming than cleaning a baby's bottom (absent from Table 9-1)? Also, notice that Table 9-1 does not mention trade and market activity, in which either or both men and women are active. 188 Chapter Nine Gender TABLE 9-1 Generalities in the Division of Labor by Gender, Based on Data from 185 Societies Generally Male Activities Hunting of large aquatic animals (e.g., whales, walrus) Smelting of ores Metalworking Lumbering Hunting large land animals Working wood Hunting fowl Making musical instruments Trapping Building boats Working stone Working bone, horn, and shell Mining and quarrying Setting bones Butchering* Collecting wild honey Clearing land Fishing Tending large herd animals Building houses Preparing the soil Making nets Making rope Swing (Male or Female) Generally Female Activities Activities Making fire Body mutilation Preparing skins Gathering small land animals Planting crops Making leather products Harvesting Tending crops Milking Making baskets Carrying burdens Making mats Caring for small animals Preserving meat and fish Loom weaving Gathering small aquatic animals Clothing manufacture Making pottery Gathering fuel (e.g., firewood) Making drinks Gathering wild vegetal foods Dairy production (e.g., churning) Spinning Doing the laundry Fetching water Cooking Preparing vegetal food (e.g., processing cereal grains) *All the activities above "butchering" are almost always done by men; those from "butchering" through "making rope" usually are done by men. Source: Murdock and Provost 1973. Recurrent Gender Patterns 189 TABLE 9-2 Time and Effort Expended on Subsistence Activities by Men and Women* More by men Roughly equal More by women *Percentage of 88 randomly selected societies for which information was available on this variable. Source: Whyte 1978. TABLE 9-3 Males do virtually none Males do some, but mostly done by females *Percentage of 92 randomly selected societies for which information was available on this variable. Source: Whyte 1978. TABLE 9-4 Who Has Final Authority over the Care, Handling, and Discipline of Infant Children (under Four Years Old)?* Males have more say Roughly equal Females have more say *Percentage of 67 randomly selected societies for which information was available on this variable. Source: Whyte 1978. Cross-culturally the subsistence contributions of men and women are roughly equal (Table 9-2). But in domestic activities and child care, female labor predominates, as we see in Tables 9-3 and 9-4. Table 9-3 shows that in about half the societies studied, men did virtually no domestic work. Even in societies where men did some domestic chores, the bulk of such work was done by women. Adding together their subsistence activities and their domestic work, women tend to work more hours than men do. Has this changed in the contemporary world? What about child care? Women tend to be the main caregivers in most societies, but men often play a role. Table 9-4 uses cross-cultural data to answer the question, "Who—men or women—have final authority over the care, handling, and discipline of children younger than four years?" Women have primary authority over infants in two-thirds of the societies. Given the critical role of breast-feeding in ensuring infant survival, it makes sense, for infants especially, for the mother to be the primary caregiver. 190 Chapter Nine Gender There are differences in male and female reproductive strategies. Women work to ensure their progeny will survive by establishing a close bond with each baby. Its also advantageous for a woman to have a reliable mate to ease the child-rearing process and ensure the survival of her children. (Again, there are exceptions, for example, the matrilineal Nayars discussed in the chapter "Families, Kinship, and Marriage.") Women can have only so many babies during the course of their reproductive years, which begin after menarche (the advent of first menstruation) and end with menopause (cessation of menstruation). Men, in contrast, have a longer reproductive period, which can last into the elder years. If they choose to do so, men can enhance their reproductive success by impregnating several women over a longer time period. Although men do not always have multiple mates, they do have a greater tendency to do so than women do (see Tables 9-5, 9-6, and 9-7). Among the societies known to ethnography, polygyny is much more common than polyandry (see Table 9-5). Men mate, within and outside marriage, more than women do. Table 9-6 shows cross-cultural data on premarital sex, and Table 9-7 summarizes the data on extramarital sex. In both cases men are less restricted than women are, although the restrictions are equal in about half the societies studied. Double standards that restrict women more than men illustrate gender stratification. Several studies have shown that economic roles affect gender stratification. In one cross-cultural study, Sanday (1974) found that gender stratification decreased when men and women made roughly equal contributions to subsistence. She found that gender stratification was )oes the Societ low Only for males For both, but more commonly for males For neither For both, but more commonly for females *Percentage of 92 randomly selected societies. Source: Whyte 1978. 77 4 16 ,E 9-6 Is There a Double Standard with Respect to PREMARITAL Sex* 44 Yes—females are more restricted No—equal restrictions on males and females 56 ♦Percentage of 73 randomly selected societies for which information was available on this variable. Source: Whyte 1978. Gender Among Foragers 191 TABLE 9-7 Is There a Double Standard with Respect to EXTRAMARITAL Sex* Yes—females are more restricted 43 Equal restrictions on males and females 55 Males punished more severely for transgression 3 *Percentage of 75 randomly selected societies for which information was available on this variable. Source: Whyte 1978. greatest when the women contributed either much more or much less than the men did. GENDER AMONG FORAGERS Sanday's finding applied mainly to food producers, not to foragers. In foraging societies gender stratification was most marked when men contributed much more to the diet than women did. This was true among the Inuit and other northern hunters and fishers. Among tropical and semitrop-ical foragers, by contrast, gathering usually supplies more food than hunting and fishing do. Gathering is generally women's work. Men usually hunt and fish, but women also do some fishing and may hunt small animals. When gathering is prominent, gender status tends to be more equal than it is when hunting and fishing are the main subsistence activities. Gender status is also more equal when the domestic and public spheres aren't sharply separated. {Domestic means within or pertaining to the home.) Strong differentiation between the home and the outside world is called the domestic-public dichotomy or the private-public contrast. The outside world can include politics, trade, warfare, or work. Often when domestic and public spheres are clearly separated, public activities have greater prestige than domestic ones do. This can promote gender stratification, because men are more likely to be active in the public domain than women are. Cross-culturally, women's activities tend to be closer to home than men's are. Thus, another reason hunter-gatherers have less gender stratification than food producers do is that the domestic-public dichotomy is less developed among foragers. Certain roles tend to be more sex-linked than others. Men are the usual hunters and warriors. Given such weapons as spears, knives, and bows, men make better fighters because they are bigger and stronger on average than are women in the same population (Divale and Harris 1976). The male hunter-fighter role also reflects a tendency toward greater male mobility. In foraging societies, women are either pregnant or lactating during most of their childbearing period. Late in pregnancy and after childbirth, carrying a baby limits a woman's movements, even her gathering. However, among the 192 Chapter Nine Gender Agta of the Philippines (Griffin and Estioko-Griffin, eds. 1985), women not only gather, they also hunt with dogs while carrying their babies with them. Still, given the effects of pregnancy and lactation on mobility, it is rarely feasible for women to be the primary hunters (Friedl 1975). Warfare, which also requires mobility, is not found in most foraging societies, nor is interregional trade well developed. Warfare and trade are two public arenas that contribute to status inequality of males and females among food producers. The Ju/'hoansi San illustrate the extent to which the activities and spheres of influence of men and women may overlap among foragers (Draper 1975). Traditional Ju/'hoansi gender roles were interdependent. During gathering, women discovered information about game animals, which they passed on to the men. Men and women spent about the same amount of time away from the camp, but neither worked more than three days a week. The Ju/'hoansi saw nothing wrong in doing the work of the other gender. Men often gathered food and collected water. A general sharing ethos dictated that men distribute meat and that women share the fruits of gathering. It is among foragers that the public and private spheres are least separate, hierarchy is least marked, aggression and competition are most discouraged, and the rights, activities, and spheres of influence of men and women overlap the most. Our ancestors lived entirely by foraging until 10,000 years ago. Despite the popular stereotype of the club-wielding caveman dragging his mate by the hair, relative gender equality is a much more likely ancestral pattern. GENDER AMONG HORTICULTURALISTS Gender roles and stratification among cultivators vary widely, depending on specific features of the economy and social structure. Demonstrating this, Martin and Voorhies (1975) studied a sample of 515 horticultural societies, representing all parts of the world. They looked at several factors, including descent and postmarital residence, the percentage of the diet derived from cultivation, and the relative productivity of men and women. Women turned out to be the main producers in horticultural societies. In 50 percent of those societies, women did most of the cultivating. In 33 percent, contributions to cultivation by men and women were equal (see Table 9-8 on page 353). In only 17 percent did men do most of the work. Women tended to do a bit more cultivating in matrilineal compared with patrilineal societies. They dominated horticulture in 64 percent of the matrilineal societies versus 50 percent of the patrilineal ones. Reduced Gender Stratification—Matrilineal, Matrilocal Societies Cross-cultural variation in gender status is related to rules of descent and postmarital residence (Friedl 1975; Martin and Voorhies 1975). Among horticulturalists with matrilineal descent and matrilocality (residence after Gender Among Horticulturalists 193 marriage with the wife's relatives), female status tends to be high. Matriliny and matrilocality disperse related males, rather than consolidating them. By contrast, patriliny and patrilocality (residence after marriage with the husband's kin) keep male relatives together—an advantage given warfare. Matrilineal-matrilocal systems tend to occur in societies where population pressure on strategic resources is minimal and warfare is infrequent. Women tend to have high status in matrilineal, matrilocal societies for several reasons (see the box at the end of the chapter). Descent-group membership, succession to political positions, allocation of land, and overall social identity all come through female links. Among the matrilineal Malays of Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia (Peletz 1988), matriliny gave women sole inheritance of ancestral rice fields. Matrilocality created solidary clusters of female kin. These Malay women had considerable influence beyond the household (Swift 1963). In such matrilineal contexts, women are the basis of the entire social structure. Although public authority nominally may be assigned to the men, much of the power and decision making actually may belong to the senior women. Increased Gender Stratification—Patrilineal-Patrilocal Societies Martin and Voorhies (1975) link the decline of matriliny and the spread of the pa tri lineal-pa trifocal complex (consisting of patrilineality, patrilocality, warfare, and male supremacy) to pressure on resources. Faced with scarce resources, patrilineal-patrilocal cultivators such as the Yanomami often wage warfare against other villages. This favors patrilocality and patriliny, customs that keep related men together in the same village, where they make strong allies in battle. Such societies tend to have a sharp domestic-public dichotomy, and men tend to dominate the prestige hierarchy. Men may use their public roles in warfare and trade and their greater prestige to symbolize and reinforce the devaluation or oppression of women. The patrilineal-patrilocal complex characterizes many societies in highland Papua New Guinea. Women work hard growing and processing subsistence crops, raising and tending pigs (the main domesticated animal and a favorite food), and doing domestic cooking, but they are isolated from the public domain, which men control. Men grow and distribute prestige crops, prepare food for feasts, and arrange marriages. The men even get to trade the pigs and control their use in ritual. In densely populated areas of the Papua New Guinea highlands, male-female avoidance is associated with strong pressure on resources (Linden-baum 1972). Men fear all female contacts, including sex. They think that sexual contact with women will weaken them. Indeed, men see everything female as dangerous and polluting. They segregate themselves in men's houses and hide their precious ritual objects from women. They delay marriage, and some never marry. By contrast, the sparsely populated areas of Papua New Guinea, such as recently settled areas, lack taboos on male-female contacts. The image of 194 Chapter Nine Gender In some parts of Papua New Guinea, the patrilineal-patrilocal complex has extreme social repercussions. Regarding females as dangerous and polluting, men may segregate themselves in men's houses (such as this one, located near the Sepik River), where they hide their precious ritual objects from women. Are there places like this in your society? woman as polluter fades, heterosexual intercourse is valued, men and women live together, and reproductive rates are high. GENDER AMONG AGRICULTURALISTS When the economy is based on agriculture, women typically lose their role as primary cultivators. Certain agricultural techniques, particularly plowing, have been assigned to men because of their greater average size and strength Gender Among Agriculturalists 195 TABLE 9-8 Male and Female Contributions to Production in Cultivating Societies Horticulture (percentage of 104 societies) Agriculture (percentage of 93 societies) Women are primary cultivators Men are primary cultivators Equal contributions to cultivation 50% 17 15% 81 3 Source: Martin and Voorhies 1975, p. 283. (Martin and Voorhies 1975). Except when irrigation is used, plowing eliminates the need for constant weeding, an activity usually done by women. Cross-cultural data illustrate these contrasts in productive roles between agricultural and horticultural economies. Women were the main workers in 50 percent of the horticultural societies surveyed but in only 15 percent of the agricultural groups. Male subsistence labor dominated 81 percent of the agricultural societies but only 17 percent of the horticultural ones (Martin and Voorhies 1975) (see Table 9-8). With the advent of agriculture, women were cut off from production for the first time in human history. Belief systems started contrasting men's valuable extradomestic labor with women's domestic role, now viewed as inferior. (Extradomestic means outside the home; within or pertaining to the public domain.) Changes in kinship and postmarital residence patterns also hurt women. Descent groups and polygyny declined with agriculture, and the nuclear family became more common. Living with her husband and children, a woman was isolated from her kinswomen and cowives. Female sexuality is carefully supervised in agricultural economies; men have easier access to divorce and extramarital sex, reflecting a "double standard." Still, female status in agricultural societies is not inevitably bleak. Gender stratification is associated with plow agriculture rather than with intensive cultivation per se. Studies of peasant gender roles and stratification in France and Spain (Harding 1975; Reiter 1975), which have plow agriculture, show that people think of the house as the female sphere and the fields as the male domain. However, such a dichotomy is not inevitable, as my own research among Betsileo agriculturalists in Madagascar shows. Betsileo women play a prominent role in agriculture, contributing a third of the hours invested in rice production. They have their customary tasks in the division of labor, but their work is more seasonal than men's is. No one has much to do during the ceremonial season, between mid-June and mid-September. Men work in the rice fields almost daily the rest of the year. Women's cooperative work occurs during transplanting (mid-September through November) and harvesting (mid-March through early May). Along with other members of the household, women do daily weeding in December 196 Chapter Nine Gender and January. After the harvest, all family members work together winnowing the rice and then transporting it to the granary. If we consider the strenuous daily task of husking rice by pounding (a part of food preparation rather than production per se), women actually contribute slightly more than 50 percent of the labor devoted to producing and preparing rice before cooking. Not just women's prominent economic role but traditional social organization enhances female status among the Betsileo. Although postmarital residence is mainly patrilocal, descent rules permit married women to keep membership in and a strong allegiance to their own descent groups. Kinship is broadly and bilaterally (on both sides—as in contemporary North America) calculated. The Betsileo exemplify Aihwa Ong's (1989) generalization that bilateral (and matrilineal) kinship systems, combined with subsistence economies in which the sexes have complementary roles in food production and distribution, are characterized by reduced gender stratification. Such societies are common among South Asian peasants (Ong 1989). Traditionally, Betsileo men participate more in politics, but the women also hold political office. Women sell their produce and products in markets, invest in cattle, sponsor ceremonies, and are mentioned during offerings to ancestors. Arranging marriages, an important extradomestic activity, is more women's concern than men's. Sometimes Betsileo women seek their own kinswomen as wives for their sons, reinforcing their own prominence in village life and continuing kin-based female solidarity in the village. The Betsileo illustrate the idea that intensive cultivation does not necessarily entail sharp gender stratification. We can see that gender roles and stratification reflect not just the type of adaptive strategy but also specific cultural attributes. Betsileo women continue to play a significant role in their society's major economic activity, rice production. PATRIARCHY AND VIOLENCE Patriarchy describes a political system ruled by men in which women have inferior social and political status, including basic human rights. Barbara Miller (1997), in a study of systematic neglect of females, describes women in rural northern India as "the endangered sex." Societies that feature a full-fledged patrilineal-patrilocal complex, replete with warfare and intervillage raiding, also typify patriarchy. Such practices as dowry murders, female infanticide, and clitoridectomy exemplify patriarchy, which extends from tribal societies such as the Yanomami to state societies such as India and Pakistan. Although more prevalent in certain social settings than in others, family violence and domestic abuse of women are worldwide problems. Domestic violence certainly occurs in neolocal-nuclear family settings, such as Gender and Industrialism 197 Canada and the United States. Cities, with their impersonality and isolation from extended kin networks, are breeding groups for domestic violence. We've seen that gender stratification is typically reduced in matrilineal, matrifocal, and bilateral societies in which women have prominent roles in the economy and social life. When a woman lives in her own village, she has kin nearby to look after and protect her interests. Even in patrilocal polygy-nous settings, women often count on the support of their cowives and sons in disputes with potentially abusive husbands. Such settings, which tend to provide a safe haven for women, are retracting rather than expanding in today's world, however. Isolated families and patrilineal social forms have spread at the expense of matrilineality. Many nations have declared polygyny illegal. More and more women, and men, find themselves cut off from extended kin and families of orientation. With the spread of the women's rights movement and the human rights movement, attention to domestic violence and abuse of women has increased. Laws have been passed and mediating institutions established. Brazil's female-run police stations for battered women provide an example, as do shelters for victims of domestic abuse in the United States and Canada. But patriarchal institutions do persist in what should be a more enlightened world. GENDER AND INDUSTRIALISM The domestic-public dichotomy, which is developed most fully among patrilineal-patrilocal food producers and plow agriculturalists, has also affected gender stratification in industrial societies, including the United States and Canada. Gender roles have been changing rapidly in North America. The "traditional" idea that "a woman's place is in the home" actually emerged in the United States as industrialism spread after 1900. Earlier, pioneer women in the Midwest and West had been recognized as fully productive workers in farming and home industry. Under industrialism, attitudes about gendered work came to vary with class and region. In early industrial Europe, men, women, and children had flocked to factories as wage laborers. Enslaved Americans of both sexes had done grueling work in cotton fields. With abolition, southern African American women continued working as field hands and domestics. Poor white women labored in the Souths early cotton mills. In the 1890s more than 1 million American women held menial and repetitious unskilled factory positions (Margolis 1984; Martin and Voorhies 1975). After 1900, European immigration produced a male labor force willing to work for wages lower than those of American-born men. Those immigrant men moved into factory jobs that previously had gone to women. As machine tools and mass production further reduced the need for female labor, the notion that women were biologically unfit for factory work began to gain ground (Martin and Voorhies 1975). 198 Chapter Nine Gender During the world wars the notion that women were biologically unfit for hard physical labor faded. Shown here is World War Us famous Rosie the Riveter. Is there a comparable poster woman today? What does her image say about modern gender roles? Maxine Margolis (1984, 2000) has shown how gendered work, attitudes, and beliefs have varied in response to American economic needs. For example, wartime shortages of men have promoted the idea that work outside the home is women's patriotic duty. During the world wars the notion that women are unfit for hard physical labor faded. Inflation and the culture of consumption have also spurred female employment. When prices or demand rise, multiple paychecks help maintain family living standards. Gender and Industrialism 199 The steady increase in female paid employment since World War II also reflects the baby boom and industrial expansion. American culture traditionally has defined clerical work, teaching, and nursing as female occupations. With rapid population growth and business expansion after World War II, the demand for women to fill such jobs grew steadily. Employers also found that they could increase their profits by paying women lower wages than they would have to pay returning male war veterans. Margolis (1984) contends that changes in the economy lead to changes in attitudes toward and about women. Economic changes paved the way for the contemporary woman's movement, which was also spurred by the publication of Betty Friedan's book The Feminine Mystique in 1963 and the founding of National Organization of Women (NOW) in 1966. The movement in turn promoted expanded work opportunities for women, including equal pay for equal work. Between 1970 and 2002 the female percentage of the American workforce rose from 38 to 47 percent. In other words, almost half of all Americans who work outside the home are women. Over 71 million women now have paid jobs, compared with 80 million men. Women now fill more than half (57 percent) of all professional jobs {Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2004-2005, p. 412). And it's not mainly single women working, as once was the case. Table 9-9 presents figures on the ever-increasing cash employment of American wives and mothers. Note in Table 9-9 that the cash employment of American married men has been falling while that of American married women has been rising. There has been a dramatic change in behavior and attitudes since 1960, when 89 percent of all married men worked, compared with just 32 percent of married women. The comparable figures in 2003 were 77 percent and 60 percent. Ideas about the gender roles of males and females have changed. Compare your grandparents and your parents. Chances are you have a working mother, but that your grandmother was a stay-home mom. Your grandfather TABLE 9-9 Cash Employment of American Mothers, Wives, and Husbands, 1960-2003 * Percentage of Married Women, Husband Present Percentage of All Percentage of Year with Children under 6 Married Women3 All Married Menb 1960 19 32 89 1970 30 40 86 1980 45 50 81 1990 59 58 79 2003 60 62 ♦Civilian population 16 years of age and older. aHusband present. bWife present. Source: Statistical Abstract of the United States 2004-2005, Table 577, p. 376; Table 580, p. 377. 200 Chapter Nine Gender is more likely than your father to have worked in manufacturing and to have belonged to a union. Your father is more likely than your grandfather to have shared child care and domestic responsibilities. Age at marriage has been delayed for both men and women. College educations and professional degrees have increased. What other changes do you associate with the increase in female employment outside the home? The Feminization of Poverty Alongside the economic gains of many American women stands an opposite extreme: the feminization of poverty, or the increasing representation of women (and their children) among America's poorest people. Women head over half of U.S. households with incomes below the poverty line. In 1959 female-headed households accounted for just one-fourth of the American poor. Since then that figure has more than doubled. Married couples are much more secure economically than single mothers are. The average income for married-couple families is more than twice that of families maintained by a single woman. The average one-earner family maintained by a single woman had an annual income of $28,142 in 2001. This was less than one-half the mean income ($60,471) of a married-couple household. (Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2003, p. 457). The feminization of poverty isn't just a North American trend. The percentage of female-headed households has been increasing worldwide. In Western Europe, for example, female-headed households rose from 24 percent in 1980 to 31 percent in 1990. The figure ranges from below 20 percent in certain South Asian and Southeast Asian countries to almost 50 percent in certain African countries and the Caribbean (Buvinic 1995). Why must so many women be solo household heads? Where are the men going, and why are they leaving? Among the causes are male migration, civil strife (men off fighting), divorce, abandonment, widowhood, unwed adolescent parenthood, and, more generally, the idea that children are women's responsibility. Globally, households headed by women tend to be poorer than those headed by men. In one study, the percentage of single-parent families considered poor was 18 percent in Britain, 20 percent in Italy, 25 percent in Switzerland, 40 percent in Ireland, 52 percent in Canada, and 63 percent in the United States. It is widely believed that one way to improve the situation of poor women is to encourage them to organize. New women's groups can in some cases revive or replace traditional forms of social organization that have been disrupted. Membership in a group can help women to mobilize resources, to rationalize production, and to reduce the risks and costs associated with credit. Organization also allows women to develop self-confidence and to decrease dependence on others. Through such organization, poor women throughout the world are working to determine their own needs and priorities and to change things so as to improve their social and economic situation (Buvinic 1995). Sexual Orientation 201 WHAT DETERMINES GENDER VARIATION? We see that gender roles and stratification have varied widely across cultures and through history. Among many foragers and matrilineal cultivators, there is little gender stratification. Competition for resources leads to warfare and the intensification of production. These conditions favor patriliny and patrilocality. To the extent that women lose their productive roles in agricultural societies, the domestic-public dichotomy is accentuated and gender stratification is sharpened. With industrialism, attitudes about gender vary in the context of female extradomestic employment. Gender is flexible and varies with cultural, social, political, and economic factors. The variability of gender in time and space suggests that it will continue to change. The biology of the sexes is not a narrow enclosure limiting humans but a broad base upon which a variety of structures can be built (Friedl 1975). SEXUAL ORIENTATION Sexual orientation refers to a persons habitual sexual attraction to, and sexual activities with, persons of the opposite sex (heterosexuality), the same sex (homosexuality), or both sexes (bisexuality). Asexuality, indifference toward, or lack of attraction to either sex, is also a sexual orientation. All four of these forms are found in contemporary North America, and throughout the world. But each type of desire and experience holds different meanings for individuals and groups. For example, an asexual disposition may be acceptable in some places but may be perceived as a character flaw in others. Male-male sexual activity may be a private affair in Mexico, rather than public, socially sanctioned, and encouraged as among the Etoro (see below) of Papua New Guinea (see also Blackwood and Wieringa, eds. 1999; Herdt 1981; Kimmel and Plante 2004; Lancaster and di Leonardo, eds. 1997). Recently in the United States there has been a tendency to see sexual orientation as fixed and biologically based. There is not enough information at this time to determine the extent to which sexual orientation is based on biology. What we can say is that, to some extent at least, all human activities and preferences, including erotic expression, are learned, malleable, and culturally constructed. In any society, individuals will differ in the nature, range, and intensity of their sexual interests and urges. No one knows for sure why such individual sexual differences exist. Part of the answer may be biological, reflecting genes or hormones (Wade 2005). Another part may have to do with experiences during growth and development. But whatever the reasons for individual variation, culture always plays a role in molding individual sexual urges toward a collective norm. And such sexual norms vary from culture to culture. What do we know about variation in sexual norms from society to society, and over time? A classic cross-cultural study (Ford and Beach 1951) 202 Chapter Nine Gender found wide variation in attitudes about masturbation, bestiality (sex with animals), and homosexuality. In a single society, such as the United States, attitudes about sex differ over time and with socioeconomic status, region, and rural versus urban residence. However, even in the 1950s, prior to the "age of sexual permissiveness" (the pre-HIV period from the mid-1960s through the 1970s), research showed that almost all American men (92 percent) and more than half of American women (54 percent) admitted to masturbation. In the famous Kinsey report (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin 1948), 37 percent of the men surveyed admitted having had at least one sexual experience leading to orgasm with another male. In a later study of 1,200 unmarried women, 26 percent reported same-sex sexual activities. Sex acts involving people of the same sex were absent, rare, or secret in only 37 percent of 76 societies for which data were available in the Ford and Beach study (1951). In the others, various forms of same-sex sexual activity were considered normal and acceptable. Sometimes sexual relations between people of the same sex involved transvestism on the part of one of the partners (see Kulick 1998). Transvestism did not characterize male-male sex among the Sudanese Azande, who valued the warrior role (Evans-Pritchard 1970). Prospective warriors—young men aged 12 to 20—left their families and shared quarters with adult fighting men, who paid bridewealth for, and had sex with, them. During this apprenticeship, the young men did the domestic duties of women. Upon reaching warrior status, these young men took their own younger male brides. Later, retiring from the warrior role, Azande men married women. Flexible in their sexual expression, Azande males had no difficulty shifting from sex with older men (as male brides), to sex with younger men (as warriors), to sex with women (as husbands) (see Murray and Roscoe, eds. 1998). An extreme example of tension involving male-female sexual relations in Papua New Guinea is provided by the Etoro (Kelly 1976), a group of 400 people who subsist by hunting and horticulture in the Trans-Fly region. The Etoro illustrate the power of culture in molding human sexuality. The following account, based on ethnographic field work by Raymond C. Kelly in the late 1960s, applies only to Etoro males and their beliefs. Etoro cultural norms prevented the male anthropologist who studied them from gathering comparable information about female attitudes. Note, also, that the activities described have been discouraged by missionaries. Since there has been no restudy of the Etoro specifically focusing on these activities, the extent to which these practices continue today is unknown. For this reason, I'll use the past tense in describing them. Etoro opinions about sexuality were linked to their beliefs about the cycle of birth, physical growth, maturity, old age, and death. Etoro men believed that semen was necessary to give life force to a fetus, which was, they believed, implanted in a woman by an ancestral spirit. Sexual intercourse during pregnancy nourished the growing fetus. The Etoro believed that men had a limited lifetime supply of semen. Any sex act leading to ejaculation Sexual Orientation 203 was seen as draining that supply, and as sapping a man's virility and vitality. The birth of children, nurtured by semen, symbolized a necessary sacrifice that would lead to the husband's eventual death. Heterosexual intercourse, required only for reproduction, was discouraged. Women who wanted too much sex were viewed as witches, hazardous to their husbands' health. Etoro culture allowed heterosexual intercourse only about 100 days a year. The rest of the time it was tabooed. Seasonal birth clustering shows the taboo was respected. So objectionable was male-female sex that it was removed from community life. It could occur neither in sleeping quarters nor in the fields. Coitus could happen only in the woods, where it was risky because poisonous snakes, the Etoro claimed, were attracted by the sounds and smells of male-female sex. Although coitus was discouraged, sex acts between men were viewed as essential. Etoro believed that boys could not produce semen on their own. To grow into men and eventually give life force to their children, boys had to acquire semen orally from older men. From the age of 10 until adulthood, boys were inseminated by older men. No taboos were attached to this. Such oral insemination could proceed in the sleeping area or garden. Every three years, a group of boys around the age of 20 was formally initiated into manhood. They went to a secluded mountain lodge, where they were visited and inseminated by several older men. Male-male sex among the Etoro was governed by a code of propriety. Although sexual relations between older and younger males were considered culturally essential, those between boys of the same age were discouraged. A boy who took semen from other youths was believed to be sapping their life force and stunting their growth. A boy's rapid physical development might suggest he was getting semen from other boys. Like a sex-hungry wife, he might be shunned as a witch. These sexual practices among the Etoro rested not on hormones or genes but on cultural beliefs and traditions. The Etoro were an extreme example of a male-female avoidance pattern that has been widespread in Papua New Guinea and in patrilineal-patrilocal societies. The Etoro shared a cultural pattern, which Gilbert Herdt (1984) calls "ritualized homosexuality," with some 50 other tribes in Papua New Guinea, especially in that country's Trans-Fly region. These societies illustrate one extreme of a male-female avoidance pattern that is widespread in Papua New Guinea and indeed in many patrilineal-patrilocal societies. Flexibility in sexual expression seems to be an aspect of our primate heritage. Both masturbation and same-sex sexual activity exist among chimpanzees and other primates. Male bonobos (pygmy chimps) regularly engage in a form of mutual masturbation known as "penis fencing." Females get sexual pleasure from rubbing their genitals against those of other females (de Waal 1997). Our primate sexual potential is molded by culture, the environment, and reproductive necessity. Heterosexual coitus is practiced in all human societies—which, after all, must reproduce 204 r Chapter Nine Gender themselves—but alternatives are also widespread (Rathus, Nevid, and Fichner-Rathus 2005). Like gender roles and attitudes more generally, the sexual component of human personality and identity—just how we express our "natural" sexual urges—is a matter that culture and environment determine and limit. ndonesia's Matriarchal Minangkabau Offer an Alternative Social System If a patriarchy is a political system ruled by men, what would a matriarchy be? Would a matriarchy be a political system ruled by women, or a political system in which women play a much more prominent role than men do in social and political organization? As you read this account, pay attention to the centrality of Minangkabau women in social, economic, and ceremonial life and as key symbols. Matriliny or matrilineality (reckoning of kinship through females only) is uncommon as an organizing principle in nation-states, such as Indonesia, where the Minangkabau live. But political systems operate at different levels. We see here that matriliny and matriarchy are expressed locally, at the village level, and regionally, where seniority of matrilineal descent serves as a way to rank villages. This account again illustrates the idea that contemporary non-Western societies should not be seen as isolated and pristine social and political systems, but as blends in which different religious, philosophical, and political principles may coexist. For the last century, . . . scholars have searched both human history and the continents to find a matriarchy—a society where the power was in the hands of women, not men. Most have concluded that a genuine matriarchy does not exist, perhaps may never have existed. Anthropologist Peggy Reeves San-day, Consulting Curator, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, disagrees. After years of research among the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, Indonesia, she has accepted that groups own self-labeling as a "matriarcháte," or matriarchy. The problem, she asserts, lies in Western cultural notions of what a matriarchy "should" look like— patriarchy's female-twin. "Too many anthropologists have been looking for a society where women rule the affairs of everyday life, including government," she said. "That template— and a singular, Western perspective on power—doesn't fit very well when you're looking at non-Western cultures like the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, Indonesia, where males and females are partners for the common good rather than competitors ruled by self-interest. Social prestige accrues to those who promote good relations by following the dictates of custom and religion." The four million Minangkabau, one of Indonesia's largest ethnic groups, live in the highlands of the province of West Sumatra. Their society is founded on the coexistence of matrilineal custom and a nature-based philosophy called adat. More recently, Islam has been incorporated into the foundation. . . . The key to Minangkabau matriarchy, according to Sanday, is found in the ever-present adat idea [that] "One must nurture growth in humans, animals, and plants so that society will be strong." . . . Sexual Orientation 205 A Minangkabau bride and groom in West Sumatra, Indonesia, where anthropologist Peggy Reeves Sanday has conducted several years of ethnographic field work. The emphasis on nurturing growth yields a unique emphasis on the maternal in daily life. The Minangkabau glorify their mythical Queen Mother and cooperation. In village social relations senior women are associated with the central pillar of the traditional house, which is the oldest pillar because it is the first erected. The oldest village in a group of villages is referred to as the "mother village." When they stage ceremonies in their full ceremonial regalia, women are addressed by the same term reserved for the mythical Queen. Such practices suggest that matriarchy in this society is about making the maternal the center, origin, and foundation, not just of life but of the social order as well. The power of Minangkabau women extends to the economic and social realms. Women control land inheritance, and husbands move into the households of their wives.... During the wedding ceremony the wife collects her husband from his household and, with her female relatives, brings him back to her household to live. In the event of a divorce the husband collects his clothes 206 Chapter Nine Gender and leaves. Yet, despite the special position women are accorded in the society, the Minangkabau matriarchy is not the equivalent of female rule. "Neither male nor female rule is possible because of the Minangkabau belief that decision-making should be by consensus," Dr. Sanday said. "In answer to my persistent questions about 'who rules,' I was often told that I was asking the wrong question. Neither sex rules, it was explained to me, because males and females complement one another." Today, according to Dr. Sanday, while the Minangkabau matriarchy is based largely on adat, Islam also plays a role. Islam arrived in West Sumatra sometime in the 16th century, long after adat customs and philosophy had been established. At first there was an uneasy relationship between adat and Islam and, in the 19th century, a war between adherents of adat customs and fundamentalist beliefs imported from Mecca. The conflict was resolved by both sides making accommodations. Today, matri-lineal adat and Islam are accepted as equally sacred and inviolate. Resurgent Islamic fundamentalism, nationalism, and expanding capitalism may erode the Minangkabau's nature-based matriarchal culture and the adat that infuses meaning into their lives. [Sandayl remains optimistic that their culture has the innate flexibility to adapt to a changing world. "Had the Minangkabau chosen to fight rather than to accommodate the numerous influences that impinged on their world over the centuries, had they chosen to assert cultural purity, no doubt their 'adat' would have long ago succumbed. The moral of the Minangkabau story is that accommodating differences can preserve a world." Source: Pam Kosty, "Indonesia's Matriarchal Minangkabau Offer an Alternative Social System," May 9, 2000; http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/ 2002-05/uop-imm050902.php. Summary 1. Gender roles are the tasks and activities that a culture assigns to each sex. Gender stereotypes are oversimplified ideas about attributes of males and females. Gender stratification describes an unequal distribution of rewards by gender, reflecting different positions in a social hierarchy. Cross-cultural comparison reveals some recurrent patterns involving the division of labor by gender and gender-based differences in reproductive strategies. Gender roles and gender stratification also vary with environment, economy, adaptive strategy, level of social complexity, and degree of participation in the world economy. 2. When gathering is prominent, gender status is more equal than when hunting or fishing dominates a foraging economy. Gender status is also more equal when the domestic and public spheres aren't sharply separated. Foragers lack two public arenas that contribute to higher male status among food producers: warfare and organized interregional trade. 3. Gender stratification is also linked to descent and residence. Women's status in matrilineal societies tends to be high because overall social identity comes through female links. Women in many societies, especially matrilineal ones, wield power and make decisions. Scarcity of resources promotes intervillage warfare, patriliny, and patrilocality. The localization of related males is adaptive for military solidarity. Men may use their warrior role to symbolize and reinforce the social devaluation and oppression of women. With the advent of plow agriculture, women were removed from production. The distinction between women's domestic work and men's "productive" labor reinforced the contrast between men as public and valuable and women as homebound and inferior. Patriarchy describes a political system ruled by men in which women have inferior social and political status, including basic human rights. Some expressions of patriarchy include female infanticide, dowry murders, domestic abuse, and forced genital operations. Americans' attitudes toward gender roles vary with class and region. When the need for female labor declines, the idea that women are unfit for many jobs increases, and vice versa. Factors such as war, falling wages, and inflation help explain female cash employment and Americans' attitudes toward it. Countering the economic gains of many American women is the feminization of poverty. This has become a global phenomenon, as impoverished female-headed households have increased worldwide. There has been a recent tendency to see sexual orientation as fixed and biologically based. But, to some extent at least, all human activities and preferences, including erotic expression, are influenced by culture. Sexual orientation stands for a person's habitual sexual attraction to, and activities with, persons of the opposite sex (heterosexuality), the same sex (homosexuality), or both sexes (bisexuality). Sexual norms vary widely from culture to culture. e ey Terms domestic-public dichotomy extradomestic gender roles gender stereotypes gender stratification patriarchy patrilineal-patrilocal complex sexual dimorphism sexual orientation v. rapier £ ■ Religion EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGION Animism • Mana and Taboo • Magic and Religion • Uncertainty, Anxiety, Solace • Rituals • Rites of Passage • Totemism SOCIAL CONTROL KINDS OF RELIGION WORLD RELIGIONS RELIGION AND CHANGE Revitalization Movements • Cargo Cults SECULAR RITUALS Box: Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally The anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace defined religion as "belief and ritual concerned with supernatural beings, powers, and forces" (1966, p. 5). The supernatural is the extraordinary realm outside (but believed to impinge on) the observable world. It is nonempirical and inexplicable in ordinary terms. It must be accepted "on faith." Supernatural beings—gods and goddesses, ghosts, and souls—are not of the material world. Nor are supernatural forces, some of which may be wielded by beings. Other sacred forces are impersonal; they simply exist. In many societies, however, people believe they can benefit from, become imbued with, or manipulate supernatural forces. Another definition of religion (Reese 1999) focuses on bodies of people who gather together regularly for worship. These congregants or adherents subscribe to and internalize a common system of meaning. They accept (adhere to or believe in) a set of doctrines involving the relationship between the individual and divinity, the supernatural, or whatever is taken to be the ultimate nature of reality. Anthropologists have stressed the collective, shared, and enacted nature of religion, the emotions it generates, and the meanings it embodies. Emile Dürkheim (1912/2001), an early Expressions of Religion 209 scholar of religion, stressed religious effervescence, the bubbling up of collective emotional intensity generated by worship. Victor Turner (1969/1995) updated Dürkheims notion, using the term communitas, an intense community spirit, a feeling of great social solidarity, equality, and togetherness. The word religion derives from the Latin religare—"to tie, to bind," but it is not necessary for all members of a given religion to meet together as a common body. Subgroups meet regularly at local congregation sites. They may attend occasional meetings with adherents representing a wider region. And they may form an imagined community with people of similar faith throughout the world. Like ethnicity and language, religion also is associated with social divisions within and between societies and nations, such as those countries into which Islam has diffused (see the box at the end of this chapter). Religion both unites and divides. Participation in common rites may affirm, and thus maintain, the social solidarity of one religion's adherents. However, as we know from daily headlines, religious difference also may be associated with bitter enmity. In studying religion cross-culturally, anthropologists pay attention to the social nature and roles of religion as well as to the nature, content, and meaning to people of religious doctrines, acts, events, settings, practitioners, and organizations. We also consider such verbal manifestations of religious beliefs as prayers, chants, myths, texts, and statements about ethics and morality (see Cunningham 1999; Klass 2003; Lehmann, Meyers, and Moro 2005; Stein and Stein 2005). Religion, by either definition offered here, exists in all human societies. It is a cultural universal. However, we'll see that it isn't always easy to distinguish the supernatural from the natural and that different societies conceptualize divinity, supernatural entities, and ultimate realities very differently. EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGION When did religion begin? No one knows for sure. There are suggestions of religion in Neandertal burials and on European cave walls, where painted stick figures may represent shamans, early religious specialists. Nevertheless, any statement about when, where, why, and how religion arose, or any description of its original nature, can be only speculative. Although such speculations are inconclusive, however, many have revealed important functions and effects of religious behavior. Several theories will be examined now. Animism The founder of the anthropology of religion was the Englishman Sir Edward Burnett Tylor (1871/1958). Religion was born, Tylor thought, as people tried to understand conditions and events they could not explain by reference to daily experience. Tylor believed that our ancestors—and 210 Chapter Ten Religion contemporary nonindustrial peoples—were particularly intrigued with death, dreaming, and trance. In dreams and trances, people see images they may remember when they wake up or come out of the trance state. Tylor concluded that attempts to explain dreams and trances led early humans to believe that two entities inhabit the body, one active during the day and the other—a double or soul—active during sleep and trance states. Although they never meet, they are vital to each other. When the double permanently leaves the body, the person dies. Death is departure of the soul. From the Latin for soul, anima, Tylor named this belief animism. The soul was one sort of spiritual entity; people remembered various images from their dreams and trances—other spirits. For Tylor, animism, the earliest form of religion, was a belief in spiritual beings. Tylor proposed that religion evolved through stages, beginning with animism. Polytheism (the belief in multiple gods) and then monotheism (the belief in a single, all-powerful deity) developed later. Because religion originated to explain things people didn't understand, Tylor thought it would decline as science offered better explanations. To an extent, he was right. We now have scientific explanations for many things that religion once elucidated. Nevertheless, because religion persists, it must do something more than explain the mysterious. It must, and does, have other functions and meanings. Mana and Taboo Besides animism—and sometimes coexisting with it in the same society—is a view of the supernatural as a domain of impersonal power, or force, which people can control under certain conditions. (You'd be right to think of Star Wars.) Such a conception of the supernatural is particularly prominent in Melanesia, the area of the South Pacific that includes Papua New Guinea and adjacent islands. Melanesians believed in mana, a sacred impersonal force existing in the universe. Mana can reside in people, animals, plants, and objects. Melanesian mana was similar to our notion of efficacy or luck. Melanesians attributed success to mana, which people could acquire or manipulate in different ways, such as through magic. Objects with mana could change someone's luck. For example, a charm or amulet belonging to a successful hunter might transmit the hunter's mana to the next person who held or wore it. A woman might put a rock in her garden, see her yields improve dramatically, and attribute the change to the force contained in the rock. Beliefs in manalike forces are widespread, although the specifics of the religious doctrines vary. Consider the contrast between mana in Melanesia and Polynesia (the islands included in a triangular area marked by Hawaii to the north, Easter Island to the east, and New Zealand to the southwest). In Melanesia, one could acquire mana by chance, or by working hard to get it. In Polynesia, however, mana wasn't potentially available to everyone but was attached to political offices. Chiefs and nobles had more mana than ordinary people did. Expressions of Religion 211 So charged with mana were the highest chiefs that contact with them was dangerous to the commoners. The mana of chiefs flowed out of their bodies wherever they went. It could infect the ground, making it dangerous for others to walk in the chiefs footsteps. It could permeate the containers and utensils chiefs used in eating. Contact between chief and commoners was dangerous because mana could have an effect like an electric shock. Because high chiefs had so much mana, their bodies and possessions were taboo (set apart as sacred and off-limits to ordinary people). Contact between a high chief and commoners was forbidden. Because ordinary people couldn't bear as much sacred current as royalty could, when commoners were accidentally exposed, purification rites were necessary. One function of religion is to explain. A belief in souls explains what happens in sleep, trance, and death. Melanesian mana explains differential success that people can't understand in ordinary, natural terms. People fail at hunting, war, or gardening not because they are lazy, stupid, or inept but because success comes—or doesn't come—from the supernatural world. The beliefs in spiritual beings (e.g., animism) and supernatural forces (e.g., mana) fit within the definition of religion given at the beginning of this chapter. Most religions include both spirits and impersonal forces. Likewise the supernatural beliefs of contemporary North Americans include beings (gods, saints, souls, demons) and forces (charms, talismans, crystals, and sacred objects). Magic and Religion Magic refers to supernatural techniques intended to accomplish specific aims. These techniques include spells, formulas, and incantations used with deities or with impersonal forces. Magicians use imitative magic to produce a desired effect by imitating it. If magicians wish to injure or kill someone, they may imitate that effect on an image of the victim. Sticking pins in "voodoo dolls" is an example. With contagious magic, whatever is done to an object is believed to affect a person who once had contact with it. Sometimes practitioners of contagious magic use body products from prospective victims—their nails or hair, for example. The spell performed on the body product is believed to reach the person eventually and work the desired result. We find magic in societies with diverse religious beliefs. It can be associated with animism, mana, polytheism, or monotheism. Magic is neither simpler nor more primitive than animism or the belief in mana. Uncertainty, Anxiety, Solace Religion and magic don't just explain things. They serve emotional needs as well as cognitive (e.g., explanatory) ones. For example, supernatural beliefs and practices can help reduce anxiety. Religion helps people face death and endure life crises. Magical techniques can dispel doubts that arise when outcomes are beyond human control. 212 Chapter Ten Religion Illustrating baseball magic, Long Beach State's star pitcher Jered Weaver writes the initials of his deceased grandparents in the dirt behind the pitcher's mound at the start of each inning he pitches. The game shown here—against Cal State Fullerton—took place on May 21, 2004. Although all societies have techniques to deal with everyday matters, there are certain aspects of peoples lives over which they lack control. When people face uncertainty and danger, according to Malinowski, they turn to magic. Malinowski found that the Trobriand Islanders used magic when sailing, a hazardous activity. He proposed that because people can't control matters such as wind, weather, and the fish supply, they turn to magic (Malinowski 1931/1978). Malinowski noted that it was only when confronted by situations they could not control that Trobrianders, out of psychological stress, turned from technology to magic. Despite our improving technical skills, we can't still control every outcome, and magic persists in contemporary societies. Magic is particularly evident in baseball, where George Gmelch (1978, 2001) describes a series of rituals, taboos, and sacred objects. Like Trobriand sailing magic, these behaviors serve to reduce psychological stress, creating an illusion of magical control when real control is lacking. Even the best pitchers have off days and bad luck. Examples of pitchers' magic include tugging ones cap between pitches, touching the resin bag after each bad pitch, and talking to the ball. Gmelchs conclusions confirm Malinowski's that magic is most prevalent in situations of chance and uncertainty. All sorts of magical Expressions of Religion 213 behavior surrounded pitching and batting, where uncertainty is rampant, but few rituals involved fielding, where players have much more control. (Batting averages of .350 or higher are very rare after a full season, but a fielding percentage below .900 is a disgrace.) Rituals Several features distinguish rituals from other kinds of behavior (Rappaport 1974, 1999). Rituals are formal—stylized, repetitive, and stereotyped. People perform them in special (sacred) places and at set times. Rituals include liturgical orders—sequences of words and actions invented prior to the current performance of the ritual in which they occur. These features link rituals to plays, but there are important differences. Plays have audiences rather than participants. Actors merely portray something, but ritual performers—who make up congregations—are in earnest. Rituals convey information about the participants and their traditions. Repeated year after year, generation after generation, rituals translate enduring messages, values, and sentiments into action. Rituals are social acts. Inevitably, some participants are more committed than others to the beliefs that lie behind the rites. However, just by taking part in a joint public act, the performers signal that they accept a common social and moral order, one that transcends their status as individuals. Rites of Passage Magic and religion, as Malinowski noted, can reduce anxiety and allay fears. Ironically, beliefs and rituals can also create anxiety and a sense of insecurity and danger (Radcliffe-Brown 1962/1965). Anxiety may arise because a rite exists. Indeed, participation in a collective ritual may build up stress, whose common reduction, through the completion of the ritual, enhances the solidarity of the participants. Rites of passage, such as the collective circumcision of teenagers, can be very stressful. The traditional vision quests of Native Americans, particularly the Plains Indians, illustrate rites of passage (customs associated with the transition from one place or stage of life to another), which are found throughout the world. Among the Plains Indians, to move from boyhood to manhood, a youth temporarily separated from his community. After a period of isolation in the wilderness, often featuring fasting and drug consumption, the young man would see a vision, which would become his guardian spirit. He would return then to his community as an adult. The rites of passage of contemporary societies include confirmations, baptisms, bar and bat mitzvahs, and fraternity hazing. Passage rites involve changes in social status, such as from boyhood to manhood and from nonmember to sorority sister. More generally, a rite of passage may mark any change in place, condition, social position, or age. 214 l^Bfe*-:..:... -.\J , Chapter Ten Religion ■ Li „ . » ■ '%L-- ft-"' Ml ,»... . ■ ■ mi What features of liminality are evident in this photo of novice Buddhist monks in a Thai classroom in Bangkok? Liminality may be temporary, as in rites of passage, or permanent, as with the Buddhist monks. In either case, liminal attributes are used to set off a group of people from ordinary, secular life. All rites of passage have three phases: separation, liminality, and incorporation. In the first phase, people withdraw from the group and begin moving from one place or status to another. In the third phase, they reenter society, having completed the rite. The liminal phase is the most interesting. It is the period between states, the limbo during which people have left one place or state but haven't yet entered or joined the next (Turner 1969/1974). Liminality always has certain characteristics. Liminal people occupy ambiguous social positions. They exist apart from ordinary distinctions and expectations, living in a time out of time. They are cut off from normal social contacts. A variety of contrasts may demarcate liminality from regular social life. For example, among the Ndembu of Zambia, a chief underwent a rite of passage before taking office. During the liminal period, his past and future positions in society were ignored, even reversed. He was subjected to a variety of insults, orders, and humiliations. Passage rites often are collective. Several individuals—boys being circumcised, fraternity or sorority initiates, men at military boot camps, football players in summer training camps, women becoming nuns—pass through the rites together as a group. Table 10-1 summarizes the contrasts or oppositions between liminality and normal social life. Most notable is a social aspect of collective liminality called communitas (Turner 1969/1974), Expressions of Religion 215 mm TABLE 10-1 Oppositions between Liminality and Normal Social Life Liminality Normal Social Structure transition homogeneity communitas equality anonymity absence of property absence of status nakedness or uniform dress sexual continence or excess minimization of sex distinctions absence of rank humility disregard of personal appearance unselfishness total obedience sacredness sacred instruction silence simplicity acceptance of pain and suffering Source: Adapted from Turner 1969/1974. Copyright i Gruyter, New York. state heterogeneity structure inequality names property status dress distinctions sexuality maximization of sex distinctions rank pride care for personal appearance selfishness obedience only to superior rank secularity technical knowledge speech complexity avoidance of pain and suffering 1969 by Victor W. Turner. By permission of Aldine de an intense community spirit, a feeling of great social solidarity, equality, and togetherness. People experiencing liminality together form a community of equals. The social distinctions that have existed before or will exist afterward are forgotten temporarily. Liminal people experience the same treatment and conditions and must act alike. Liminality may be marked ritually and symbolically by reversals of ordinary behavior. For example, sexual taboos may be intensified, or conversely, sexual excess may be encouraged. Liminality is basic to every passage rite. Furthermore, in certain societies, including our own, liminal symbols may be used to set off one (religious) group from another, and from society as a whole. Such "permanent liminal groups" (e.g., sects, brotherhoods, and cults) are found most characteristically in nation-states. Such liminal features as humility, poverty, equality, obedience, sexual abstinence, and silence may be required for all sect or cult members. Those who join such a group agree to its rules. As if they were undergoing a passage rite—but in this case a never-ending one—they may rid themselves of their previous possessions and cut themselves off from former social links, including those with family members. Identity as a member of the group is expected to transcend individuality. Cult members often wear uniform clothing. They may try to reduce distinctions based on age and gender by using a common hair style (shaved 216 Chapter Ten Religion head, short hair, or long hair). The Heaven's Gate cult, whose mass suicide garnered headlines in 1997, even used castration to increase androgyny (similarity between males and females). With such cults (as in the military), the individual, so important in American culture, is submerged in the collective. This is one reason Americans are so fearful and suspicious of "cults." In a variety of contexts, liminal features signal the distinctiveness or sacredness of groups, persons, settings, and events. Liminal symbols mark entities and circumstances as extraordinary—outside and beyond ordinary social space and routine social events. Totemism Rituals serve the social function of creating temporary or permanent solidarity among people—forming a social community. We see this also in practices known as totemism. Totemism was important in the religions of the Native Australians. Totems could be animals, plants, or geographical features. In each tribe, groups of people had particular totems. Members of each totemic group believed themselves to be descendants of their totem. They customarily neither killed nor ate it, but this taboo was lifted once a year, when people assembled for ceremonies dedicated to the totem. These annual rites were believed to be necessary for the totem's survival and reproduction. Totemism uses nature as a model for society. The totems are usually animals and plants, which are part of nature. People relate to nature through their totemic association with natural species. Because each group has a different totem, social differences mirror natural contrasts. Diversity in the natural order becomes a model for diversity in the social order. However, although totemic plants and animals occupy different niches in nature, on another level they are united because they all are part of nature. The unity of the human social order is enhanced by symbolic association with and imitation of the natural order (Dürkheim 1912/2001; Levi-Strauss 1963; Radcliffe-Brown 1962/1965). In contemporary nations, too, totems continue to mark groups, such as states and universities (e.g., Badgers, Buckeyes, and Wolverines), professional teams (Lions, and Tigers, and Bears), and political parties (donkeys and elephants). Although the modern context is more secular, one can still witness, in intense college football rivalries, some of the effervescence Dürkheim noted in Australian totemic religion. One role of religious rites and beliefs is to affirm, and thus maintain, the solidarity of a religion's adherents. Totems are sacred emblems symbolizing common identity. This is true not just among Native Australians, but also among Native American groups of the North Pacific Coast of North America, whose totem poles are well known. Their totemic carvings, which commemorated, and told visual stories about, ancestors, animals and spirits, were also associated with ceremonies. In totemic rites, people gather together to honor their totem. In so doing, they use ritual to maintain the social oneness that the totem symbolizes. Social Control 217 SOCIAL CONTROL Religion has meaning for people. It helps them cope with adversity and tragedy. It offers hope that things will get better. Lives can be transformed through spiritual healing. Sinners can repent and be saved—or they can go on sinning and be damned. If the faithful truly internalize a system of religious rewards and punishments, their religion becomes a powerful influence on their beliefs, behavior, and what they teach their children. Many people engage in religious activity because it seems to work. Prayers get answered. Faith healers heal. Sometimes it doesn't take much to convince the faithful that religious actions are efficacious. Many American Indian people in southwestern Oklahoma use faith healers at high monetary costs, not just because it makes them feel better about the uncertain, but because it works (Lassiter 1998). Each year legions of Brazilians visit a church, Nosso Senhor do Bomfim, in the city of Salvador, Bahia. They vow to repay "Our Lord" (Nosso Senhor) if healing happens. Showing that the vows work, and are repaid, are the thousands of ex votos, plastic impressions of every conceivable body part, that adorn the church, along with photos of people who have been cured. Religion can work by getting inside people and mobilizing their emotions—their joy, their wrath, their righteousness. Emile Dürkheim (1912/2001) described the collective "effervescence" that can develop in religious contexts. Intense emotion bubbles up. People feel a deep sense of shared joy, meaning, experience, communion, belonging, and commitment to their religion. The power of religion affects action. When religions meet, they can coexist peacefully, or their differences can be a basis for enmity and disharmony, even battle. Religious fervor has inspired Christians on crusades against the infidel and has led Muslims to wage jihads, holy wars against non-Islamic peoples. Throughout history, political leaders have used religion to promote and justify their views and policies. By late September 1996, the Taliban Movement had firmly imposed an extreme form of social control in the name of religion on Afghanistan and its people. Led by Muslim clerics, the Taliban aimed to create their version of an Islamic society modeled on the teachings of the Koran (Burns 1997). Various repressive measures were instituted. The Taliban barred women from work and girls from school. Females past puberty were prohibited from talking to unrelated men. Women needed an approved reason, such as shopping for food, to leave their homes. Men, who were required to grow bushy beards, also faced an array of bans—against playing cards, listening to music, keeping pigeons, and flying kites. To enforce their decrees, the Taliban sent armed enforcers throughout the country. These agents took charge of "beard checks" and other forms of scrutiny on behalf of a religious police force known as the General Department for the Preservation of Virtue and the Elimination of Vice (Burns 1997). By late fall 2001 the Taliban had been overthrown, with a new 218 Chapter Ten Religion interim government established in Kabul, the Afghan capital, on December 22. The collapse of the Taliban followed American bombing of Afghanistan in response to the September 11, 2001, attacks on New York's World Trade Center and Washington's Pentagon. As the Taliban yielded Kabul to victorious northern alliance forces, local men flocked to barbershops to have their beards trimmed or shaved. They were using a key Taliban symbol to celebrate the end of repression in religion's name. How may leaders mobilize communities and, in so doing, gain support for their own policies? One way is by persuasion; another is by instilling hatred or fear. Consider witchcraft accusations. Witch hunts can be powerful means of social control by creating a climate of danger and insecurity that affects everyone, not just the people who are likely targets. No one wants to seem deviant, to be accused of being a witch. In state societies, witch hunts often take aim at people who can be accused and punished with least chance of retaliation. During the great European witch craze, during the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries (Harris 1974), most accusations and convictions were against poor women with little social support. Witchcraft accusations are often directed at socially marginal or anomalous individuals. Among the Betsileo of Madagascar, for example, who prefer patrilocal postmarital residence, men living in their wife's or their mother's village violate a cultural norm. Linked to their anomalous social position, just a bit of unusual behavior (e.g., staying up late at night) on their part is sufficient for them to be called witches and avoided as a result. In tribes and peasant communities, people who stand out economically, especially if they seem to be benefiting at the expense of others, often face witchcraft accusations, leading to social ostracism or punishment. In this case witchcraft accusation becomes a leveling mechanism, a custom or social action that operates to reduce status differences and thus to bring standouts in line with community norms—another form of social control. To ensure proper behavior, religions offer rewards (e.g., the fellowship of the religious community) and punishments (e.g., the threat of being cast out or excommunicated). Religions, especially the formal organized ones typically found in state societies, often prescribe a code of ethics and morality to guide behavior. The Judaic Ten Commandments laid down a set of prohibitions against killing, stealing, adultery, and other misdeeds. Crimes are breaches of secular laws, as sins are breaches of religious strictures. Some rules (e.g., the Ten Commandments) proscribe or prohibit behavior; others prescribe behavior. The Golden Rule, for instance, is a religious guide to do unto others as you would have them do unto you. Moral codes are ways of maintaining order and stability. Codes of morality and ethics are constantly repeated in religious sermons, catechisms, and the like. They become internalized psychologically. They guide behavior and produce regret, guilt, shame, and the need for forgiveness, expiation, and absolution when they are not followed. Kinds of Religion 219 KINDS OF RELIGION Religion is a cultural universal. But religions exist in particular societies, and cultural differences show up systematically in religious beliefs and practices. For example, the religions of stratified, state societies differ from those of societies with less marked social contrasts and power differentials. Considering several societies, Wallace (1966) identified four types of religion: shamanic, communal, Olympian, and monotheistic (Table 10-2). The simplest type is shamanic religion. Unlike priests, shamans aren't full-time religious officials but part-time religious figures who mediate between people and supernatural beings and forces. All societies have medico-magico-religious specialists. Shaman is the general term encompassing curers ("witch doctors"), mediums, spiritualists, astrologers, palm readers, and other diviners. Wallace found shamanic religions to be most characteristic of foraging societies. Although they are only part-time specialists, shamans often set themselves off symbolically from ordinary people by assuming a different or ambiguous sex or gender role. (In nation-states, priests, nuns, and vestal virgins do something similar by taking vows of celibacy and chastity.) Transvestism is one way of being sexually ambiguous. Among the Chukchee of Siberia (Bogoras 1904), where coastal populations fished and interior groups hunted, male shamans copied the dress, speech, hair arrangements, and life styles of women. These shamans took other men as husbands and sex partners and received respect for their supernatural and curative expertise. Female shamans could join a fourth gender, copying men and taking wives. TABLE 102 Wallace s Typology of Relig ions Type of Religion Type of Practitioner Conception of Supernatural Type of Society Monotheistic Priests, ministers, etc. Supreme being States Olympian Priesthood Hierarchical pantheon with powerful deities Chiefdoms and archaic states Communal Part-time specialists; occasional community-sponsored events, including collective rites of passage Several deities with some control over nature Food-producing Shamanic Shaman is a part-time practitioner Zoomorphic (plants and Foraging bands animals) 220 Chapter Ten Religion Communal religions have, in addition to shamans, community rituals such as harvest ceremonies and collective rites of passage. Although communal religions lack full-time religious specialists, they believe in several deities (polytheism) who control aspects of nature. Although some hunter-gatherers, including Australian totemites, have communal religions, these religions are more typical of farming societies. Olympian religions, which arose with state organization and marked social stratification, add full-time religious specialists—professional priesthoods. Like the state itself, the priesthood is hierarchically and bureaucrat-ically organized. The term Olympian comes from Mount Olympus, home of the classical Greek gods. Olympian religions are polytheistic. They include powerful anthropomorphic gods with specialized functions, for example, gods of love, war, the sea, and death. Olympian pantheons (collections of supernatural beings) were prominent in the religions of many non-industrial nation-states, including the Aztecs of Mexico, several African and Asian kingdoms, and classical Greece and Rome. Wallaces fourth type— monotheism—also has priesthoods and notions of divine power, but it views the supernatural differently. In monotheism, all supernatural phenomena are manifestations of, or are under the control of, a single eternal, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent supreme being. Robert Bellah (1978) coined the term "world-rejecting religion" to describe most forms of Christianity. The first world-rejecting religions arose in ancient civilizations, along with literacy and a specialized priesthood. These religions are so-named because of their tendency to reject the natural (mundane, ordinary, material, secular) world and to focus instead on a higher (sacred, transcendent) realm of reality. The divine is a domain of exalted morality to which humans can only aspire. Salvation through fusion with the supernatural is the main goal of such religions. WORLD RELIGIONS Table 10-3 summarizes information on the world's major religions. Based on claimed religious identities, Christianity is the world's largest, with some 2 billion members. Islam, with 1.2 billion to 1.3 billion practitioners, is next, followed by Hinduism, Buddhism, and Chinese traditional religion, also known as Chinese folk religion or Confucianism. More than a billion people claim no official religion. Worldwide, Islam is growing faster than Christianity (see the box at the end of the chapter). The growth rate for Islam is about 2.9 percent annually versus 2.3 percent for Christianity (Adherents.com 2002; Ontario Consultants 2001). (The rate of world population increase is also about 2.3 percent per year.) Within Christianity, there is variation in the growth rate. There were an estimated 680 million "born-again" Christians (e.g., Pentecostals and Evangelicals) in the world in 2001, with an annual worldwide growth rate of 7 percent, versus just 2.3 percent for Christianity overall. The global growth World Religions 221 TABLE 10-3 Religions of the World ^3 cite Religion Founded Sacred Texts Members (millions) Percent of the World Christianity Islam No religion* Hinduism Buddhism Atheists Chinese folk religion New Asian religion Tribal religions Other Judaism Sikhism Shamanists Spiritism Confucianism Baha'i faith Jainism Shinto Zoroastrianism 30 ce Bible 2,015 622 ce Our'an and Hadith 1,215 No date None 925 1500 bce Veda 786 523 bce Tripitaka 362 No date None 211 33% (dropping) 20 (growing) 15 (dropping) 13 (stable) 6 (stable) 4 270 bce None 188 4 Various Various 106 2 Prehistory Oral tradition 91 2 Various Various 19 <1 No consensus Torah, Talmud 18 <1 1500 ce Guru Granth Sahib 16 <1 Prehistory Oral tradition 12 <1 7 <1 520 bce Lun Yu 5 <1 1863 ce Mostly Holy Book 4 <1 570 bce Siddhanta, Pakrit 3 <1 500 ce Kojiki, Nohon Shoki 3 <1 No consensus Avesta 0.2 <1 ♦Persons with no religions, agnostics, freethinkers, humanists, secularists, etc. Source: http://reIigioustolerance.org/worldrel.htm. Reprinted by permission of Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance. rate of Roman Catholics and other non-Protestant Christians is estimated at only 1.3 percent, compared with a Protestant growth rate of 3.3 percent per year (Winter 2001). Much of this explosive growth, especially in Africa, is of a Protestantism that would be scarcely recognizable to most Americans, given its incorporation of many animistic elements. The website Adherents.com (2002) classifies 11 world religions according to their degree of internal unity and diversity. Listed first in Table 10-4 are the most cohesive or unified groups. Listed last are the religions with the most internal diversity. The list is based mainly on the degree of doctrinal similarity among the various subgroups. To a lesser extent it reflects diversity in practice, ritual, and organization. Over time such diversity can give birth to new religions; for example, Christianity arose from Judaism, Buddhism from Hinduism, Baha'i from Islam, and Sikhism from Hinduism. Within Christianity, Protestantism developed out of Roman Catholicism. 222 Chapter Ten Religion TABLE 10-4 Classical World Religions Ranked by Internal Religious Similar^ Most unified Baha'i Zoroastrianism Sikhism Islam Jainism Judaism Taoism Shinto Christianity Buddhism Hinduism Most diverse Source: Adherents.com. Major Religions of the World Ranked by Number of Adherents. http://www.adherents.com/Religions_By_Adherents.htm, 2002. Colonialism and missionization have abetted the spread of Christianity, the world's largest religion. Shown here, devout Catholics, including a Portuguese nun and several Mozambican women, celebrate the Pope's visit to Mozambique, a former Portuguese colony, in September 1988. Religion and Change 223 RELIGION AND CHANGE Religious fundamentalists seek order based on strict adherence to purportedly traditional standards, beliefs, rules, and customs. Christian and Islamic fundamentalists recognize, decry, and attempt to redress change, yet they also contribute to change. In a worldwide process, new religions challenge established churches. In the United States, for example, conservative Christian TV hosts have become influential broadcasters and opinion shapers. In Latin America evangelical Protestantism is winning millions of converts from Roman Catholicism. Religion helps maintain social order, but it can also be an instrument not just of change but of revolution as well. As a response to conquest or foreign domination, for example, religious leaders often undertake to alter or revitalize a society. In an "Islamic Revolution," Iranian ayatollahs marshaled religious fervor to create national solidarity and radical change. We call such movements nativistic movements (Linton 1943) or revitalization movements (Wallace 1956). Revitalization Movements Revitalization movements are social movements that occur in times of change, in which religious leaders emerge and undertake to alter or revitalize a society. Christianity originated as a revitalization movement. Jesus was one of several prophets who preached new religious doctrines while the Middle East was under Roman rule. It was a time of social unrest, when a foreign power ruled the land. Jesus inspired a new, enduring, and major religion. His contemporaries were not so successful. The Handsome Lake religion arose around 1800 among the Iroquois of New York State (Wallace 1969). Handsome Lake, the founder of this revitalization movement, was a leader of one of the Iroquois tribes. The Iroquois had suffered because of their support of the British against the American colonials. After the colonial victory and a wave of immigration to their homeland, the Iroquois were dispersed on small reservations. Unable to pursue traditional horticulture and hunting in their homeland, the Iroquois became heavy drinkers and quarreled among themselves. Handsome Lake was a heavy drinker who started having visions from heavenly messengers. The spirits warned him that unless the Iroquois changed their ways, they would be destroyed. His visions offered a plan for coping with the new order. Witchcraft, quarreling, and drinking would end. The Iroquois would copy European farming techniques, which, unlike traditional Iroquois horticulture, stressed male rather than female labor. Handsome Lake preached that the Iroquois should also abandon their communal long houses and matrilineal descent groups for more permanent marriages and individual family households. The teachings of Handsome Lake produced a new church and religion, one that still has members in New York and Ontario. This revitalization movement helped 224 Chapter Ten Religion the Iroquois adapt to and survive in a modified environment. They eventually gained a reputation among their non-Indian neighbors as sober family farmers. Cargo Cults Like the Handsome Lake religion just discussed, cargo cults are revitaliza-tion movements. Such movements may emerge when natives have regular contact with industrial societies but lack their wealth, technology, and living standards. Some such movements attempt to explain European domination and wealth and to achieve similar success magically by mimicking European behavior and manipulating symbols of the desired life style. The cargo cults of Melanesia and Papua New Guinea weave Christian doctrine with aboriginal beliefs. They take their name from their focus on cargo—European goods of the sort natives have seen unloaded from the cargo holds of ships and airplanes. In one early cult, members believed that the spirits of the dead would arrive in a ship. These ghosts would bring manufactured goods for the natives and would kill all the whites. More recent cults replaced ships with airplanes (Worsley 1959/1985). Many cults have used elements of European culture as sacred objects. The rationale is that Europeans use these objects, have wealth, and therefore must know the "secret of cargo." By mimicking how Europeans use or treat objects, natives hope also to come upon the secret knowledge needed to gain cargo. For example, having seen Europeans' reverent treatment of flags and flagpoles, the members of one cult began to worship flagpoles. They believed the flagpoles were sacred towers that could transmit messages between the living and the dead. Other natives built airstrips to entice planes bearing canned goods, portable radios, clothing, wristwatches, and motorcycles. Near the airstrips they made effigies of towers, airplanes, and radios. They talked into the cans in a magical attempt to establish radio contact with the gods. Some cargo cult prophets proclaimed that success would come through a reversal of European domination and native subjugation. The day was near, they preached, when natives, aided by God, Jesus, or native ancestors, would turn the tables. Native skins would turn white, and those of Europeans would turn brown; Europeans would die or be killed. Cargo cults blend aboriginal and Christian beliefs. Melanesian myths told of ancestors shedding their skins and changing into powerful beings and of dead people returning to life. Christian missionaries, who had been in Melanesia since the late 19th century, also spoke of resurrection. The cults' preoccupation with cargo is related to traditional Melanesian big-man systems. In the chapter "Political Systems," we saw that a Melanesian big man had to be generous. People worked for the big man, helping him amass wealth, but eventually he had to give a feast and give away all that wealth. Religion and Change 225 A cargo cult in Vanuatu, a country in Melanesia. Boys and men march with spears, imitating British colonial soldiers. Does anything in your own society remind you of a cargo cult? Because of their experience with big-man systems, Melanesians believed that all wealthy people eventually had to give their wealth away. For decades they had attended Christian missions and worked on plantations. All the while they expected Europeans to return the fruits of their labor as their own big men did. When the Europeans refused to distribute the wealth or even to let natives know the secret of its production and distribution, cargo cults developed. Like arrogant big men, Europeans would be leveled, by death if necessary. However, natives lacked the physical means of doing what their traditions said they should do. Thwarted by well-armed colonial forces, natives resorted to magical leveling. They called on supernatural beings to intercede, to kill or otherwise deflate the European big men and redistribute their wealth. Cargo cults are religious responses to the expansion of the world capitalist economy. However, this religious mobilization had political and economic results. Cult participation gave Melanesians a basis for common interests and activities and thus helped pave the way for political parties and economic interest organizations. Previously separated by geography, language, and customs, Melanesians started forming larger groups as members of the same cults and followers of the same prophets. The cargo cults paved the way for political action through which the indigenous peoples eventually regained their autonomy. 226 SECULAR RITUALS Chapter Ten Religion In concluding this discussion of religion, we may recognize some problems with the definition of religion given at the beginning of this chapter. The first problem: If we define religion with reference to supernatural beings, powers, and forces, how do we classify ritual-like behaviors that occur in secular contexts? Some anthropologists believe there are both sacred and secular rituals. Secular rituals include formal, invariant, stereotyped, earnest, repetitive behavior and rites of passage that take place in nonreli-gious settings. A second problem: If the distinction between the supernatural and the natural is not consistently made in a society, how can we tell what is religion and what isn't? The Betsileo of Madagascar, for example, view witches and dead ancestors as real people who play roles in ordinary life. However, their occult powers are not empirically demonstrable. A third problem: The behavior considered appropriate for religious occasions varies tremendously from culture to culture. One society may consider drunken frenzy the surest sign of faith, whereas another may inculcate quiet reverence. Who is to say which is "more religious"? Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally One well-known anthropological definition of religion stresses beliefs and behavior concerned with supernatural beings, powers, and forces. Another definition focuses on congregants—a body of people who gather together regularly for worship, and who accept a set of doctrines involving the relationship between the individual and divinity. Some religions, and the beliefs, affirmations, and forms of worship they promote, have spread widely. Here we see how Islam, a rapidly spreading religion, has adapted locally to various nations and cultures. In this process, although certain fundamentals endure, there is also room for considerable diversity. Local people always assign their own meanings to the messages and social forms, including religion, they receive from outside. Such meanings reflect their cultural backgrounds and experiences. This news brief describes how Islam has adapted successfully to many cultural differences, including linguistic practices, building styles, and the presence of other religions, such as Hinduism, already established in the area. One in every five people worldwide is a Muslim, some 1.3 billion believers. Islam is the worlds fastest growing religion and it has spread across the globe. Muslims everywhere agree on the Shahadah, the profession of faith: "There is no God but Allah; Mohammed is the prophet of Allah." But Islam is far from homogeneous—the faith reflects the increasingly diverse areas in which it is practiced. "Islam is a world religion," said Ali Asani, a Harvard professor of Indo-Muslim Languages and Culture. "If you think about doctrine and theology, when Secular Rituals 227 these sets of religious ideas and concepts are transferred to different parts of the world—and Muslims live in many cultures and speak many different languages—the expressions of those doctrines and theology will necessarily be influenced by local culture." Sometimes such regional distinctions are obvious to even casual observers. Mosques, for example, all share common features—they face Mecca and have a mihrab, or niche, that indicates that direction. Yet they also boast unique architectural elements and decor that suggest whether their location is Iran, Africa, or China. The houses of worship provide what Asani calls "a visual reminder of cultural diversity." Other easily grasped regional distinctions have their origins at the level of language. While Arabic is Islam's liturgical language, used for prayer, most Muslims' understanding of their faith occurs in their local language. "Languages are really windows into culture," Asani explains. "So very often what you find is that theological Islamic concepts get translated into local idioms." ... Some Islamic fundamentalists might frown upon the diversity caused by local characteristics, but such are the predominant forms of Islam. "Rather than discussing Islam, we might more accurately talk about Tslams' in different cultural contexts," Asani said. "We have Muslim literature from China, for example, where Islamic concepts are understood within a Confucian framework." In the region of Bengal, now part of the nation of Bangladesh and the Indian state of West Bengal, a popular literary tradition created a context for the arrival of Islam. The concept of the avatar is important to the Hindu tradition, in which these deities become incarnate and descend to Earth to guide the righteous and fight evil. "What you find in 16th century Bengal is the development of what you might call 'folk literature' where the Islamic idea of the prophet becomes understood within the framework of the avatar," Asani said. "So you have bridges being built between religious traditions as concepts resonate against each other." This example is quite different from conditions in pre-lslam Arabia, at the time of Mohammed, where the poet held a special place in society. "If you consider the Koran, the word means 'recitation' in Arabic, and it's primarily an oral scripture, intended to be recited aloud and heard; to be performed," Asani said. "Viewed from a literary perspective, its form and structure relate very well to the poetic traditions of pre-Islamic Arabia. It's an example where the format of revelation was determined by the culture. In pre-Islamic Arabia the poet was often considered to be inspired in his poetic compositions by jinn from another world. So when the Prophet Muhammed began receiving revelations which were eventually compiled into the Koran, he was accused of being a poet, to which he responded I'm not a poet but a prophet.'" .. . Islam came to Indonesia with merchants who were not theologians but simply practicing Muslims who people looked to as an example. There were also Sufi teachers who were quite willing to create devotional exercises that fit the way people in Sumatra or Java already practiced their faith. The two largest Muslim groups in Indonesia today, and perhaps in the world, are Muhammadyya and Nahdlatul Ulama. Each of them has over 30 million members, and each began as a local reform movement rooted in the promotion of a more modern education within the framework of Islam. ... A large number of Muslims, of course, don't live in Islamic nations at all but as minorities in other countries. The emergence of some minority Muslim communities has been an interesting and important development of the last 25 to 30 years. 228 Chapter Ten Religion Some relatively small communities can have a large impact. The European Muslim populations, for example, have a high component of refugee intellectuals. They've had an effect on their adopted countries, and also on the rest of the Islamic world.... In South Africa the Muslim community is less than three percent of the population—but it's highly visible and highly educated. In the days of apartheid they had the advantage of being an intermediary, a community that was neither black nor white. By the 1980s the younger Muslim leadership became very opposed to apartheid on Islamic grounds and on basic human rights grounds. Muslims became quite active in the African National Congress (ANC). Though they were only a small minority when apartheid was destroyed, a number of Muslims became quite visible in the new South African regime— and throughout the larger Muslim world. Encompassing both Islamic states and minority communities, Islam is the world's fastest growing religion and an increasingly common topic of global conversation. Yet much of the discourse paints the faith with a single brush. As more people become familiar with Islam around the world it may be well for them to first ask, as Professor Asani suggests: "Whose Islam? Which Islam?" Source: Brian Handwerk, "Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally", National Geographic News, October 24, 2003, http://news. nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/10/1022_03102 2_islamdiversity.html. Summary 1. Religion, a cultural universal, consists of belief and behavior concerned with supernatural beings, powers, and forces. Religion also encompasses the feelings, meanings, and congregations associated with such beliefs and behavior. Anthropological studies have revealed many expressions and functions of religion. 2. Tylor considered animism—the belief in spirits or souls—to be religion's earliest and most basic form. He focused on religion's explanatory role, arguing that religion would eventually disappear as science provided better explanations. Besides animism, yet another view of the supernatural also occurs in nonindustrial societies, seeing the supernatural as a domain of raw, impersonal power or force (called mana in Polynesia and Melanesia). People can manipulate and control mana under certain conditions. 3. When ordinary technical and rational means of doing things fail, people may turn to magic. Often they use magic when they lack control over outcomes. Religion offers comfort and psychological security at times of crisis. On the other hand, rites can also create anxiety. Rituals are formal, invariant, stylized, earnest acts in which people subordinate their particular beliefs to a social collectivity. Rites of passage have three stages: separation, liminality, and incorporation. Such rites can mark any change in social status, age, place, or social Summary 229 condition. Collective rites are often cemented by communitas, a feeling of intense solidarity. Religion establishes and maintains social control through a series of moral and ethical beliefs and real and imagined rewards and punishments, internalized in individuals. Religion also achieves social control by mobilizing its members for collective action. Wallace defines four types of religion: shamanic, communal, Olympian, and monotheistic. Each has its characteristic ceremonies and practitioners. The worlds major religions vary in their growth rates, with Islam expanding more rapidly than Christianity. Religion helps maintain social order, but it also can promote change. Revitalization movements blend old and new beliefs and have helped people adapt to changing conditions. There are secular as well as religious rituals. Key Terms animism Olympian religions cargo cults polytheism communal religions religion communitas revitalization movements leveling mechanism rites of passage liminality rituals magic shaman mana taboo monotheism The Modern World System THE EMERGENCE OF THE WORLD SYSTEM INDUSTRIALIZATION Causes of the Industrial Revolution STRATIFICATION Industrial Stratification • Open and Closed Class Systems THE WORLD SYSTEM TODAY Industrial Degradation Box: The World System Meets "the Noble Savage" Although field work in small communities is anthropology's hallmark, isolated groups are impossible to find today. Truly isolated societies probably never have existed. For thousands of years, human groups have been in contact with one another. Local societies have always participated in a larger system, which today has global dimensions—we call it the modern world system, by which we mean a world in which nations are economically and politically interdependent. City, nation, and world increasingly invade local communities. Today, if anthropologists want to study a fairly isolated society, they must journey to the highlands of Papua New Guinea or the tropical forests of South America. Even in those places they will probably encounter missionaries or prospectors. In contemporary Australia, sheep owned by people who speak English graze where totemic ceremonies once were held. Farther into the outback some descendants of those totemites may be working in a crew filming a new Survivor program. A Hilton hotel stands in the capital of faraway Madagascar, and an interstate highway now has an exit for Arembepe, the Brazilian fishing community I have been studying since 1962. When and how did the modern world system begin? The world system and the relations between the countries within that system are shaped by the world capitalist economy. World-system theory can be traced to the French social historian Fernand Braudel. In his three-volume work Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century (1981, 1982, 1992), The Emergence of the World System 231 Within the modern world system, dolls representing an American icon, Mickey Mouse, are manufactured in a factory in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Where do you suppose these dolls will find their primary market? Braudel argues that society consists of parts assembled into an interrelated system. Societies are subsystems of bigger systems, with the world system the largest. THE EMERGENCE OF THE WORLD SYSTEM As Europeans took to ships, developing a transoceanic trade-oriented economy, people throughout the world entered Europe's sphere of influence. In the 15th century Europe established regular contact with Asia, Africa, and eventually the New World (the Caribbean and the Americas). Christopher Columbus's first voyage from Spain to the Bahamas and the Caribbean in 1492 was soon followed by additional voyages. These journeys opened the way for a major exchange of people, resources, ideas, and diseases, as the Old and New Worlds were forever linked (Crosby 2003; Diamond 1997; Fagan 1998; Viola and Margolis 1991). Led by Spain and Portugal, Europeans extracted silver and gold, conquered the natives (taking some as slaves), and colonized their lands (see the box at the end of this chapter). Previously in Europe as throughout the world, rural people had produced mainly for their own needs, growing their own food and making clothing, furniture, and tools from local products. Production beyond immediate needs was undertaken to pay taxes and to purchase trade items 232 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System such as salt and iron. As late as 1650 the English diet, like diets in most of the world today, was based on locally grown starches (Mintz 1985). In the 200 years that followed, however, the English became extraordinary consumers of imported goods. One of the earliest and most popular of those goods was sugar (Mintz 1985). Sugarcane was originally domesticated in Papua New Guinea, and sugar was first processed in India. Reaching Europe via the Middle East and the eastern Mediterranean, it was carried to the New World by Columbus (Mintz 1985). The climate of Brazil and the Caribbean proved ideal for growing sugarcane, and Europeans built plantations there to supply the growing demand for sugar. This led to the development in the 17th century of a plantation economy based on a single cash crop—a system known as monocrop production. The demand for sugar in a growing international market spurred the development of the transatlantic slave trade and New World plantation economies based on slave labor. By the 18th century, an increased English demand for raw cotton led to rapid settlement of what is now the southeastern United States and the emergence there of another slave-based monocrop production system. Like sugar, cotton was a key trade item that fueled the growth of the world system. The increasing dominance of international trade led to the capitalist world economy (Wallerstein 1982, 2004fo), a single world system committed to production for sale or exchange, with the object of maximizing profits rather than supplying domestic needs. Capital refers to wealth or resources invested in business, with the intent of producing a profit; the defining attribute of capitalism is economic orientation to the world market for profit. The key claim of world-system theory is that an identifiable social system, based on wealth and power differentials, extends beyond individual states and nations. That system is formed by a set of economic and political relations that has characterized much of the globe since the 16th century, when the Old World established regular contact with the New World (see Bodley 2003). According to Wallerstein (1982, 2004^), the nations within the world system occupy three different positions of economic and political power: core, periphery, and semiperiphery. The geographic center or core, the dominant position in the world system, includes the strongest and most powerful nations. In core nations, "the complexity of economic activities and the level of capital accumulation is the greatest" (Thompson 1983, p. 12). With its sophisticated technologies and mechanized production, the core churns out products that flow mainly to other core nations. Some also go to the periphery and semiperiphery. According to Arrighi (1994), the core monopolizes the most profitable activities, especially the control of world finance. Semiperiphery and periphery nations have less power, wealth, and influence than the core does. The semiperiphery is intermediate between the core and the periphery. Contemporary nations of the semiperiphery are industrialized. Like core nations, they export both industrial goods Industrialization 233 and commodities, but they lack the power and economic dominance of core nations. Thus Brazil, a semiperiphery nation, exports automobiles to Nigeria (a periphery nation) and auto engines, orange juice extract, coffee, and shrimp to the United States (a core nation). Economic activities in the periphery are less mechanized than are those in the semiperiphery. The periphery produces raw materials, agricultural commodities, and, increasingly, human labor for export to the core and the semiperiphery. Today, although some degree of industrialization has reached even peripheral nations, the relationship between the core and the periphery remains fundamentally exploitative. Trade and other economic relations between core and periphery disproportionately benefit capitalists in the core (Shannon 1996). In the United States and Western Europe today, immigrants—legal and illegal—supply cheap labor for agriculture in core countries. U.S. states as distant as California, Michigan, and South Carolina make significant use of farm labor from Mexico. The availability of relatively cheap workers from noncore nations such as Mexico (in the United States) and Turkey (in Germany) benefits farmers and business owners in core countries, while also supplying remittances to families in the semiperiphery and periphery. As a result of 21st-century telecommunications technology, cheap labor doesn't even need to migrate to the United States. Thousands of families in India are being supported as American companies "outsource" jobs—from telephone assistance to software engineering—to nations outside the core. Consider recent moves by IBM, the world's largest information technology company. On June 24, 2005, The New York Times reported that IBM was planning to hire more than 14,000 additional workers in India, while laying off some 13,000 workers in Europe and the United States (Lohr 2005). These figures illustrate the ongoing globalization of work and the migration of even skilled jobs to low-wage countries. Its critics accuse IBM of shopping the globe for the cheapest labor, to enhance corporate profits at the expense of wages, benefits, and job security in the United States and other developed countries. In explaining the hiring in India, an IBM senior vice president (quoted in Lohr 2005) cited a surging demand for technology services in India's thriving economy and the opportunity to tap the many skilled Indian software engineers to work on projects around the world. Skilled Western workers must compete now against well-educated workers in such low-wage countries as India, where an experienced software programmer earns one-fifth the average salary of a comparable American worker— $15,000 versus $75,000 (Lohr 2005). INDUSTRIALIZATION By the 18th century the stage had been set for the Industrial Revolution—the historical transformation (in Europe, after 1750) of "traditional" into "modern" societies through industrialization of the economy. Industrialization 234 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System required capital for investment. The established system of transoceanic trade and commerce supplied this capital from the enormous profits it generated. Wealthy people sought investment opportunities and eventually found them in machines and engines to drive machines. Industrialization increased production in both farming and manufacturing. Capital and scientific innovation fueled invention. European industrialization developed from (and eventually replaced) the domestic system of manufacture (or home-handicraft system). In this system, an organizer-entrepreneur supplied the raw materials to workers in their homes and collected the finished products from them. The entrepreneur, whose sphere of operations might span several villages, owned the materials, paid for the work, and arranged the marketing. Causes of the Industrial Revolution The Industrial Revolution began with cotton products, iron, and pottery. These were widely used goods whose manufacture could be broken down into simple routine motions that machines could perform. When manufacturing moved from homes to factories, where machinery replaced handwork, agrarian societies evolved into industrial ones. As factories produced cheap staple goods, the Industrial Revolution led to a dramatic increase in production. Industrialization fueled urban growth and created a new kind of city, with factories crowded together in places where coal and labor were cheap. The Industrial Revolution began in England rather than in France. Why? Unlike the English, the French didn't have to transform their domestic manufacturing system by industrializing. Faced with an increased need for products, with a late 18th-century population at least twice that of Great Britain, France could simply augment its domestic system of production by drawing in new homes. Thus, the French were able to increase production without innovating—they could enlarge the existing system rather than adopt a new one. To meet mounting demand for staples—at home and in the colonies—England had to industrialize. As its industrialization proceeded, Britain's population increased dramatically. It doubled during the 18th century (especially after 1750) and did so again between 1800 and 1850. This demographic explosion fueled consumption, but British entrepreneurs couldn't meet the increased demand with the traditional production methods. This spurred experimentation, innovation, and rapid technological change. English industrialization drew on national advantages in natural resources. Britain was rich in coal and iron ore, and had navigable waterways and easily negotiated coasts. It was a seafaring island-nation located at the crossroads of international trade. These features gave Britain a favored position for importing raw materials and exporting manufactured goods. Another factor in England's industrial growth was the fact that much of its 18th-century colonial empire was occupied by English settler families who looked to the mother country as they tried to replicate Stratification 235 yZtv. 4utoJ "Stocking-FjtAME-/^/f A'-Alwrr/-jv^. In the home-handicraft, or domestic, system of production, an organizer supplied raw materials to workers in their homes and collected their products. Family life and work were intertwined, as in this English scene. Is there a modern equivalent to the domestic system of production? European civilization in the New World. These colonies bought large quantities of English staples. It has also been argued that particular cultural values and religion contributed to industrialization. Many members of the emerging English middle class were Protestant nonconformists. Their beliefs and values encouraged industry, thrift, the dissemination of new knowledge, inventiveness, and willingness to accept change (Weber 1904/1958). STRATIFICATION The socioeconomic effects of industrialization were mixed. English national income tripled between 1700 and 1815 and increased 30 times more by 1939. Standards of comfort rose, but prosperity was uneven. At first, factory 236 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System workers got wages higher than those available in the domestic system. Later, owners started recruiting labor in places where living standards were low and labor (including that of women and children) was cheap. Social ills worsened with the growth of factory towns and industrial cities, amid conditions like those Charles Dickens described in Hard Times. Filth and smoke polluted the 19th-century cities. Housing was crowded and unsanitary, with insufficient water and sewage disposal facilities. People experienced rampant disease and rising death rates. This was the world of Ebenezer Scrooge, Bob Cratchit, Tiny Tim—and Karl Marx. Industrial Stratification The social theorists Karl Marx and Max Weber focused on the stratification systems associated with industrialization. From his observations in England and his analysis of 19th-century industrial capitalism, Marx (Marx and Engels 1848/1976) saw socioeconomic stratification as a sharp and simple division between two opposed classes: the bourgeoisie (capitalists) and the proletariat (propertyless workers). The bourgeoisie traced its origins to overseas ventures and the world capitalist economy, which had transformed the social structure of northwestern Europe, creating a wealthy commercial class. Industrialization shifted production from farms and cottages to mills and factories, where mechanical power was available and where workers could be assembled to operate heavy machinery. The bourgeoisie were the owners of the factories, mines, large farms, and other means of production. The working class, or proletariat, was made up of people who had to sell their labor to survive. With the decline of subsistence production and with the rise of urban migration and the possibility of unemployment, the bourgeoisie came to stand between workers and the means of production. Industrialization hastened the process of proletarianization—the separation of workers from the means of production. The bourgeoisie also came to dominate the means of communication, the schools, and other key institutions. Marx viewed the nation-state as an instrument of oppression and religion as a method of diverting and controlling the masses. Class consciousness (recognition of collective interests and personal identification with one's economic group) was a vital part of Marx's view of class. He saw bourgeoisie and proletariat as socioeconomic divisions with radically opposed interests. Marx viewed classes as powerful collective forces that could mobilize human energies to influence the course of history. Finding strength through common experience, workers would develop organizations to protect their interests and increase their share of industrial profits. And so they did. During the 19th century trade unions and socialist parties emerged to express a rising anticapitalist spirit. The concerns of the English labor movement were to remove young children from factories and limit the hours during which women and children could work. The profile of stratification in industrial core nations gradually took shape. Capitalists Stratification 237 controlled production, but labor was organizing for better wages and working conditions. By 1900 many governments had factory legislation and social-welfare programs. Mass living standards in core nations rose as population grew. Today's capitalist world system maintains the distinction between those who own the means of production and those who don't. The class division into capitalists and propertyless workers is now worldwide. Nevertheless, modern stratification systems aren't simple and dichotomous. They include (particularly in core and semiperiphery nations) a middle class of skilled and professional workers. Gerhard Lenski (1966) argues that social equality tends to increase in advanced industrial societies. The masses improve their access to economic benefits and political power. In Lenskis scheme, the shift of political power to the masses reflects the growth of the middle class, which reduces the polarization between owning and working classes. The proliferation of middle-class occupations creates opportunities for social mobility. The stratification system grows more complex (Giddens 1973). Faulting Marx for an overly simple and exclusively economic view of stratification, Weber (1992/1968) defined three dimensions of social stratification: wealth (economic status), power (political status), and prestige (social status). Although, as Weber showed, wealth, power, and prestige are separate components of social ranking, they tend to be correlated. Weber also believed that social identities based on ethnicity, religion, race, nationality, and other attributes could take priority over class (social identity based on economic status). In addition to class contrasts, the modern world system is cross-cut by collective identities based on ethnicity, religion, and nationality (Shannon 1996). Class conflicts tend to occur within nations, and nationalism has prevented global class solidarity, particularly of proletarians. Although the capitalist class dominates politically in most countries, growing wealth has made it easier for core nations to grant higher wages (Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982). However, the improvement in core workers' living standards wouldn't have occurred without the world system. The added surplus that comes from the periphery allows core capitalists to maintain their profits while satisfying the demands of core workers. In the periphery, wages and living standards are much lower. The current world stratification system features a substantial contrast between both capitalists and workers in the core nations and workers on the periphery. Open and Closed Class Systems Inequalities, which are built into the structure of state societies, tend to persist across the generations. The extent to which they do or don't is a measure of the openness of the stratification system, the ease of social mobility it permits. Within the world capitalist economy, stratification has taken many forms, including caste, slavery, and class systems. 238 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System WHITESLAVES Or ENGLAND. Slavery is the most extreme, coercive, and abusive form of legalized inequality. Although proletarians, such as these "white slaves of England," also lacked control over the means of production, they did have some control over where they worked. In what other ways do proletarians differ from slaves? Caste systems are closed, hereditary systems of stratification that are often dictated by religion. Hierarchical social status is ascribed at birth, so that people are locked into their parents' social position. Caste lines are clearly defined, and legal and religious sanctions are applied against those who seek to cross them. In slavery, the most inhumane, coercive, and degrading form of legal stratification, people who are conquered or stolen from their homelands become someone's property. In the Atlantic slave trade millions of human beings were treated as commodities. The plantation systems of the Caribbean, the southeastern United States, and Brazil were based on forced slave labor. Slaves lacked control over the means of production. They were like proletarians in this respect. But proletarians at least are legally free. Unlike slaves, they have some control over where they work, how much they The World System Today 239 work, for whom they work, and what they do with their wages. Slaves, in contrast, were forced to live and work at their master's whim. Defined as lesser—or less than—human beings, slaves lacked legal rights. They could be sold and resold; their families were split apart. Slaves, unlike the poorest nonslaves, had nothing to sell—not even their own labor (Mintz 1985). Vertical mobility is an upward or downward change in a person's social status. A truly open class system would facilitate mobility. Individual achievement and personal merit would determine social rank. Hierarchical social statuses would be achieved on the basis of people's efforts. Ascribed statuses (family background, ethnicity, gender, religion) would be less important. Open class systems would have blurred class lines and a wide range of status positions. Compared with nonindustrial states and contemporary peripheral and semiperipheral nations, core industrial nations tend to have more open class systems. THE WORLD SYSTEM TODAY World-system theory stresses the existence of a global culture. It emphasizes historical contacts, linkages, and power differentials between local people and international forces. The major forces influencing cultural interaction during the past 500 years have been commercial expansion, industrial capitalism, and the differential power of colonial and core nations (Wallerstein 1982, 2004£>; Wolf 1982). As state formation had done previously, industrialization accelerated local participation in larger networks. According to Bodley (1985), perpetual expansion (whether in population or consumption) is the distinguishing feature of industrial economic systems. Bands and tribes were small, self-sufficient, subsistence-based systems. Industrial economies, by contrast, are large, highly specialized systems in which market exchanges occur with profit as the primary motive (Bodley 1985). After 1870 European business initiated a concerted search for more secure markets in Asia, Africa, and other less-developed areas. This process led to European imperialism in Africa, Asia, and Oceania. Imperialism (colonialism is a near synonym) refers to a policy of extending the rule of a nation or empire, such as the British empire, over foreign nations and of taking and holding foreign colonies. Colonialism is the political, social, economic, and cultural domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time. European imperial expansion was aided by improved transportation, which brought huge new areas within easy reach. Europeans colonized vast areas of previously unsettled or sparsely settled lands in the interior of North and South America and Australia. The new colonies purchased masses of goods from the industrial centers and shipped back wheat, cotton, wool, mutton, beef, and leather. If the first phase of colonialism had been exploration and exploitation of the New World after Columbus, a new second phase began as European nations competed for colonies between 1875 and 1914, setting the stage for World War I. 240 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System TABLE 11-1 Ascent and Decline of Nations within the World Sys stem Periphery to Semiperiphery Semiperiphery to Core Core to Semiperiphery United States (1800-1860) Japan (1868-1900) Taiwan (1949-1980) S.Korea (1953-1980) United States (1860-1900) Japan (1945-1970) Germany (1870-1900) Spain (1620-1700) Source: Reprinted by permission of Westview Press from An Introduction to the World-System Perspective by Thomas Richard Shannon. Copyright Westview Press 1989, Boulder, Colorado. FIGURE 11-1 The World System Today Source: From Kottak, Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity, 10th ed., Figure 23.5, p. 660. Industrialization appeared first in England and then in many other nations in a process that continues today (Table 11-1). By 1900, the United States had become a core nation within the world system and had overtaken Great Britain in iron, coal, and cotton production. In a few decades (1868-1900), Japan had changed from a medieval handicraft economy to an industrial one, joining the semiperiphery by 1900 and moving to the core between 1945 and 1970. Figure 11-1 is a map showing the modern world system. Twentieth-century industrialization added hundreds of new industries and millions of new jobs. Production increased, often beyond immediate demand, spurring strategies, such as advertising, to sell everything industry could churn out. Mass production gave rise to a culture of consumption, which valued acquisitiveness and conspicuous consumption (Veblen 1934). Industrialization entailed a shift from reliance on renewable resources to The World System Today 241 TABLE 11-2 Energy Consumption in Various Contexts Type of Society Daily Kilocalories per Person Bands and tribes 4,000-12,000 Preindustrial states 26,000 (maximum) Early industrial states 70,000 Americans in 1970 230,000 Americans in 1990 275,000 Source: From Bodley 1985. Reprinted by permission of Mayfield Publishing, Mountain View, CA. TABLE 11-3 Energy Consumption in Selected Countries, 2002 Total Per Capita World United States China Russia Germany India Canada France United Kingdom 411.2* 97.6 43.2 27.5 14.3 14.0 13.1 11.0 9.6 Ml 1.2 quadrillion (411,200,000,000,000,000) Btu. **66 million Btu. Sources: Based on data in Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2004-2005 (Table 1367), and Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2003 (Table 1365). the use of fossil fuels. Fossil fuel energy, stored over millions of years, was being depleted rapidly to support a previously unknown and probably unsustainable level of consumption (Bodley 1985). Table 11-2 compares energy consumption in various types of cultures. Americans are the world's foremost consumers of nonrenewable resources. In terms of energy consumption, the average American is about 35 times more expensive than the average forager or tribesperson. Since 1900, the United States has tripled its per capita energy use. It also has increased its total energy consumption thirtyfold. Table 11-3 compares energy consumption, per capita and total, in the United States and selected other countries. The United States represents 23.7 percent of the world's annual energy consumption, compared with China's 10.5 percent, but the average American consumes 10 times the energy used by the average Chinese, and 26 times the energy used by the average inhabitant of India. 242 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System Industrial Degradation Industrialization and factory labor now characterize many societies in Latin America, Africa, the Pacific, and Asia. One effect of the spread of industrialization has been the destruction of indigenous economies, ecologies, and populations. Two centuries ago, as industrialization was developing, 50 million people still lived beyond the periphery in politically independent bands, tribes, and chiefdoms. Occupying vast areas, those nonstate societies, although not totally isolated, were only marginally affected by nation-states and the world capitalist economy. In 1800 bands, tribes, and chiefdoms controlled half the globe and 20 percent of its population (Bodley, ed. 1988). Industrialization tipped the balance in favor of states. As industrial states have conquered, annexed, and "developed" non-states, there has been genocide on a grand scale. Genocide is the physical destruction of ethnic groups by murder, warfare, and introduced diseases. Bodley (1988) estimates that an average of 250,000 indigenous people perished annually between 1800 and 1950. The causes included foreign diseases (to which natives had no resistance), warfare, slavery, land grabbing, and other forms of dispossession and impoverishment. As industrialization spreads, environmental resources, such as forests and their biodiversity, may be threatened. These Nigerian children collect fuel wood from the forest. How might urban growth affect deforestation? The World System Today 243 Many native groups have been incorporated within nation-states, in which they have become ethnic minorities. Some such groups have been able to recoup their population. Many indigenous peoples survive and maintain their ethnic identity despite having lost their ancestral cultures to varying degrees (partial ethnocide). And many descendants of tribespeople live on as culturally distinct and self-conscious colonized peoples, many of whom aspire to autonomy. As the original inhabitants of their territories, they are called indigenous peoples (see Maybury-Lewis 2002). Around the world many contemporary nations are repeating—at an accelerated rate—the process of resource depletion that started in Europe and the United States during the Industrial Revolution. Fortunately, however, today's world has some environmental watchdogs that did not exist during the first centuries of the Industrial Revolution. Given national and international cooperation and sanctions, the modern world may benefit from the lessons of the past. The World System Meets "the Noble Savage The following news story brings into focus an anthropological debate about the origin and nature of warfare and the role of European contact in fostering violence among indigenous peoples. Violence among Native Americans increased after contact with Europeans. Note that as the article begins, it suggests, mistakenly, that Native Americans lived in prehistory and lacked "civilization." In fact, Native Americans developed states and "ancient civilizations" (e.g., Aztec, Maya, Inca) comparable to those of the Old World (e.g., Mesopotamia and Egypt). Native Americans, most notably the Maya, also developed writing, which they used to record their history—rendering the label prehistory inaccurate. A romantic-sounding notion dating back more than 200 years has it that people in prehistory, such as Native Americans, lived in peace and harmony. Then "civilization" showed up, sowing violence and discord. Some see this claim as naive. It even has a derisive nickname, the "noble savage myth." But new research seems to suggest the "myth" contains at least some truth. Researchers examined thousands of Native American skeletons and found that those from after Christopher Columbus landed in the New World showed a rate of traumatic injuries more than 50 percent higher than those from before the Europeans arrived. "Traumatic injuries do increase really significantly," said Philip L. Walker, an anthropology professor at the University of California at Santa Barbara, who conducted the study with Richard H. Steckel of Ohio State University. The findings suggest "Native Americans were involved in more violence after the Europeans arrived than before," Walker said. But he emphasized there was also widespread violence before the Europeans came. Nevertheless, he said, "probably we're just seeing the tip of the iceberg" as far as the difference between violence levels before and after. That's because as many as half of bullet wounds Chapter Eleven The Modern World System miss the skeleton. Thus, the study couldn't detect much firearm violence, though some tribes wiped each other out using European-supplied guns. The findings shed light on a controversy that has stirred not only living room discussions, but also an intense, sometimes ugly debate among anthropologists. It involves two opposing views of human nature: Are we hard-wired for violence, or pushed into it? Anthropologists who believe the latter seized on the findings as evidence for their view. "What it all says to me is that humans aren't demonic. Human males don't have an ingrained propensity for war. . . . They can learn to be very peaceful, or terribly violent," said R. Brian Ferguson, a professor of anthropology at Rutgers University in Newark. Ferguson contends that before about 10,000 years ago, war was virtually nonexistent. But experts on the opposing side also said the findings fit their views. "A 50 percent increase is the equivalent of moving from a suburb to the city, in terms of violence," said Charles Stanish, a professor of anthropology at the University of California at Los Angeles. "This shows the Native Americans were like us. Under stress, they fought more." Both sides called the study, which was presented Friday at the annual meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists in Buffalo, a valuable contribution. . . . Walker and colleagues examined the skeletons of 3,375 pre-Columbian and 1,165 post-Columbian Native Americans, from archaeological sites throughout North and Central America. . . . Pre-Columbian skeletons showed an 11 percent incidence of traumatic injuries, he said, compared with almost 17 percent for the post-Columbians. Walker said his findings surprised him. "I wasn't really expecting it," he said. Yet it undeniably suggests violence, he added. Most of the increase consisted of head injuries in young males, "which conforms pretty closely to the pattern you see today in homicides." The researchers defined "traumatic injury" as anything leaving a mark on the skeleton, such as a skull fracture, a healed broken arm, or an embedded arrow point or bullet. Walker said that although part of the increased injury rate doubtless stems from violence by whites themselves, it probably reflects mostly native-on-native violence. "In a lot of cases, such as in California, there weren't that many Europeans around—just a few priests, and thousands of Indians," he said. Walker said the higher injury rate could have many explanations. Increased violence is normally associated with more densely populated, settled life, which Native Americans experienced in modernity, he said. Disease could also touch off war, he said. "Here in California, there was a lot of inter-village warfare associated with the introduction of European diseases. People would attribute the disease to ev shamanic activity in another village," he said. Ferguson cited other factors. The Europeans often drew natives into their imperial wars. . . . "You're also going to get competition over access to the Europeans, who are a form of wealth." . . . Native Americans fought over areas rich in fur, which the whites would buy. Yet Native American warfare was widespread long before that, Stanish said.. .. Keith F. Otterbein, an anthropology professor at the State University of New York at Buffalo, said the skeleton findings contribute to a balanced, middle-of-the-road view. "The folks who are saying there was no early warfare—they're wrong, too. There is, in fact, a myth of the peaceful savage," he said. Otterbein said the controversy won't end here; both sides are too ideologically entrenched. "Underlying the 'noble savage' myth," Stanish said, "is a political agenda by both the far right and far left. The right tries to turn the savages' into our little brown brothers, who need to be pulled up. ... On the left, they have another agenda, that the Western world is bad." Source: Jack Lucentini, "Bones Reveal Some Truth in 'Noble Savage Myth,'" Washington Post, April 15, 2002, p. A09. Summary 1. Local societies increasingly participate in wider systems—regional, national, and global. Columbus's voyages opened the way for a major exchange between the Old and New Worlds. Seventeenth-century plantation economies in the Caribbean and Brazil were based on sugar. In the 18th century, plantation economies based on cotton arose in the southeastern United States. 2. The capitalist world economy depends on production for sale, with the goal of maximizing profits. World capitalism has political and economic specialization at the core, semiperiphery, and periphery. Since the 16th century, the particular countries fulfilling those roles have changed. 3. The Industrial Revolution began in England around 1760. Transoceanic commerce supplied capital for industrial investment. Industrialization hastened the separation of workers from the means of production. Marx saw a sharp division between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Class consciousness was a key feature of Marx's view of this stratification. Weber believed that social solidarity based on ethnicity, religion, race, or nationality could take priority over class. Today's capitalist world system maintains the contrast between those who own the means of production and those who don't, but the division is now worldwide and involves the categories Weber foresaw. Nationalism has prevented global class solidarity. There is a substantial contrast between not only capitalists but workers in the core nations and workers on the periphery. 4. Modern stratification systems also include a middle class of skilled and professional workers. The extent to which inequalities persist across the generations is a measure of the openness of the class system, the ease of social mobility it permits. Under world capitalism, stratification has taken many forms, some of them extreme, including caste, slavery, and class systems. 5. The major forces influencing cultural interaction during the past 500 years have been commercial expansion and industrial capitalism. In the 19th century, industrialization spread to Belgium, France, Germany, 246 Chapter Eleven The Modern World System and the United States. After 1870, businesses began a concerted search for more secure markets. This process led to European imperialism in Africa, Asia, and Oceania. By 1900 the United States had become a core nation. Mass production gave rise to a culture that valued acquisitiveness and conspicuous consumption. One effect of industrialization has been the destruction of indigenous economies, ecologies, and populations. Another has been the accelerated rate of resource depletion. Key Terms bourgeoisie capital capitalist world economy caste systems core imperialism indigenous peoples open class system periphery semiperiphery slavery vertical mobility working class, or proletariat Colonialism and Development COLONIALISM British Colonialism • French ColoniaUsm • Colonialism and Identity • Postcolonial Studies DEVELOPMENT Neoliberalism THE SECOND WORLD Communism • Postsocialist Transitions DEVELOPMENT ANTHROPOLOGY The Greening of Java • Equity STRATEGIES FOR INNOVATION Overinnovation • Underdifferentiation • Third World Models Box: Culturally Appropriate Marketing In the last chapter we saw that after 1870 Europe began a concerted search for markets in Asia and Africa, leading to European imperialism in Africa, Asia, and Oceania. Imperialism refers to a policy of extending the rule of a nation or empire, such as the British empire, over foreign nations and of taking and holding foreign colonies. Colonialism is the political, social, economic, and cultural domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time (see Bremen and Shimizu, eds. 1999; Cooper and Stoler, eds. 1997). COLONIALISM Imperialism goes back to early states, including Egypt in the Old World and the Incas in the New. A Greek empire was forged by Alexander the Great, as Julius Caesar and his successors spread the Roman empire. More recent examples include the British, French, and Soviet empires (Scheinman 1980). If imperialism is almost as old as the state, colonialism can be traced back to the Phoenicians, who established colonies along the eastern 248 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development Mediterranean by 3,000 years ago. The ancient Greeks and Romans were avid colonizers, as well as empire builders. Modern colonialism began with the European "Age of Discovery"—of the Americas and of a sea route to the Far East. After 1492, European nations founded colonies abroad. In South America, Portugal ruled over Brazil. The Spanish, the original conquerors of the Aztecs and the Incas, explored the New World widely—the Caribbean, Mexico, the southern portions of what was to become the United States and Central and South America. Rebellions and wars aimed at independence for American nations ended the first phase of European colonialism by the early 19th century. Brazil declared independence from Portugal in 1822. By 1825 most of Spain's colonies were politically independent. Spain held onto Cuba and the Philippines until 1898, but otherwise withdrew from the colonial field. British Colonialism At its peak about 1914, the British empire covered a fifth of the world's land surface and ruled a fourth of its population (see Figure 12-1). Like several other European nations, Britain had two stages of colonialism. The first began with the Elizabethan voyages of the 16th century. During the 17th century, Britain acquired most of the eastern coast of North America, Canada's St. Lawrence basin, islands in the Caribbean, slave stations in Africa, and interests in India. The British shared the exploration of the New World with the Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Dutch. The British by and large left Mexico, along FIGURE 12-1 Map of British Empire in 1765 and 1914 Colonialism 249 with Central and South America, to the Spanish and the Portuguese. The end of the Seven Years' War in 1763 forced a French retreat from most of Canada and India, where France had previously competed with Britain (Cody 1998; Fair 1980). The American revolution ended the first stage of British colonialism. A second colonial empire, on which the "sun never set," rose from the ashes of the first. Beginning in 1788, but intensifying after 1815, the British settled Australia. Britain had acquired Dutch South Africa by 1815. The establishment of Singapore in 1819 provided a base for a British trade network that extended to much of South Asia and along the coast of China. By this time, the empires of Britain's traditional rivals, particularly Spain, had been severely diminished in scope. Britain's position as imperial power and the world's leading industrial nation was unchallenged (Cody 1998; Farr 1980). During the Victorian Era (1837-1901), as Britain's acquisition of territory and of further trading concessions continued, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli implemented a foreign policy justified by a view of imperialism as shouldering "the white man's burden"—a phrase coined by the poet On January 1, 1900 a British officer in India receives a pedicure from a servant. What does this photo say to you about colonialism? Who gives pedicures in your society? 250 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development Rudyard Kipling. People in the empire were seen as unable to govern themselves, so that British guidance was needed to civilize and Christianize them. This paternalistic and racist doctrine served to legitimize Britain's acquisition and control of parts of central Africa and Asia (Cody 1998). After World War II, the British empire began to fall apart, with nationalist movements for independence. India became independent in 1947, as did Ireland in 1949. Decolonization in Africa and Asia accelerated during the late 1950s. Today, the ties that remain between Britain and its former colonies are mainly linguistic or cultural rather than political (Cody 1998). French Colonialism French colonialism also had two phases. The first began with the explorations of the early 1600s. Prior to the French revolution in 1789, missionaries, explorers, and traders led French expansion. They carved out niches for France in Canada, the Louisiana territory, several Caribbean islands, and parts of India, which were lost along with Canada to Great Britain in 1763 (Harvey 1980). The foundations of the second French empire were established between 1830 and 1870, the French manifestation of the more general European imperialism that followed the spread of industrialization and the search for new markets, raw materials, and cheap labor. In Great Britain the sheer drive for profit led expansion, but French colonialism was spurred more by the state, church, and armed forces than by pure business interests. France acquired Algeria and part of what eventually became Indochina (Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam). By 1914 the French empire covered 4 million square miles and included some 60 million people (see Figure 12-2). By 1893 French FIGURE 12-2 Map of the French Empire at Its Height around 1914 Colonialism 251 rule had been fully established in Indochina. Tunisia and Morocco became French protectorates in 1883 and 1912, respectively (Harvey 1980). To be sure, the French, like the British, had substantial business interests in their colonies, but they also sought, again like the British, international glory and prestige. The French promulgated a mission civilisatrice, their equivalent of Britain's "white man's burden." The goal was to implant French culture, language, and religion, Roman Catholicism, throughout the colonies (Harvey 1980). The French used two forms of colonial rule: indirect rule, governing through native leaders and established political structures, in areas with long histories of state organization, such as Morocco and Tunisia; and direct rule by French officials in many areas of Africa, where the French imposed new government structures to control diverse societies, many of them previously stateless. Like the British empire, the French empire began to disintegrate after World War II. France fought long—and ultimately futile—wars to keep its empire intact in Indochina and Algeria (Harvey 1980). Colonialism and Identity Many geopolitical labels in the news today had no equivalent meaning before colonialism. Whole countries, along with social groups and divisions within them, were colonial inventions. In West Africa, for example, by geographic logic, several adjacent countries could be one (Togo, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia). Instead, they are separated by linguistic, political, and economic contrasts promoted under colonialism, sometimes inciting "tribalism." Hundreds of ethnic groups and "tribes" are colonial constructions (see Ranger 1996). The Sukuma of Tanzania, for instance, were first registered as a single tribe by the colonial administration. Then missionaries standardized a series of dialects into a single Sukuma language into which they translated the Bible and other religious texts. Thereafter, those texts were taught in missionary schools and to European foreigners and other non-Sukuma speakers. Over time this standardized the Sukuma language and ethnicity (Finnstrom 1997). As in most of East Africa, in Rwanda and Burundi farmers and herders live in the same areas and speak the same language. Historically they have shared the same social world, although their social organization is "extremely hierarchical," almost "castelike" (Malkki 1995, p. 24). There has been a tendency to see the pastoral Tutsis as superior to the agricultural Hutus. Tutsis have been presented as nobles, Hutus as commoners. Yet when distributing identity cards in Rwanda, the Belgian colonizers simply identified all people with more than 10 head of cattle as Tutsi. Owners of fewer cattle were registered as Hutus (Bjuremalm 1997). Years later, these arbitrary colonial registers were used systematically for "ethnic" identification during the mass killings that took place in Rwanda in 1994. 252 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development Postcolonial Studies In anthropology, history, and literature, the field of postcolonial studies has gained prominence since the 1970s (see Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 1989; Cooper and Stoler, eds. 1997). Postcolonial refers to the study of the interactions between European nations and the societies they colonized (mainly after 1800). In 1914, European empires, which broke up after World War II, ruled more than 85 percent of the world (Petraglia-Bahri 1996). The term "postcolonial" also has been used to describe the second half of the 20th century in general, the period succeeding colonialism. Even more genetically, "postcolonial" may be used to signify a position against imperialism and Eurocentrism (Petraglia-Bahri 1996). The former colonies ipostcolonies) can be divided into settler, nonsettler, and mixed (Petraglia-Bahri 1996). The settler countries, with large numbers of European colonists and sparser native populations, include Australia and Canada. Examples of nonsettler countries include India, Pakistan, Bangladash, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Indonesia, Nigeria, Senegal, Madagascar, and Jamaica. All these had substantial native populations and relatively few European settlers. Mixed countries include South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, and Algeria. Such countries had significant European settlement despite having sizable native populations. Given the varied experiences of such countries, "postcolonial" has to be a loose term. The United States, for instance, was colonized by Europeans and fought a war for independence from Britain. Is the United States a post-colony? It isn't usually perceived as such, given its current world power position, its treatment of native Americans (sometimes called internal colonization), and its annexation of other parts of the world (Petraglia-Bahri 1996). Research in postcolonial studies is growing, permitting a wide-ranging investigation of power relations in varied contexts. Broad topics in the field include the formation of an empire, the impact of colonization, and the state of the postcolony today (Petraglia-Bahri 1996). DEVELOPMENT During the Industrial Revolution, a strong current of thought viewed industrialization as a beneficial process of organic development and progress. Many economists still assume that industrialization increases production and income. They seek to create in Third World ("developing") countries a process like the one that first occurred spontaneously in 18th-century Great Britain. We have seen that Great Britain used the notion of a white man's burden to justify its imperialist expansion and that France claimed to be engaged in a mission civilisatrice, a civilizing mission, in its colonies. Both these ideas illustrate an intervention philosophy, an ideological justification for outsiders to guide native peoples in specific directions. Economic development plans also have intervention philosophies. John Bodley (1988) argues that the Development 253 basic belief behind interventions—whether by colonialists, missionaries, governments, or development planners—has been the same for more than 100 years. This belief is that industrialization, modernization, Westernization, and individualism are desirable evolutionary advances and that development schemes that promote them will bring long-term benefits to local people. In a more extreme form, intervention philosophy may pit the assumed wisdom of enlightened colonial or other First World planners against the purported conservatism, ignorance, or "obsolescence" of "inferior" local people. Neoliberalism The currently dominant intervention philosophy is neoliberalism. The term encompasses a set of assumptions that have become widespread during the last 25-30 years. Neoliberal policies are being implemented in developing nations, including postsocialist societies (e.g., those of the former Soviet Union). Neoliberalism is the current form of the classic economic liberalism laid out in Adam Smith's famous capitalist manifesto, The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, soon after the Industrial Revolution. Smith advocated laissez-faire (hands-off) economics as the basis of capitalism: the government should stay out of its nation's economic affairs. Free trade, Smith thought, was the best way for a nation's economy to develop. There should be no restrictions on manufacturing, no barriers to commerce, and no tariffs. This philosophy is called "liberalism" because it aimed at liberating or freeing the economy from government controls. Economic liberalism encouraged "free" enterprise and competition, with the goal of generating profits. (Note the difference between this meaning of liberal and the one that has been popularized on American talk radio, in which "liberal" is used— usually as a derogatory term—as the opposite of "conservative." Ironically, Adam Smiths liberalism is today's capitalist "conservatism.") Economic liberalism prevailed in the United States until President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal during the 1930s. The Great Depression produced a turn to Keynesian economics, which challenged liberalism. John Maynard Keynes (1927, 1936) insisted that full employment was necessary for capitalism to grow, that governments and central banks should intervene to increase employment, and that government should promote the common good. Especially since the fall of Communism (1989-1991), there has been a revival of economic liberalism, now known as neoliberalism, which has been spreading globally. Around the world, neoliberal policies have been imposed by powerful financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank (see Edelman and Haugerud 2004). Neoliberalism doesn't differ much from Adam Smith's original idea that governments should not regulate private enterprise and market forces. Neoliberalism entails open (tariff- and barrier-free) international trade and investment. Profits are sought through lowering of costs, whether through improving productivity, laying off 254 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development workers, or seeking workers who accept lower wages. In exchange for loans, the governments of postsocialist and developing nations have been required to accept the neoliberal premise that deregulation leads to economic growth, which will eventually benefit everyone through a process sometimes called "trickle down." Accompanying the belief in free markets and the idea of cutting costs is a tendency to impose austerity measures that cut government expenses. This means reduced public spending on education, health care, and other social services (Martinez and Garcia 2000). THE SECOND WORLD Remember from the chapter "Ethnicity and Race" that the labels "First World," "Second World," and "Third World" represent a common, although ethnocentric, way of categorizing nations. The First World refers to the "democratic West"—traditionally conceived in opposition to a "Second World" ruled by "Communism." The Second World refers to the Warsaw Pact nations, including the former Soviet Union and the socialist and once-socialist countries of Eastern Europe and Asia. Proceeding with this classification, the "less-developed countries" or "developing nations" make up the Third World, to which we turn after a discussion of Communism and its fall. Communism The two meanings of communism involve how it is written, whether with a lowercase (small) or a capital (large) c. Small-c communism describes a social system in which property is owned by the community and in which people work for the common good. Large-C Communism was a political movement and doctrine seeking to overthrow capitalism and to establish a form of communism such as that which prevailed in the Soviet Union (USSR) from 1917 to 1991. The heyday of Communism was a 40-year period from 1949 to 1989, when more Communist regimes existed than at any time before or after. By the year 2000, there were only 5 Communist states left, including China, North Korea, and Cuba, compared with 23 in 1985. Communism, which originated with Russia's Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, and took its inspiration from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, was not uniform over time or among countries. All Communist systems were authoritarian (promoting obedience to authority rather than individual freedom). Many were totalitarian (banning rival parties and demanding total submission of the individual to the state.) Several features distinguished Communist societies from other authoritarian regimes (e.g., Spain under Franco) and from socialism of a social democratic type. First, the Communist Party monopolized power in every Communist state. Second, relations within the party were highly centralized and strictly disciplined. Third, Communist nations had state ownership, rather than private ownership, of the means of production. Finally, all Communist regimes, with the goal of advancing The Second World 255 On May Day (May 1, 1975), large photos of Politburo members (Communist party leaders) adorn buildings in Moscow. communism, cultivated a sense of belonging to an international movement (Brown 2001). Social scientists have tended to refer to such societies as socialist rather than Communist. Today research by anthropologists is thriving in postso-cialist societies—those that once emphasized bureaucratic redistribution of wealth according to a central plan (Verdery 2001). In the postsocialist period, states that once had planned economies have been following the neoliberal agenda, by divesting themselves of state-owned resources in favor of privatization. These societies in transition are undergoing democratization and marketization. Some of them have moved toward formal liberal democracy, with political parties, elections, and a balance of powers (Grekova 2001). Postsocialist Transitions Neoliberal economists assumed that dismantling the Soviet Union s planned economy would raise gross domestic product (GDP) and living standards. The goal was to enhance production by substituting a decentralized market system and providing incentives through privatization. In October 1991, Boris Yeltsin, who had been elected president of Russia that June, announced a program of radical market-oriented reform, pursuing a changeover to capitalism. Yeltsins program of "shock therapy" cut subsidies to farms and industries and ended price controls. Since then, postsocialist Russia 256 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development has faced many problems. The anticipated gains in productivity did not materialize. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia's GDP fell by half. Poverty increased, with a quarter of the population now living below the poverty line. Life expectancy and the birth rate declined. Another problem to emerge in the postsocialist transition is corruption. Since 1996, the World Bank and other international organizations have launched anticorruption programs worldwide. Corruption is defined as the abuse of public office for private gain. The World Bank's approach to corruption assumes, erroneously, that the state (public)-private dichotomy is universal and that it takes a similar form in all societies. (This illustrates the fallacy of underdifferentiation, to be discussed later in this chapter.) According to Janine Wedel (2002), postsocialist states provide rich contexts in which to explore relations between public and private domains. The anthropologist Alexei Yurchak (2002) describes two spheres within the contemporary Russian state. The official-public sphere and the personal-public sphere are two systems that coexist and sometimes overlap. State officials may respect the law (official-public), while also working with informal or even criminal groups (personal-public). Officials switch from official-public to personal-public behavior all the time, in order to accomplish specific tasks. In an illustrative case from Poland, a man selling an apartment he had inherited was to pay a huge sum in taxes. He visited the state tax office, where a bureaucrat informed him of how much he was being assessed (official-public). She also told him how to avoid paying it (personal-public). He followed her advice and saved a lot of money. The man didn't know the bureaucrat personally. She didn't expect anything in return, and he didn't offer anything. She said she routinely offers such help. In postsocialist societies, what is legal (official-public) and what is considered morally correct don't necessarily correspond. The bureaucrat just described seemed still to be operating under the old communist notion that state property (tax dollars in this case) belongs both to everyone and to no one. For further illustration of this view of state property, imagine two people working in the same state-owned construction enterprise. To take home for private use materials belonging to the enterprise (that is, to everyone and no one) is morally acceptable. No one will fault you for it because "everyone does it." However, if a fellow worker comes along and takes materials someone else had planned to take home, that is stealing, and morally wrong (Wedel 2002). In evaluating charges of corruption, anthropologists such as Wedel are well aware that property notions and spheres of official action in postsocialist societies are in transition. DEVELOPMENT ANTHROPOLOGY Applied anthropology, as we saw in Chapter 1, refers to the application of anthropological perspectives, theory, methods, and data to identify, assess, and solve social problems (see Nolan 2003). Development anthropology is Development Anthropology 257 the branch of applied anthropology that focuses on social issues in, and the cultural dimension of, economic development. Development anthropologists do not just carry out development policies planned by others; they also plan and guide policy. (For more detailed discussions of issues in development anthropology, see Edelman and Haugerud 2004; Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1995; Nolan 2002; and Robertson 1995.) However, ethical dilemmas often confront development anthropologists (Escobar 1991, 1995). Our respect for cultural diversity often is offended because efforts to extend industry and technology may entail profound cultural changes. Foreign aid usually doesn't go where need and suffering are greatest. It is spent on political, economic, and strategic priorities as international donors, political leaders and powerful interest groups perceive them. Planners' interests don't always coincide with the best interests of the local people. Although the aim of most development projects is to enhance the quality of life, living standards often decline in the target area (Bodley, ed. 1988). The Greening of Java Anthropologist Richard Franke (1977) conducted a classic study of discrepancies between goals and results in a scheme to promote social and economic change in Java, Indonesia. Experts and planners of the 1960s and 1970s assumed that as small-scale farmers got modern technology and more productive crop varieties, their lives would improve. The media publicized new, high-yielding varieties of wheat, maize, and rice. These new crops, along with chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and new cultivation techniques, were hailed as the basis of a green revolution. This "revolution" was expected to increase the world s food supply and thus improve the diets and living conditions of victims of poverty, particularly in land-scarce, overcrowded regions. The green revolution was an economic success. It did increase the global food supply. New strains of wheat and rice doubled or tripled farm supplies in many Third World countries. Thanks to the green revolution, world food prices declined by more than 20 percent during the 1980s (Stevens 1992). But its social effects were not what its advocates had intended, as we learn from Javanese experience. Java received a genetic cross between rice strains from Taiwan and Indonesia—a high-yielding "miracle" rice known as IR-8. This hybrid could raise the productivity of a given plot by at least half. Governments throughout southern Asia, including Indonesia, encouraged the cultivation of IR-8, along with the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The Indonesian island of Java, one of the most densely populated places in the world (over 700 people per square kilometer), was a prime target for the green revolution. Java's total crop was insufficient to supply its people with minimal daily requirements of calories (2,150) and protein (55 grams). In 1960 Javanese agriculture supplied 1,950 calories and 38 grams of protein per capita. By 1967 these already inadequate figures 258 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development had fallen to 1,750 calories and 33 grams. Could miracle rice, by increasing crop yields 50 percent, reverse the trend? Java shares with many other underdeveloped nations a history of socioeconomic stratification and colonialism. Indigenous contrasts in wealth and power were intensified by Dutch colonialism. Although Indonesia gained political independence from the Netherlands in 1949, internal stratification continued. Today, contrasts between the wealthy (government employees, business people, large landowners) and the poor (small-scale peasants) exist even in small farming communities. Stratification led to problems during Java's green revolution. In 1963 the University of Indonesia's College of Agriculture launched a program in which students went to live in villages. They worked with peasants in the fields and shared their knowledge of new agricultural techniques while learning from the peasants. The program was a success. Yields in the affected villages increased by half. The program, directed by the Department of Agriculture, was expanded in 1964; nine universities and 400 students joined. These intervention programs succeeded where others had failed because the outside agents recognized that economic development rests not only on technological change but on political change as well. Students could observe firsthand how interest groups resisted attempts by peasants to improve their lot. Once, when local officials stole fertilizer destined for peasant fields, students got it back by threatening in a letter to turn evidence of the crime over to higher-level officials. The combination of new work patterns and political action was achieving promising results when, in 1965-1966, there was an insurrection against the government. In the eventual military takeover, Indonesia's President Sukarno was ousted and replaced by President Suharto, who ruled Indonesia until 1998. Efforts to increase agricultural production resumed soon after Suharto took control. However, the new government assigned the task to multinational corporations based in Japan, West Germany, and Switzerland rather than to students and peasants. These industrial firms were to supply miracle rice and other high-yielding seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides. Peasants adopting the whole green revolution kit were eligible for loans that would allow them to buy food and other essentials in the lean period just before harvesting. Java's green revolution soon encountered problems. One pesticide, which had never been tested in Java, killed the fish in the irrigation canals and thus destroyed an important protein resource. One development agency turned out to be a fraud, set up to benefit the military and government officials. Java's green revolution also encountered problems at the village level because of entrenched interests. Traditionally, peasants had fed their families by taking temporary jobs or borrowing from wealthier villagers before the harvest. Having accepted loans, the peasants were obliged to work for wages lower than those paid on the open market. Low-interest loans would have made peasants less dependent on wealthy villagers, thus depriving local patrons of cheap labor. Development Anthropology 259 Many Asian governments have promoted the cultivation of new rice varieties, along with the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, what costs and benefits may accompany such changes? Shown here is Vietnam's Can Tho Rice Research Institute. Local officials were put in charge of spreading information about how the program worked. Instead they limited peasant participation by withholding information. Wealthy villagers also discouraged peasant participation more subtly: They raised doubts about the effectiveness of the new techniques and about the wisdom of taking government loans when familiar patrons were nearby. Faced with the thought that starvation might follow if innovation failed, peasants were reluctant to take risks—an understandable reaction. Production increased, but wealthy villagers rather than small-scale farmers reaped the benefits of the green revolution. Just 20 percent of one village s 151 households participated in the program. However, because they were the wealthiest households, headed by people who owned the most land, 40 percent 260 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development of the land was being cultivated by means of the new system. Some large-scale landowners used their green revolution profits at the peasants' expense. They bought up peasants' small plots and purchased labor-saving machinery, including rice-milling machines and tractors. As a result, the poorest peasants lost both their means of subsistence—land—and local work opportunities. Their only recourse was to move to cities, where a growing pool of unskilled laborers depressed already low wages. In a complementary view of the green revolution's social effects, Ann Stoler (1977) focused on gender and stratification. She took issue with Esther Boserup's (1970) contention that colonialism and development inevitably hurt Third World women more than men by favoring commercial agriculture and excluding women from it. Stoler found that the green revolution had permitted some women to gain power over other women and men. Javanese women were not a homogeneous group but varied by class. Stoler found that whether the green revolution helped or harmed Javanese women depended on their position in the class structure. The status of landholding women rose as they gained control over more land and the labor of more poor women. The new economy offered wealthier women higher profits, which they used in trading. Poor women suffered along with poor men as traditional economic opportunities declined. Nevertheless, the poor women fared better than did the poor men, who had no access at all to off-farm work. These studies of the local effects of the green revolution reveal results different from those foreseen by policy makers, planners, and the media. We see the unintended and often undesirable effects of development programs that ignore traditional social, political, and economic divisions. New technology, no matter how promising, does not inevitably help the intended beneficiaries. It may very well hurt them if vested interests interfere. In Java, a development program designed to alleviate poverty actually increased it. Agricultural production became profit oriented, machine based, and chemical dependent. Local autonomy diminished as linkages with the world system increased. Production rose, as the rich got richer and poverty increased. Equity A commonly stated goal of recent development policy is to promote equity. Increased equity means reduced poverty and a more even distribution of wealth. However, if projects are to increase equity, they must have the support of reform-minded governments. Wealthy and powerful people typically resist projects that threaten their vested interests. Some types of development projects, particularly irrigation schemes, are more likely than others to widen wealth disparities, that is, to have a negative equity impact. An initial uneven distribution of resources (particularly land) often becomes the basis for greater skewing after the project. The social impact of new technology tends to be more severe, contributing negatively to quality of life and to equity, when inputs are channeled to or through the rich, as in Java's green revolution. Strategies for Innovation 261 Many fisheries projects have also had negative equity results (see Durrenberger and King, eds. 2000). In Bahia, Brazil (Kottak 2006), sailboat owners (but not nonowners) got loans to buy motors for their boats. To repay the loans, the owners increased the percentage of the catch they took from the men who fished in their boats. Over the years, they used their rising profits to buy larger and more expensive boats. The result was stratification— the creation of a group of wealthy people within a formerly egalitarian community. These events hampered individual initiative and interfered with further development of the fishing industry. With new boats so expensive, ambitious young men who once would have sought careers in fishing no longer had any way to obtain their own boats. They sought wage labor on land instead. To avoid such results, credit-granting agencies must seek out enterprising young fishers rather than giving loans only to owners and established businesspeople. STRATEGIES FOR INNOVATION Development anthropologists, who are concerned with social issues in, and the cultural dimension of, economic development, must work closely with local people to assess and help them realize their own wishes and needs for change. Too many true local needs cry out for a solution to waste money funding development projects in area A that are inappropriate there but needed in area B, or that are unnecessary anywhere. Development anthropology can help sort out the needs of the As and Bs and fit projects accordingly. Projects that put people first by consulting with them and responding to their expressed needs must be identified (Cernea, ed. 1991). Thereafter, development anthropologists can work to ensure socially compatible ways of implementing a good project. In a comparative study of 68 rural development projects from all around the world, I found the culturally compatible economic development projects to be twice as successful financially as the incompatible ones (Kottak 1990&, 1991). This finding shows that using anthropological expertise in planning to ensure cultural compatibility is cost-effective. To maximize social and economic benefits, projects must (1) be culturally compatible, (2) respond to locally perceived needs, (3) involve men and women in planning and carrying out the changes that affect them, (4) harness traditional organizations, and (5) be flexible. Overinnovation In my comparative study, the compatible and successful projects avoided the fallacy of overinnovation (too much change). We would expect people to resist development projects that require major changes in their daily lives. People usually want to change just enough to keep what they have. Motives for modifying behavior come from the traditional culture and the To maximize benefits, development projects should respond to locally perceived needs. Shown here (foreground) is the president of a Nicaraguan cooperative that makes and markets hammocks. This cooperative has been assisted by an NGO whose goals include increasing the benefits that women derive from economic development. What's an NGO? small concerns of ordinary life. Peasants' values are not such abstract ones as "learning a better way," "progressing," "increasing technical know-how," "improving efficiency," or "adopting modern techniques." (Those phrases exemplify intervention philosophy.) Instead, their objectives are down-to-earth and specific ones. People want to improve yields in a rice field, amass resources for a ceremony, get a child through school, or have enough cash to pay the tax bill. The goals and values of subsistence producers differ from those of people who produce for cash, just as they differ from the intervention philosophy of development planners. Different value systems must be considered during planning. In the comparative study, the projects that failed were usually both economically and culturally incompatible. For example, one South Asian project promoted the cultivation of onions and peppers, expecting this practice to fit into a preexisting labor-intensive system of rice-growing. Cultivation of these cash crops wasn't traditional in the area. It conflicted with existing crop priorities and other interests of farmers. Also, the labor peaks for pepper and onion production coincided with those for rice, to which the farmers gave priority. Strategies for Innovation 263 Throughout the world, project problems have arisen from inadequate attention to, and consequent lack of fit with, local culture. Another naive and incompatible project was an overinnovative scheme in Ethiopia. Its major fallacy was to try to convert nomadic herders into sedentary cultivators. It ignored traditional land rights. Outsiders—commercial farmers—were to get much of the herders' territory. The pastoralists were expected to settle down and start farming. This project helped wealthy outsiders instead of the local people. The planners naively expected free-ranging herders to give up a generations-old way of life to work three times harder growing rice and picking cotton for bosses. Underdifferentiation The fallacy of underdifferentiation is the tendency to view "the less-developed countries" as more alike than they are. Development agencies have often ignored cultural diversity (e.g., between Brazil and Burundi) and adopted a uniform approach to deal with very different sets of people. Neglecting cultural diversity, many projects also have tried to impose incompatible property notions and social units. Most often, the faulty social design assumes either (1) individualistic productive units that are privately owned by an individual or couple and worked by a nuclear family or (2) cooperatives that are at least partially based on models from the former Eastern bloc and Socialist countries. One example of faulty Euro-American models (the individual and the nuclear family) was a West African project designed for an area where the extended family was the basic social unit. The project succeeded despite its faulty social design because the participants used their traditional extended family networks to attract additional settlers. Eventually, twice as many people as planned benefited as extended family members flocked to the project area. Here, settlers modified the project design that had been imposed on them by following the principles of their traditional society. The second dubious foreign social model that is common in development strategy is the cooperative. In the comparative study of rural development projects, new cooperatives fared badly. Cooperatives succeeded only when they harnessed preexisting local-level communal institutions. This is a corollary of a more general rule: Participants' groups are most effective when they are based on traditional social organization or on a socioeconomic similarity among members. Neither foreign social model—the nuclear family farm nor the cooperative—has an unblemished record in development. An alternative is needed: greater use of Third World social models for Third World development. These are traditional social units, such as the clans, lineages, and other extended kin groups of Africa, Oceania, and many other nations, with their communally held estates and resources. The most humane and productive strategy for change is to base the social design for innovation on traditional social forms in each target area. 264 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development Third World Models Many governments are not genuinely, or realistically, committed to improving the lives of their citizens. Interference by major powers has also kept governments from enacting needed reforms. In some nations, however, the government acts more as an agent of the people. Madagascar provides an example. The people of Madagascar, the Malagasy, had been organized into descent groups before the origin of the state. The Merina, creators of the major precolonial state of Madagascar, wove descent groups into its structure, making members of important groups advisers to the king and thus giving them authority in government. The Merina state made provisions for the people it ruled. It collected taxes and organized labor for public works projects. In return, it redistributed resources to peasants in need. It also granted them some protection against war and slave raids and allowed them to cultivate their rice fields in peace. The government maintained the water works for rice cultivation. It opened to ambitious peasant boys the chance of becoming, through hard work and study, state bureaucrats. Throughout the history of the Merina state—and continuing in modern Madagascar—there have been strong relationships between the individual, the descent group, and the state. Local Malagasy communities, where residence is based on descent, are more cohesive and homogeneous than are communities in Java or Latin America. Madagascar gained political independence from France in 1960. Although it was still economically dependent on France when I first did research there in 1966-1967, the new government had an economic development policy aimed at increasing the ability of the Malagasy to feed themselves. Government policy emphasized increased production of rice, a subsistence crop, rather than cash crops. Furthermore, local communities, with their traditional cooperative patterns and solidarity based on kinship and descent, were treated as partners in, not obstacles to, the development process. In a sense, the descent group is preadapted to equitable national development. In Madagascar, members of local descent groups have customarily pooled their resources to educate their ambitious members. Once educated, these men and women gain economically secure positions in the nation. They then share the advantages of their new positions with their kin. For example, they give room and board to rural cousins attending school and help them find jobs. Malagasy administrations appear generally to have shared a commitment to democratic economic development. Perhaps this is because government officials are of the peasantry or have strong personal ties to it. By contrast, in Latin American countries, the elites and the lower class have different origins and no strong connections through kinship, descent, or marriage. Furthermore, societies with descent-group organization contradict an assumption that many social scientists and economists seem to make. It is not inevitable that as nations become more tied to the world capitalist economy, native forms of social organization will break down into nuclear family Strategies for Innovation 265 organization, impersonality, and alienation. Descent groups, with their traditional communalism and corporate solidarity, have important roles to play in economic development. Realistic development promotes change but not overinnovation. Many changes are possible if the aim is to preserve local systems while making them work better. Successful economic development projects respect, or at least don't attack, local cultural patterns. Effective development draws on indigenous cultural practices and social structures. Culturally Appropriate Marketing Innovation succeeds best when it is culturally appropriate. This axiom of applied anthropology could guide the international spread not only of development projects but also of businesses, such as fast food. Each time McDonald's or Burger King expands to a new nation, it must devise a culturally appropriate strategy for fitting into the new setting. McDonalds has been successful internationally, with more than a quarter of its sales outside the United States. One place where McDonalds is expanding successfully is Brazil, where more than 50 million middle-class people, most living in densely packed cities, provide a concentrated market for a fast-food chain. Still, it took McDonald's some time to find the right marketing strategy for Brazil. In 1980 when I visited Brazil after a seven-year absence, I first noticed, as a manifestation of Brazil's growing participation in the world economy, the appearance of two McDonald's restaurants in Rio de Janeiro. There wasn't much difference between Brazilian and American McDonalds. The restaurants looked alike. The menus were more or less the same, as was the taste of the quarter-pounders. I picked up an artifact, a white paper bag with yellow lettering, exactly like the take-out bags then used in American McDonalds. An advertising device, it carried several messages about how Brazilians could bring McDonald's into their lives. However, it seemed to me that McDonalds Brazilian ad campaign was missing some important points about how fast food should be marketed in a culture that values large, leisurely lunches. The bag proclaimed, "You're going to enjoy the [McDonald's] difference," and listed several "favorite places where you can enjoy McDonalds products." This list confirmed that the marketing people were trying to adapt to Brazilian middle-class culture, but they were making some mistakes. "When you go out in the car with the kids" transferred the uniquely developed North American cultural combination of highways, affordable cars, and suburban living to the very different context of urban Brazil. A similar suggestion was "traveling to the country place." Even Brazilians who owned country places could not find McDonalds, still confined to the cities, on the road. The ad creator had apparently never attempted to drive up to a fast-food restaurant in a neighborhood with no parking spaces. Several other suggestions pointed customers toward the beach, where cariocas (Rio natives) do spend much of their leisure time. One could eat McDonalds products "after a dip in the ocean," "at a picnic at the beach," or 266 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development "watching the surfers." These suggestions ignored the Brazilian custom of consuming cold things, such as beer, soft drinks, ice cream, and ham and cheese sandwiches, at the beach. Brazilians don't consider a hot, greasy hamburger proper beach food. They view the sea as "cold" and hamburgers as "hot"; they avoid "hot" foods at the beach. Also culturally dubious was the suggestion to eat McDonalds hamburgers "lunching at the office." Brazilians prefer their main meal at midday, often eating at a leisurely pace with business associates. Many firms serve ample lunches to their employees. Other workers take advantage of a two-hour lunch break to go home to eat with the spouse and children. Nor did it make sense to suggest that children should eat hamburgers for lunch, since most kids attend school for half-day sessions and have lunch at home. Two other suggestions— "waiting for the bus" and "in the beauty parlor"—did describe common aspects of daily life in a Brazilian city. However, these settings have not proved especially inviting to hamburgers or fish filets. The homes of Brazilians who can afford McDonalds products have cooks and maids to do many of the things that fast-food restaurants do in the United States. The suggestion that McDonald's products be eaten "while watching your favorite television program" is culturally appropriate, because Brazilians watch TV a lot. However, Brazil's consuming classes can ask the cook to make a snack when hunger strikes. Indeed, much televiewing occurs during the light dinner served when the husband gets home from the office. Most appropriate to the Brazilian lifestyle was the suggestion to enjoy McDonalds "on the cook's day off." Throughout Brazil, Sunday is that day. The Sunday pattern for middle-class families is a trip to the beach, liters of beer, a full midday meal around 3 p.m., and a light evening snack. McDonald's found its niche in the Sunday evening meal, when families flock to the fast-food restaurant, and it is to this market that its advertising is now appropriately geared. McDonalds is expanding rapidly in Brazilian cities, and in Brazil as in North America, teenage appetites are fueling the fast-food explosion. As McDonald's outlets appeared in urban neighborhoods, Brazilian teenagers used them for after-school snacks, while families had evening meals there. As an anthropologist could have predicted, the fast-food industry has not revolutionized Brazilian food and meal customs. Rather, McDonald's is succeeding because it has adapted to preexistin; Brazilian cultural patterns. The main contrast with North America is that the Brazilian evening meal is lighter. McDonald's now caters to the evening meal rather than to lunch. Once McDonald's realized that more money could be made by fitting in with, rather than trying to Americanize, Brazilian meal habits, it started aiming its advertising at that goal. Summary 1. Imperialism is the policy of extending the rule of a nation or empire over other nations and of taking and holding foreign colonies. Colonialism is the domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time. European colonialism had two main phases. The first Summary 267 started in 1492 and lasted through 1825. For Britain this phase ended with the American revolution. For France it ended when Britain won the Seven Years' War, forcing the French to abandon Canada and India. For Spain, it ended with Latin American independence. The second phase of European colonialism extended approximately from 1850 to 1950. The British and French empires were at their height around 1914, when European empires controlled 85 percent of the world. Britain and France had colonies in Africa, Asia, Oceania, and the New World. 2. Many geopolitical labels and identities were created under colonialism that had little or nothing to do with existing social demarcations. The new ethnic or national divisions were colonial inventions, sometimes aggravating conflicts. 3. Like colonialism, economic development has an intervention philosophy that provides a justification for outsiders to guide native peoples toward particular goals. Development is usually justified by the idea that industrialization and modernization are desirable evolutionary advances. Yet many problems faced by Third World peoples have been caused by their incorporation in the world cash economy. Neoliberalism revives and extends classic economic liberalism: the idea that governments should not regulate private enterprise and that free market forces should rule. This intervention philosophy currently dominates aid agreements with postsocialist and developing nations. 4. Spelled with a lowercase c, communism describes a social system in which property is owned by the community and in which people work for the common good. Spelled with a capital C, Communism indicates a political movement and doctrine seeking to overthrow capitalism and to establish a form of communism such as that which prevailed in the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1991. The heyday of Communism was between 1949 and 1989. The fall of Communism can be traced to 1989-1990 in eastern Europe and 1991 in the Soviet Union. Postsocialist states have followed the neoliberal agenda, through privatization, deregulation, and democratization. 5. Development anthropology focuses on social issues in, and the cultural dimension of, economic development. Development projects typically promote cash employment and new technology at the expense of subsistence economies. Research in Java found the green revolution was failing. It promoted the new technology while ignoring peasant political organization. 6. Not all governments seek to increase equality and end poverty. Resistance by elites to reform is typical and hard to combat. At the same time, local people rarely cooperate with projects requiring major 268 Chapter Twelve Colonialism and Development and risky changes in their daily lives. Many projects seek to impose inappropriate property notions and incompatible social units on their intended beneficiaries. The best strategy for change is to base the social design for innovation on traditional social forms in each target area. Key Terms colonialism communism Communism development anthropology green revolution increased equity intervention philosophy neoliberalism overinnovation postcolonial underdifferentiation Cultural Exchange and Survival CONTACT AND DOMINATION Development and Environmentalism • Religious Change RESISTANCE AND SURVIVAL Weapons of the Weak • Cultural Imperialism MAKING AND REMAKING CULTURE Popular Culture • Indigenizing Popular Culture • A World System of Images A Transnational Culture of Consumption PEOPLE IN MOTION THE CONTINUANCE OF DIVERSITY Box: Cultural Diversity Highest in Resource-Rich Areas This book has examined many aspects of increasing participation by local societies in wider systems—regional, national, colonial, and global. Since the 1920s anthropologists have been investigating the changes that arise from contact between industrial and nonindustrial societies. Studies of "social change" and "acculturation" are abundant. British and American ethnographers, respectively, have used those terms to describe the same process. Acculturation refers to changes that result when groups come into continuous firsthand contact—changes in the cultural patterns of either or both groups (Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits 1936, p. 149). CONTACT AND DOMINATION Acculturation differs from diffusion, or cultural borrowing, which can occur without firsthand contact. For example, most North Americans who eat hot dogs ("frankfurters") have never been to Frankfurt, nor have most North American Toyota owners or sushi eaters ever visited Japan. Although acculturation can be applied to any case of cultural contact and change, the term has most often described Westernization—the influence of Western expansion on native societies. Thus natives who wear store-bought clothes, 270 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival learn Indo-European languages, and otherwise adopt Western customs are called acculturated. Acculturation may be voluntary or forced. Different degrees of destruction, domination, resistance, survival, adaptation, and modification of native cultures may follow interethnic contact. In cases in which contact between the indigenous societies and more powerful outsiders leads to destruction—a situation that is particularly characteristic of colonialist and expansionist eras—a "shock phase" often follows the initial encounter (Bodley, ed. 1988). Outsiders may attack or exploit the native people. Such exploitation may increase mortality, disrupt subsistence, fragment kin groups, damage social support systems, and inspire new religious movements, such as the cargo cults examined in the chapter on religion (Bodley, ed. 1988). During the shock phase, there may be civil repression backed by military force. Such factors may lead to the tribes cultural collapse (ethnocide) or its physical extinction (genocide). Outsiders often attempt to remake native landscapes and cultures in their own image. Political and economic colonialists have tried to redesign conquered and dependent lands, peoples, and cultures, imposing their cultural standards on others. The aim of many agricultural development projects, for example, seems to have been to make the world as much like Iowa as possible, complete with mechanized farming and nuclear family ownership—despite the fact that these models may be inappropriate for settings outside the North American heartland. Development and Environmentalism Today it is often multinational corporations, usually based in core nations, rather than the governments of those nations, that are changing the nature of Third World economies. Governments of many peripheral and semipe-ripheral nations, such as Brazil, have supported the predatory enterprises of some corporations that seek cheap labor and raw materials in their countries, where economic development has often contributed to ecological devastation. Simultaneously, environmentalists from core nations increasingly state their case, promoting conservation, to the rest of the world. Akbar Ahmed (1992, 2004) finds the non-Western world to be cynical about Western ecological morality, seeing it as yet another imperialist message. "The Chinese have cause to snigger at the Western suggestion that they forgo the convenience of the fridge to save the ozone layer" (Ahmed 1992, p. 120). Brazilians complain that northerners talk about global needs and saving the Amazon after having destroyed their own forests for First World economic growth. In the last chapter we saw that development projects usually fail if they try to replace native forms with culturally alien property concepts and productive units. A strategy that incorporates the native forms is more effective than the fallacies of overinnovation and underdifferentiation. The same caveats would seem to apply to an intervention philosophy that seeks to impose global ecological morality without due attention to Contact and Domination 271 cultural variation and autonomy. Countries and societies may resist interventionist philosophies aimed at either development or globally justified environmentalism. A clash of cultures related to environmental change may occur when development threatens indigenous peoples and their environments. Hundreds of native groups throughout the world, including the Kayapo Indians of Brazil and the Kaluli of Papua New Guinea, have been threatened by plans and forces, such as dam construction or commercially driven deforestation, that would destroy their homelands (see Johansen 2003). A second clash of cultures related to environmental change occurs when external regulation threatens indigenous peoples. Native groups may actually be threatened by environmental plans that seek to save their homelands (see Harper 2002). By declaring certain resources off limits, outsiders may expect local people to give up customary economic and cultural activities without clear substitutes, alternatives, or incentives. The traditional approach to conservation has been to restrict access to certain (protected) areas, hire guards, and punish violators. Ironically, well-meaning conservation efforts can be as insensitive as development schemes that promote radical changes without involving local people in planning and carrying out the policies that affect them. When people are asked to give up the basis of their livelihood, they usually resist. Religious Change Religious proselytizing can promote ethnocide, as native beliefs and practices are replaced by Western ones. Sometimes a religion and associated customs are replaced by ideology and behavior more compatible with Western culture. One example is the Handsome Lake religion (as described in the chapter on religion), which led the Iroquois to copy European farming techniques, stressing male rather than female labor. The Iroquois also gave up their communal longhouses and matrilineal descent groups for nuclear family households. The teachings of Handsome Lake led to a new church and religion. This revitalization movement helped the Iroquois survive in a drastically modified environment, but much ethnocide was involved. Handsome Lake was a native who created a new religion, drawing on Western models. More commonly, missionaries and proselytizers representing the major world religions, especially Christianity and Islam, are the proponents of religious change. Protestant and Catholic missionization continues even in remote corners of the world. Evangelical Protestantism, for example, is advancing in Peru, Brazil, and other parts of Latin America. It challenges an often jaded Catholicism that has too few priests and that is sometimes seen mainly as women's religion. Sometimes the political ideology of a nation-state is pitted against traditional religion. Officials of the former Soviet empire discouraged Catholicism, Judaism, and Islam. In Central Asia, Soviet dominators destroyed Muslim mosques and discouraged religious practice. On the other hand, 272 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival governments often use their power to advance a religion, such as Islam in Iran or Sudan. A military government seized power in Sudan in 1989. It immediately launched a campaign to change that country of more than 25 million people, where one-third are not Muslims, into an Islamic nation. Declaring a jihad (holy war) against non-Muslims, the government sought to extend Islam and the Arabic language to the non-Muslim south. This was an area of Christianity and tribal religions that had resisted the central government for a decade (Hedges 1992). Resistance continues. RESISTANCE AND SURVIVAL Systems of domination—whether political, economic, cultural, or religious— have their more muted aspects along with their public dimensions. In studying systems of domination, we must pay attention to what lies beneath the surface of evident, public behavior. In public the oppressed may seem to accept their own domination, but they always question it offstage. James Scott (1990) uses the terms public transcript and hidden transcript to describe, respectively, the open, public interactions between dominators and oppressed—the outer shell of power relations—and the critique of power that goes on offstage: where the power holders can't see or hear it. In public, the elites and the oppressed observe the etiquette of power relations. The dominants act like haughty masters while their subordinates show humility and defer. Antonio Gramsci (1971) developed the concept of hegemony for a stratified social order in which subordinates comply with domination by internalizing their rulers' values and accepting the "naturalness" of domination (this is the way things were meant to be). According to Pierre Bourdieu (1977, p. 164), every social order tries to make its own arbitrariness (including its oppression) seem natural. All hegemonic ideologies offer explanations about why the existing order is in everyone's interest. Often promises are made (things will get better if you're patient). Gramsci and others use the idea of hegemony to explain why people conform even without coercion. Hegemony, the internalization of a dominant ideology, is one way to curb resistance. Another way is to let subordinates know they will eventually gain power—as young people usually foresee when they let their elders dominate them. Another way of curbing resistance is to separate or isolate subordinates and supervise them closely. According to Michel Foucault (1979), describing control over prisoners, solitude (as in solitary confinement) is one effective way to induce submission. Weapons of the Weak Often, situations that seem to be hegemonic do have active resistance, but it is individual and disguised rather than collective and defiant. Scott (1985) Resistance and Survival 273 uses Malay peasants, among whom he did field work, to illustrate small-scale acts of resistance—which he calls "weapons of the weak." The Malay peasants used an indirect strategy to resist an Islamic tithe (religious tax). The goods (usually rice) that peasants had to give went to the provincial capital. In theory, the tithe would come back as charity to the peasants, but it never did. Peasants didn't resist the tithe by rioting, demonstrating, or protesting. Instead they used a "nibbling" strategy, based on small acts of resistance. For example, they failed to declare their land or lied about the amount they farmed. They underpaid or delivered rice contaminated with water, rocks, or mud, to add weight. Because of this resistance, only 15 percent of what was due was actually paid (Scott 1990, p. 89). Subordinates also use various strategies to resist publicly, but again, usually in disguised form. Discontent may be expressed in public rituals and language, including metaphors, euphemisms, and folk tales. For example, trickster tales (such as the Brer Rabbit stories told by slaves in the southern United States) celebrate the wiles of the weak as they triumph over the strong. Resistance is most likely to be expressed openly when the oppressed are allowed to assemble. The hidden transcript may be publicly revealed on such occasions. People see their dreams and anger shared by others with whom they haven't been in direct contact. The oppressed may draw courage from the crowd, from its visual and emotional impact and its anonymity. Sensing danger, the elites discourage such public gatherings. They try to limit and control holidays, funerals, dances, festivals, and other occasions that might unite the oppressed. Thus in the southern United States gatherings of five or more slaves were forbidden unless a white person was present. Factors that interfere with community formation—such as geographic, linguistic, and ethnic separation—also work to curb resistance. Consequently, southern U.S. plantation owners sought slaves with diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Despite the measures used to divide them, the slaves resisted, developing their own popular culture, linguistic codes, and religious vision. The masters taught portions of the Bible that stressed compliance, but the slaves seized on the story of Moses, the promised land, and deliverance. The cornerstone of slave religion became the idea of a reversal in the conditions of whites and blacks. Slaves also resisted directly, through sabotage and flight. In many New World areas slaves managed to establish free communities in the hills and other remote areas (Price, ed. 1973). Hidden transcripts tend to be publicly expressed at certain times (festivals and Carnivals) and in certain places (for example, markets). Because of its costumed anonymity, Carnival is an excellent arena for expressing normally suppressed speech and aggression—antihegemonic discourse. (Discourse includes talk, speeches, gestures, and actions.) Carnivals celebrate freedom through immodesty, dancing, gluttony, and sexuality (DaMatta 1991). Carnival may begin as a playful outlet for frustrations built up during the year. Over time it may evolve into a powerful annual critique 274 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival of domination and a threat to the established order (Gilmore 1987). (Recognizing that ceremonial license could turn into political defiance, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco outlawed Carnival.) Cultural Imperialism Cultural imperialism refers to the spread or advance of one culture at the expense of others, or its imposition on other societies, which it modifies, replaces, or destroys—usually because of differential economic or political influence (see Tomlinson 1991, 1999). Thus, children in the French colonial empire learned French history, language, and culture from standard textbooks also used in France. Tahitians, Malagasy, Vietnamese, and Senegalese learned the French language by reciting from books about "our ancestors the Gauls." To what extent is modern technology, especially the mass media, an agent of cultural imperialism? Some commentators see modern technology as erasing cultural differences, as homogeneous products reach more people worldwide. But others see a role for modern technology in allowing social groups (local cultures) to express themselves (Marcus and Fischer 1999). Modern radio and TV, for example, constantly bring local happenings (for Because of its costumed anonymity, Carnival is an excellent arena for expressing normally suppressed speech and behavior. Shown here is Carnival in Venice in 2001. Is there anything like Carnival in your society? Resistance and Survival 275 example, a "chicken festival" in Iowa) to the attention of a larger public. The North American media play a role in stimulating local activities of many sorts. Similarly in Brazil, local practices, celebrations, and performances are changing in the context of outside forces, including the mass media and tourism. In the Brazilian town of Arembepe, TV coverage has stimulated participation in a traditional annual performance, the Cheganga. This is a fishers' danceplay that reenacts the Portuguese discovery of Brazil. Arembepeiros have traveled to the state capital to perform the Cheganca before television cameras, for a TV program featuring traditional performances from many rural communities. One national Brazilian Sunday-night variety program (Fantdstico) is especially popular in rural areas because it shows such local events. In several towns along the Amazon River, annual folk ceremonies are now staged more lavishly for TV cameras. In the Amazon town of Parantins, for example, boatloads of tourists arriving any time of year are shown a videotape of the town s annual Bumba Meu Boi festival. This is a costumed performance mimicking bull-fighting, parts of which have been shown on Fantdstico. This pattern, in which communities preserve, revive, and intensify the scale of traditional ceremonies to perform for TV and tourists, is expanding. Brazilian television has also played a "top-down" role by spreading the popularity of holidays such as Carnival and Christmas (Kottak 1990a). TV has aided the national spread of Carnival beyond its traditional urban centers. Still, local reactions to the nationwide broadcasting of Carnival and its trappings (elaborate parades, costumes, and frenzied dancing) are not simple or uniform responses to external stimuli. Rather than direct adoption of Carnival, local Brazilians respond in various ways. Often they don't take up Carnival itself but modify their local festivities to fit Carnival images. Others actively spurn Carnival. One example is Arembepe, where Carnival has never been important, probably because of its calendrical closeness to the main local festival, which is held in February to honor Saint Francis of Assisi. In the past, villagers couldn't afford to celebrate both occasions. Now, not only do the people of Arembepe reject Carnival, they are also increasingly hostile to their own main festival. Arembepeiros resent the fact that Saint Francis has become "an outsiders' event," because it draws thousands of tourists to Arembepe each February. The villagers think that commercial interests and outsiders have appropriated Saint Francis. In opposition to these trends, many Arembepeiros now say they like and participate more in the traditional June festivals honoring Saint John, Saint Peter, and Saint Anthony. In the past these were observed on a much smaller scale than was the festival for Saint Francis. Arembepeiros celebrate them now with a new vigor and enthusiasm, as they react to outsiders and their celebrations, real and televised. 276 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival MAKING AND REMAKING CULTURE Any media-borne image, such as Carnival, can be analyzed in terms of its nature and effects. It can also be analyzed as a text—something that is creatively "read," interpreted, and assigned meaning by each person who receives it (see Barker 2003; Fiske and Hartley 2003). Carnival images in Brazil illustrate some ways in which "readers" derive their own meanings and feelings from a text. Such meanings may be very different from what the creators of the text imagined. (The reading or meaning that the creators intended—or the one that the elites consider to be the intended or correct meaning—can be called the hegemonic reading.) "Readers" of media messages constantly produce their own meanings. They may resist or oppose the hegemonic meanings of a text, or they may seize on the antihegemonic aspects of a text. We saw this process when American slaves preferred the biblical story of Moses and deliverance to the hegemonic lessons of obedience that their masters taught. Popular Culture In his book Understanding Popular Culture (1989), John Fiske views each individual's use of popular culture as a creative act (an original "reading" of a text). (For example, Madonna, the Rolling Stones, or The Lord of the Rings mean something different to each of their fans.) As Fiske puts it, "the meanings I make from a text are pleasurable when I feel that they are my meanings and that they relate to my everyday life in a practical, direct way" (1989, p. 57). All of us can creatively read magazines, books, music, television, films, celebrities, and other popular culture products (see Fiske and Hartley 2003). Individuals also draw on popular culture to express resistance. Through their use of popular culture, people can symbolically resist the unequal power relations they face each day—in the family, at work, and in the classroom. Forms and readings of popular culture (from rap music to comedy) can express discontent and resistance by groups that are or feel oppressed. Indigenizing Popular Culture To understand culture change, it is important to recognize that meaning may be locally manufactured. People assign their own meanings and value to the texts, messages, and products they receive. Those meanings reflect their cultural backgrounds and experiences. When forces from world centers enter new societies, they are indigenized—modified to fit the local culture. This is true of cultural forces as various as fast food (see the box in the last chapter), music, housing styles, science, terrorism, celebrations, and political ideas and institutions (Appadurai 1990). Making and Remaking Culture 277 When products and images enter new settings, they are typically indigenized—modified to fit the local culture. Does this Batman T-shirt, worn by a boy in Angkor, Cambodia, shows any signs of indigenization? A World System of Images All societies express imagination—in dreams, fantasies, songs, myths, and stories. Today, however, more people in many more places imagine "a wider set of 'possible' lives than they ever did before. One important source of this change is the mass media, which present a rich, ever-changing store of possible lives" (Appadurai 1991, p. 197). The United States as a media center has been joined by Canada, Japan, Western Europe, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria, Egypt, India, and Hong Kong (see Barker 1997). As print has done for centuries (Anderson 1991), the electronic mass media can also spread, even help create, national and ethnic identities. Like print, television and radio can diffuse the cultures of countries within their own boundaries, thus enhancing national cultural identity. For example, millions of Brazilians who were formerly cut off (by geographic isolation or illiteracy) from urban and national events and information now participate in a national communication system, through TV networks (Kottak 1990a). Cross-cultural studies of television contradict a belief Americans ethno-centrically hold about televiewing in other countries. This misconception 278 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival is that American programs inevitably triumph over local products. This doesn't happen when there is appealing local competition. In Brazil, for example, the most popular network (TV Globo) relies heavily on native productions. TV Globo s most popular programs are telenovelas, locally made serials that are similar to American soap operas. Globo plays each night to the world's largest and most devoted audience (60 to 80 million viewers throughout the nation). The programs that attract this horde are made by Brazilians, for Brazilians. Thus it is not North American culture but a new pan-Brazilian national culture which Brazilian TV is propagating. Brazilian productions also compete internationally. They are exported to over 100 countries, spanning Latin America, Europe, Asia, and Africa. We may generalize that programming that is culturally alien won't do very well anywhere, when a quality local choice is available. Confirmation comes from many countries. National productions are highly popular in Japan, Mexico, India, Egypt, and Nigeria. In a survey during the mid-1980s, 75 percent of Nigerian viewers preferred local productions. Only 10 percent favored imports, and the remaining 15 percent liked the two options equally. Local productions are successful in Nigeria because "they are filled with everyday moments that audiences can identify with. These shows are locally produced by Nigerians" (Gray 1986). Thirty million people watched one of the most popular series, The Village Headmaster, each week. That program brought rural values to the screens of urbanites who had lost touch with their rural roots (Gray 1986). The mass media can also play a role in maintaining ethnic and national identities among people who lead transnational lives. As groups move, they stay linked to each other and to their homeland through the media. Diaspo-ras have enlarged the markets for media and travel services targeted at specific ethnic, national, or religious audiences. For a fee, a PBS station in Fairfax, Virginia, offers more than thirty hours a week to immigrant groups in the D.C. area, to make programs in their own languages. A Transnational Culture of Consumption Another key transnational force is finance. Multinational corporations and other business interests look beyond national boundaries for places to invest and draw profits. As Appadurai (1991, p. 194) puts it, "money, commodities, and persons unendingly chase each other around the world." Residents of many Latin American communities now depend on outside cash, remitted from international labor migration. Also, the economy of the United States is increasingly influenced by foreign investment, especially from Britain, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, and Japan. The American economy has also increased its dependence on foreign labor—through both the immigration of laborers and the export of jobs. Contemporary global culture is driven by flows of people, technology, finance, information, and ideology (Appadurai 1990; Appadurai, ed., 2001). Business, technology, and the media have increased the craving for commodities and images throughout the world (Appadurai, ed. 2001). This has forced People in Motion 279 On November 14, 2003, crowds attend the opening of a shopping mall in the worlds tallest building, the 101 Tower in Taipei, Taiwan. Throughout the world, business and the media have increased the craving for commercial products. How do you imagine people get to this shopping mall? most nation-states to open to a global culture of consumption. Almost everyone today participates in this culture. Few people have never seen a T-shirt advertising a Western product. American and English rock stars' recordings blast through the streets of Rio de Janeiro, while taxi drivers from Toronto to Madagascar play Brazilian musical tapes. Peasants and tribal people participate in the modern world system not only because they have been hooked on cash, but also because their products and images are appropriated by world capitalism (Giddens 2000; Gottdiener, ed. 2000; Marcus and Myers, eds. 1995; Root 1996). They are commercialized by others (like the San in the movie The Gods Must Be Crazy). Furthermore, indigenous peoples also market their own images and products, through outlets such as Cultural Survival. PEOPLE IN MOTION The linkages in the modern world system have both enlarged and erased old boundaries and distinctions. Arjun Appadurai (1990, p. 1) characterizes today's world as a "translocal" "interactive system" that is "strikingly new." Whether as refugees, migrants, tourists, pilgrims, proselytizers, terrorists, laborers, business people, development workers, employees of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), politicians, soldiers, sports figures, or media-borne images, people travel more than ever. 280 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival So important is transnational migration that many Mexican villagers find "their most important kin and friends are as likely to be living hundreds or thousands of miles away as immediately around them" (Rouse 1991). Most migrants maintain their ties with their native land (phoning, visiting, sending money, watching "ethnic TV"). In a sense, they live multilocally—in different places at once. Dominicans in New York City, for example, have been characterized as living "between two islands"—Manhattan and the Dominican Republic (Grasmuck and Pessar 1991). Many Dominicans—like migrants from other countries—migrate to the United States temporarily, seeking cash to transform their life styles when they return to the Caribbean. Working to promote cultural survival is a growing international Pantribal movement. Shown here, on August 26, 2002, is Freddy Vasques Kinchokpe of Peru, a member of the Indigenous Peoples delegation to the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa. The Continuance of Diversity 281 With so many people "in motion," the unit of anthropological study expands from the local community to the diaspora—the offspring of an area who have spread to many lands. Anthropologists increasingly follow descendants of the communities they have studied as they move from rural to urban areas and across national boundaries. For the 1991 annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Chicago, the anthropologist Robert Kemper organized a session of presentations about long-term ethnographic field work. Kemper's own long-time research focus has been the Mexican village of Tzintzuntzan, which, with his mentor George Foster, Kemper has studied for decades. However, their database now includes not just Tzintzuntzan, but its descendants all over the world. Given the Tzintzuntzan diaspora, Kemper was even able to use some of his time in Chicago to visit people from Tzintzuntzan who had established a colony there. In today's world, as people move, they take their traditions and their anthropologists along with them. Postmodernity describes our time and situation—today's world in flux, these people on the move who have learned to manage multiple identities depending on place and context. In its most general sense, postmodern refers to the blurring and breakdown of established canons (rules or standards), categories, distinctions, and boundaries. The word is taken from postmodernism—a style and movement in architecture that succeeded modernism, beginning in the 1970s. Postmodern architecture rejected the rules, geometric order, and austerity of modernism. Modernist buildings were expected to have a clear and functional design. Postmodern design is "messier" and more playful. It draws on a diversity of styles from different times and places—including popular, ethnic, and non-Western cultures. Postmodernism extends "value" well beyond classic, elite, and Western cultural forms. Postmodern is now used to describe comparable developments in music, literature, and visual art. From this origin, postmodernity describes a world in which traditional standards, contrasts, groups, boundaries, and identities are opening up, reaching out, and breaking down. New kinds of political and ethnic units are emerging. In some cases, cultures and ethnic groups have banded together in larger associations. There is a growing pan-Indian identity (Nagel 1996) and an international Pantribal movement as well. Thus in June 1992 the World Conference of Indigenous Peoples met in Rio de Janeiro concurrently with the United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED). Along with diplomats, journalists, and environmentalists came 300 representatives of the tribal diversity that survives in the modern world—from Lapland to Mali (Brooke 1992). THE CONTINUANCE OF DIVERSITY Anthropology has a crucial role to play in promoting a more humanistic vision of social change, one that respects the value of human biological and cultural diversity. The existence of anthropology is itself a tribute to the 282 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival continuing need to understand similarities and differences among human beings throughout the world. Anthropology teaches us that the adaptive responses of humans can be more flexible than those of other species because our main adaptive means are sociocultural. However, the cultural forms, institutions, values, and customs of the past always influence subsequent adaptation, producing continued diversity and giving a certain uniqueness to the actions and reactions of different groups. With our knowledge and our awareness of our professional responsibilities, let us work to keep anthropology, the study of humankind, the most humanistic of all the sciences. ultural Diversity Highest in Resource-Rich Areas This chapter has focused on challenges to cultural diversity and cultural survival, and the resilience of people and cultures in the face of those challenges. Described in this box is a recent study of the origins and survival of cultural diversity. People tend to move, it is argued, for economic reasons. If resources are ample at home people tend to stay put and keep on doing what they always have done. This reinforces the point made in the last chapter that motives for modifying behavior come from the traditional culture and the small concerns of ordinary life. An intriguing argument in this study is that patterns of cultural and biological diversity are similar, with diversity greatest in equatorial regions and least near the poles. Abundant resources in the tropics have allowed diverse societies to survive. When resources are less concentrated and abundant people have to range widely to meet their daily needs. This movement works to homogenize cultures, as people constantly come into contact with others. The study also draws attention to a tendency for cultures to maintain themselves, even in the face of migration to new areas, such as North American cities, so that ethnic and other cultural distinctions remain important in a globalizing world. We may rightfully beat our drums and toot our horns: No species come close to the wealth of culture that humans boast. We have different religions, marriage systems, languages, and dances. "Humans are a very young species with very little genetic diversity, yet we've got enormous cultural diversity that other species really don't have," said Mark Pagel, a professor of evolutionary biology... at the University of Reading in England. But what explains our extreme cultural diversity? In an article in this week's issue of the science journal Nature, Pagel and Ruth Mace, an anthropologist at the University College London, argue that our cultural evolution is driven in large part by a desire to control resources. "Humans have a proclivity for drawing a ring around themselves and say[ing], 'This is my territory and I'm going to exclude others from occupying it,"' Pagel said. "That leads to different cultures arising through the usual processes of diversification and drifting The Continuance of Diversity 283 apart when they're isolated from each other." It may seem strange to talk about our great cultural diversity at a time when many of us fear that a cultural ho-mogenization is sweeping the world.... Pagel doesn't deny that a cultural erosion is taking place. But, he says, it's happened far less than it appears. In fact, unless they're tempted financially to move and assimilate into a new culture, most people prefer to stay where they are and continue doing what they have always done. "What's remarkable is how little movement we have seen in people, given the ability we have to move people," he said. "It's the natural tendency for cultures to be quite cohesive and exclusive that we want to draw attention to." The study found that human cultures distribute themselves around the world in patterns similar to animal species. In animals, a trend known as Rapaport's rule holds that the density of species is highest in the equatorial regions and declines steadily toward the poles. Different languages—the standard by which the study differentiates cultures—are spoken every few square miles in some equatorial areas, while less climatologically hospitable regions have few languages. Some 700 to 1,000 different languages, about 15 percent of the total on Earth, are spoken in Papua New Guinea. By comparison, only 90 languages are spoken in China. "When resources are abundant, it is possible for a small group of humans to survive, while in areas where resources are not very abundant people have to range over large areas to meet their daily needs, and that seems to homogenize cultures, because they're constantly coming into contact with other people," Pagel said. But how come humans don't form one large and homogeneous cultural group in ecologically rich areas like Papua New Guinea? Pagel says that's because humans display forms of social behavior that favor living in small groups, such as rewarding cooperation, punishing those who deviate from the norms, and being wary of outsiders. "In trying to control resources and excluding others from using them, we have developed [sophisticated group behaviors such as] hunting and warfare," he said. "These things require enormous amounts of cooperation, coherence, and communication among individuals." It may also be a matter of choice. While our genes are transmitted vertically and can't be chosen, cultural traits can be accepted or rejected. However, most people still get their traits from their ancestors rather than other cultures. "People tend to speak the same language as their parents, and have the same political and religious beliefs," Pagel said. Although our cultural diversity is still strong, it is perhaps only a fraction of what it was, say, 10,000 years ago, when agriculturists moved out of Mesopotamia and replaced hunter-gatherer cultures in Europe and elsewhere, wiping out languages in the process. "There are only about 50 languages spoken in Europe today," Pagel said. "If it hadn't been for the advance of the agriculturists, we would probably have greater linguistic diversity in Europe, and probably greater cultural diversity ft too. We may be in another state of transition now. While some experts suggest that mass migrations of people moving from poor regions to rich areas will dent our cultural diversity, Pagel is not so sure. "Whether things will change in the next hundred years and we'll have one big homogeneous world, we can't really say," he said.... 284 Chapter Thirteen Cultural Exchange and Survival After all, Pagel says, you can walk down a street in Manhattan and find three generations of Italian speakers. Walk a few blocks more, and people are speaking Chinese. "The cultural differences in Manhattan still remain," he said. Source: Stefan Lovgren, "Cultural Diversity Highest in Resource-Rich Areas, Study Says," National Geographic News, March 17, 2004, National Geographic Society, http://news. nationalgeographic. com/news/2004/03/0317_ 040317_cultures.html. Summary Different degrees of destruction, domination, resistance, survival, and modification of native cultures may follow interethnic contact. This may lead to the tribe's cultural collapse (ethnocide) or its physical extinction (genocide). Multinational corporations have fueled economic development and ecological devastation. Either development or external regulation may pose a threat to indigenous peoples, their cultures, or their environments. The most effective conservation strategies pay attention to the needs, incentives, and customs of people living in the affected area. "Public transcript" refers to the open, public interactions between the dominators and the oppressed. "Hidden transcript" describes the critique of power that goes on offstage, where the power holders can't see it. Discontent may also be expressed in public rituals and language. Hegemony describes a stratified social order in which subordinates comply with domination by internalizing its values and accepting its "naturalness." Often, situations that appear hegemonic have resistance that is individual and disguised rather than collective and defiant. Cultural imperialism refers to the spread of one culture and its imposition on other societies, which it modifies, replaces, or destroys— usually because of differential economic or political influence. Some worry that modern technology, including the mass media, is destroying traditional cultures. But others see an important role for new technology in allowing local cultures to express themselves. The term "text" is used here to describe anything that can be creatively "read," interpreted, and assigned meaning by someone who receives it. People may resist the hegemonic meaning of a text. Or they may seize on its antihegemonic aspects. When forces from world centers enter new societies, they are indigenized. Like print, the electronic mass media can help diffuse a national culture within its own boundaries. The media also play a role in preserving ethnic and national identities among people who lead transnational lives. People travel more than ever. But migrants also maintain ties with home, so they live multilocally. With so many people "in motion," the Summary 285 unit of anthropological study expands from the local community to the diaspora. Postmodernity describes this world in flux, such people on the move who manage multiple social identities depending on place and context. New kinds of political and ethnic units are emerging as others break down or disappear. Key Terms cultural imperialism diaspora hegemony hidden transcript indigenized postmodern postmodernism postmodernity public transcript text Westernization Glossary acculturation: The exchange of cultural features that results when groups come into continuous firsthand contact; the original cultural patterns of either or both groups may be altered, but the groups remain distinct. achieved status: Social status that comes through talents, actions, efforts, activities, and accomplishments, rather than ascription. adaptation: The process by which organisms cope with environmental stresses. age set: Group uniting all men or women (usually men) born during a certain time span; this group controls property and often has political and military functions. agriculture: Nonindustrial system of plant cultivation characterized by continuous and intensive use of land and labor. animism: Belief in souls or doubles. anthropology and education: Anthropological research in classrooms, homes, and neighborhoods, viewing students as total cultural creatures whose enculturation and attitudes toward education belong to a larger context that includes family, peers, and society. applied anthropology: The application of anthropological data, perspectives, theory, and methods to identify, assess, and solve contemporary social problems. archaeological anthropology: The branch of anthropology that reconstructs, describes, and interprets human behavior and cultural patterns through material remains; best known for the study of prehistory. Also known as "archaeology." ascribed status: Social status (e.g., race or gender) that people have little or no choice about occupying. assimilation: The process of change that a minority group may experience when it moves to a country where another culture dominates; the minority is incorporated into the dominant culture to the point that it no longer exists as a separate cultural unit. balanced reciprocity: See generalized reciprocity. band: Basic unit of social organization among foragers. A band includes fewer than one hundred people; it often splits up seasonally. big man: Figure often found among tribal horticulturalists and pastoral-ists. The big man occupies no office but creates his reputation through entrepreneurship and generosity to others. Neither his wealth nor his position passes to his heirs. biological anthropology: The branch of anthropology that studies human biological diversity in time and space— for instance, hominid evolution, human genetics, human biological adaptation; also includes primatology G-l G-2 Glossary (behavior and evolution of monkeys and apes). Also called physical anthropology. bourgeoisie: One of Karl Marx's opposed classes; owners of the means of production (factories, mines, large farms, and other sources of subsistence) brideprice: A customary gift before, at, or after marriage from the husband and his kin to the wife and her kin; a misleading term because people with the custom don't usually regard the exchange as a sale; see also progeny price. bridewealth: A customary gift before, at, or after marriage from the husband and his kin to the wife and her kin; see also progeny price. capital: Wealth or resources invested in business, with the intent of producing a profit. capitalist world economy: The single world system, which emerged in the 16th century, committed to production for sale, with the object of maximizing profits rather than supplying domestic needs. cargo cults: Postcolonial, accultura-tive, religious movements common in Melanesia that attempt to explain Eu-opean domination and wealth and to achieve similar success magically by mimicking European behavior. caste system: Closed, hereditary system of stratification, often dictated by religion; hierarchical social status is ascribed at birth, so that people are locked into their parents' social position. chiefdom: Form of sociopolitical organization intermediate between the tribe and the state; kin-based with differential access to resources and a permanent political structure. clan: Unilineal descent group based on stipulated descent. colonialism: The political, social, economic, and cultural domination of a territory and its people by a foreign power for an extended time. communal religions: In Wallace's typology, these religions have—in addition to shamanic cults—communal cults in which people organize community rituals such as harvest ceremonies and rites of passage. communism: Spelled with a lowercase c, describes a social system in which property is owned by the community and in which people work of the common good. Communism: Spelled with a capital C, a political movement and doctrine seeking to overthrow capitalism and to establish a form of communism such as that which prevailed in the Soviet Union (USSR) from 1917 to 1991. communitas: Intense community spirit, a feeling of great social solidarity, equality, and togetherness; characteristic of people experiencing liminality together. complex societies: Nations; large and populous, with social stratification and central governments, convergent cultural evolution: See cultural convergence. core: Dominant structural position in the world system; consists of the strongest and most powerful states with advanced systems of production, core values: Key, basic, or central values that integrate a culture and help distinguish it from others, correlation: An association between two or more variables such that when one changes (varies), the other(s) also change(s) (covaries); for example, temperature and sweating, cultural anthropologist: (sociocultu-ral anthropologist) A student of social life and culture, a practitioner of cultural anthropology, whether ethnology or ethnography, cultural colonialism: Within a nation or empire, domination by one ethnic group or nationality and its culture/ ideology over others—e.g., the dominance of Russian people, language, Glossary G-3 and culture in the former Soviet Union. cultural consultant: Someone the ethnographer gets to know in the field, who teaches him or her about their society and culture, aka informant. cultural convergence: Development of similar traits, institutions, or behavior patterns as a result of adaptation to similar environments; parallel development without contact or mutual influence. cultural imperialism: The rapid spread or advance of one culture at the expense of others, or its imposition on other cultures, which it modifies, replaces, or destroys—usually because of differential economic or political influence. cultural relativism: The position that the values and standards of cultures differ and deserve respect. Extreme relativism argues that cultures should be judged solely by their own standards. cultural rights: Doctrine that certain rights are vested not in individuals but in identifiable groups, such as religious and ethnic minorities and indigenous societies. culture: Traditions and customs that govern behavior and beliefs; distinctly human; transmitted through learning. curer: Specialized role acquired through a culturally appropriate process of selection, training, certification, and acquisition of a professional image; the curer is consulted by patients, who believe in his or her special powers, and receives some form of special consideration; a cultural universal. daughter languages: Languages developing out of the same parent language; for example, French and Spanish are daughter languages of Latin. descent: Rule assigning social identity on the basis of some aspect of ones ancestry. descent group: A permanent social unit whose members claim common ancestry; fundamental to tribal society. development anthropology: The branch of applied anthropology that focuses on social issues in, and the cultural dimension of, economic development. diaspora: The offspring of an area who have spread to many lands. differential access: Unequal access to resources; basic attribute of chief-doms and states. Superordinates have favored access to such resources, while the access of subordinates is limited by superordinates. diffusion: Borrowing between cultures either directly or through intermediaries. diglossia: The existence of "high" (formal) and "low" (familial) dialects of a single language, such as German. discrimination: Policies and practices that harm a group and its members. disease: An etic or scientifically identified health threat caused by a bacterium, virus, fungus, parasite, or other pathogen. domestic-public dichotomy: Contrast between women's role in the home and men's role in public life, with a corresponding social devaluation of women's work and worth. dowry: A marital exchange in which the wife's group provides substantial gifts to the husband's family. economy: A population s system of production, distribution, and consumption of resources. emic: The research strategy that focuses on native explanations and criteria of significance. enculturation: The social process by which culture is learned and transmitted across the generations. endogamy: Marriage between people of the same social group. equity, increased: A reduction in absolute poverty and a fairer (more even) distribution of wealth. ethnic group: Group distinguished by cultural similarities (shared among members of that group) and G-4 Glossary differences (between that group and others); ethnic group members share beliefs, values, habits, customs, and norms, and a common language, religion, history, geography, kinship, and/or race. ethnicity: Identification with, and feeling part of, an ethnic group, and exclusion from certain other groups because of this affiliation. ethnocentrism: The tendency to view ones own culture as best and to judge the behavior and beliefs of culturally different people by ones own standards. ethnocide: Destruction by a dominant group of the culture of an ethnic group. ethnography: Field work in a particular culture. ethnology: The theoretical, comparative study of society and culture; compares cultures in time and space. etic: The research strategy that emphasizes the observers rather than the natives' explanations, categories, and criteria of significance. exogamy: Mating or marriage outside one's kin group; a cultural universal. extended family household: Expanded household including three or more generations. extradomestic: Outside the home; within or pertaining to the public domain. family of orientation: Nuclear family in which one is born and grows up. family of procreation: Nuclear family established when one marries and has children. fiscal: Pertaining to finances and taxation. focal vocabulary: A set of words and distinctions that are particularly important to certain groups (those with particular foci of experience or activity), such as types of snow to Eskimos or skiers. food production: Plant cultivation and animal domestication, gender roles: The tasks and activities that a culture assigns to each sex. gender stereotypes: Oversimplified but strongly held ideas about the characteristics of males and females. gender stratification: Unequal distribution of rewards (socially valued resources, power, prestige, and personal freedom) between men and women, reflecting their different positions in a social hierarchy. genealogical method: Procedures by which ethnographers discover and record connections of kinship, descent, and marriage, using diagrams and symbols. general anthropology: The field of anthropology as a whole, consisting of cultural, archaeological, biological, and linguistic anthropology. generality: Culture pattern or trait that exists in some but not all societies. generalized reciprocity: Principle that characterizes exchanges between closely related individuals: As social distance increases, reciprocity becomes balanced and finally negative. genitor: Biological father of a child. globalization: The accelerating interdependence of nations in a world system linked economically and through mass media and modern transportation systems. green revolution: Agricultural development based on chemical fertilizers, pesticides, 20th-century cultivation techniques, and new crop varieties such as IR-8 ("miracle rice"). head, village: A local leader in a tribal society who has limited authority, leads by example and persuasion, and must be generous. health care systems: Beliefs, customs, and specialists concerned with ensuring health and preventing and curing illness; a cultural universal. hegemony: As used by Antonio Gram-sci, a stratified social order in which subordinates comply with domination by internalizing its values and accepting its "naturalness." Glossary hidden transcript: As used by James Scott, the critique of power by the oppressed that goes on offstage—in private—where the power holders can't see it. historical linguistics: Subdivision of linguistics that studies languages over time. holistic: Interested in the whole of the human condition: past, present, and future; biology, society, language, and culture. hominids: Members of the zoological family (Hominidae) that includes fossil and living humans. horticulture: Nonindustrial system of plant cultivation in which plots lie fallow for varying lengths of time. human rights: Doctrine that invokes a realm of justice and morality beyond and superior to particular countries, cultures, and religions. Human rights, usually seen as vested in individuals, would include the right to speak freely, to hold religious beliefs without persecution, and not to be enslaved. hypodescent: A rule that automatically places the children of a union or mating between members of different socioeconomic groups in the less privileged group. illness: An emic condition of poor health felt by individual. imperialism: A policy of extending the rule of a nation or empire over foreign nations and of taking and holding foreign colonies. incest: Sexual relations with a close relative. independent invention: Development of the same culture trait or pattern in separate cultures as a result of comparable needs and circumstances. indigenized: Modified to fit the local culture. indigenous peoples: The original inhabitants of particular territories; often descendants of tribespeople who live on as culturally distinct colonized peoples, many of whom aspire to autonomy. G-5 Industrial Revolution: The historical transformation (in Europe, after 1750) of "traditional" into "modern" societies through industrialization of the economy. informed consent: An agreement sought by ethnographers from community members to take part in research. intellectual property rights (IPR): Each society's cultural base—its core beliefs and principles. IPR is claimed as a group right—a cultural right, allowing indigenous groups to control who may know and use their collective knowledge and its applications. international culture: Cultural traditions that extend beyond national boundaries. intervention philosophy: Guiding principle of colonialism, conquest, missionization, or development; an ideological justification for outsiders to guide native peoples in specific directions. interview schedule: Ethnographic tool for structuring a formal interview. A prepared form (usually printed or mimeographed) that guides interviews with households or individuals being compared systematically. Contrasts with a questionnaire because the researcher has personal contact and records people's answers. key cultural consultant: An expert on a particular aspect of local life who helps the ethnographer understand that aspect. kinesics: The study of communication through body movements, stances, gestures, and facial expressions. kinship calculation: The system by which people in a particular society reckon kin relationships. law: A legal code, including trial and enforcement; characteristic of state-organized societies. leveling mechanisms: Customs and social actions that operate to reduce differences in wealth and thus to bring G-6 Glossary standouts in line with community norms. levirate: Custom by which a widow marries the brother of her deceased husband. lexicon: Vocabulary; a dictionary containing all the morphemes in a language and their meaning. life history: Of a cultural consultant; provides a personal cultural portrait of existence or change in a culture. liminality: The critically important marginal or in-between phase of a rite of passage. lineage: Unilineal descent group based on demonstrated descent. linguistic anthropology: The branch of anthropology that studies linguistic variation in time and space, including interrelations between language and culture; includes historical linguistics and sociolinguistics. longitudinal research: Long-term study of a community, society, culture, or other unit, usually based on repeated visits. magic: Use of supernatural techniques to accomplish specific aims. majority groups: Superordinate, dominant, or controlling groups in a social-political hierarchy. mana: Sacred impersonal force in Melanesian and Polynesian religions. market principle: Profit-oriented principle of exchange that dominates in states, particularly industrial states. Goods and services are bought and sold, and values are determined by supply and demand. mater: Socially recognized mother of a child. matrilineal descent: Unilineal descent rule in which people join the mothers group automatically at birth and stay members throughout life. matrilocality: Customary residence with the wife's relatives after marriage, so that children grow up in their mothers community. means (or factors) of production: Land, labor, technology, and capital— major productive resources. medical anthropology: Unites biological and cultural anthropologists in the study of disease, health problems, health care systems, and theories about illness in different cultures and ethnic groups. minority groups: Subordinate groups in a social-political hierarchy, with inferior power and less secure access to resources than majority groups have. mode of production: Way of organizing production—a set of social relations through which labor is deployed to wrest energy from nature by means of tools, skills, and knowledge. monotheism: Worship of an eternal, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent supreme being. morphology: The study of form; used in linguistics (the study of morphemes and word construction) and for form in general—for example, biomorphol-ogy relates to physical form. multiculturalism: The view of cultural diversity in a country as something good and desirable; a multicultural society socializes individuals not only into the dominant (national) culture, but also into an ethnic culture. multivariate: Involving multiple factors, causes, or variables. nation: Once a synonym for "ethnic group," designating a single culture sharing a language, religion, history, territory, ancestry, and kinship; now usually a synonym for "state" or "nation-state." nation-state: An autonomous political entity, a country like the United States or Canada. national culture: Cultural experiences, beliefs, learned behavior patterns, and vaiues shared by citizens of the same nation. Glossary G-7 nationalities: Ethnic groups that once had, or wish to have or regain, autonomous political status (their own country). negative reciprocity: See generalized reciprocity. neoliberalism: Revival of Adam Smiths classic economic liberalism, the idea that governments should not regulate private enterprise and that free market forces should rule; a currently dominant intervention philosophy. neolocality: Postmarital residence pattern in which a couple establishes a new place of residence rather than living with or near either set of parents. nomadism, pastoral: Movement throughout the year by the whole pastoral group (men, women, and children) with their animals. More generally, such constant movement in pursuit of strategic resources. nuclear family: Kinship group consisting of parents and children. office: Permanent political position. Olympian religions: In Wallace's typology, develop with state organization; have full-time religious specialists— professional priesthoods. open class system: Stratification system that facilitates social mobility, with individual achievement and personal merit determining social rank. overinnovation: Characteristic of development projects that require major changes in people's daily lives, especially ones that interfere with customary subsistence pursuits. pantribal sodality: A non-kin-based group that exists throughout a tribe, spanning several villages. participant observation: A characteristic ethnographic technique; taking part in the events one is observing, describing, and analyzing. particularity: Distinctive or unique culture trait, pattern, or integration. pastoralists: People who use a food-producing strategy of adaptation based on care of herds of domesticated animals. pater: Socially recognized father of a child; not necessarily the genitor. patriarchy: Political system ruled by men in which women have inferior social and political status, including basic human rights. patrilineal descent: Unilineal descent rule in which people join the father's group automatically at birth and stay members throughout life. patrilineal-patrilocal complex: An interrelated constellation of patrilineal-ity, patrilocality, warfare, and male supremacy. patrilocality: Customary residence with the husband s relatives after marriage, so that children grow up in their father's community. peasant: Small-scale agriculturist living in a state, with rent fund obligations. periphery: Weakest structural position in the world system. phenotype: An organisms evident traits, its "manifest biology"—anatomy and physiology. phoneme: Significant sound contrast in a language that serves to distinguish meaning, as in minimal pairs. phonemics: The study of the sound contrasts (phonemes) of a particular language. phonetics: The study of speech sounds in general; what people actually say in various languages. phonology: The study of sounds used in speech. physical anthropology: See biological anthropology. plural marriage: Marriage of a man to two or more women (polygyny) or marriage of a woman to two or more men (polyandry)—at the same time; see also polygamy. plural society: A society that combines ethnic contrasts, ecological G-8 Glossary specialization (i.e., use of different environmental resources by each ethnic group), and the economic interdependence of those groups, polyandry: Variety of plural marriage in which a woman has more than one husband. polygamy: Marriage with three or more spouses, at the same time; see also plural marriage. polygyny: Variety of plural marriage in which a man has more than one wife. polytheism: Belief in several deities who control aspects of nature. postcolonial: Referring to interactions between European nations and the societies they colonized (mainly after 1800); more generally, "postcolonial" may be used to signify a position against imperialism and Euro-centrism. postmodern: In its most general sense, describes the blurring and breakdown of established canons (rules, standards), categories, distinctions, and boundaries. postmodernism: A style and movement in architecture that succeeded modernism. Compared with modernism, postmodernism is less geometric, less functional, less austere, more playful, and more willing to include elements from diverse times and cultures; postmodern now describes comparable developments in music, literature, and visual art. postmodernity: Condition of a world in flux, with people on-the-move, in which established groups, boundaries, identities, contrasts, and standards are reaching out and breaking down. potlatch: Competitive feast among Indians on the North Pacific Coast of North America. power: The ability to exercise one's will over others—to do what one wants; the basis of political status. prejudice: Devaluing (looking down on) a group because of its assumed behavior, values, capabilities, or attributes. prestige: Esteem, respect, or approval for acts, deeds, or qualities considered exemplary. progeny price: A gift from the husband and his kin to the wife and her kin before, at, or after marriage; legitimizes children born to the woman as members of the husbands descent group. protolanguage: Language ancestral to several daughter languages. public transcript: As used by James Scott, the open, public interactions between dominators and oppressed— the outer shell of power relations. race: An ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis. racism: Discrimination against an ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis. random sample: A sample in which all members of the population have an equal statistical chance of being included. reciprocity: One of the three principles of exchange. Governs exchange between social equals; major exchange mode in band and tribal societies. redistribution: Major exchange mode of chiefdoms, many archaic states, and some states with managed economies. refugees: People who have been forced (involuntary refugees) or who have chosen (voluntary refugees) to flee a country, to escape persecution or war. religion: Beliefs and rituals concerned with supernatural beings, powers, and forces. revitalization movements: Movements that occur in times of change, in which religious leaders emerge and undertake to alter or revitalize a society. rites of passage: Culturally defined activities associated with the transition from one place or stage of life to another. ritual: Behavior that is formal, stylized, repetitive, and stereotyped, performed earnestly as a social act; rituals are held at set times and places and have liturgical orders. Glossary G-9 sample: A smaller study group chosen to represent a larger population. Sapir-Whorf hypothesis: Theory that different languages produce different ways of thinking. scientific medicine: As distinguished from Western medicine, a health care system based on scientific knowledge and procedures, encompassing such fields as pathology, microbiology, biochemistry, surgery, diagnostic technology, and applications. semantics: A language's meaning system. semiperiphery: Structural position in the world system intermediate between core and periphery. settlement hierarchy: A ranked series of communities differing in size, function, and type of building. sexual dimorphism: Marked differences in male and female biology besides the contrasts in breasts and genitals. sexual orientation: A person s habitual sexual attraction to, and activities with: persons of the opposite sex (heterosexuality), the same sex (homosexuality), or both sexes (bisexuality). shaman: A part-time religious practitioner who mediates between ordinary people and supernatural beings and forces. slavery: The most extreme, coercive, abusive, and inhumane form of legalized inequality; people are treated as property. social race: A group assumed to have a biological basis but actually perceived and defined in a social context—by a particular culture rather than by scientific criteria. society: Organized life in groups; typical of humans and other animals. sociolinguistics: Study of relationships between social and linguistic variation; study of language in its social context. sociopolitical typology: Classification scheme based on the scale and com- plexity of social organization and the effectiveness of political regulation; includes band, tribe, chiefdom, and state. sodality: See pantribal sodality. sororate: Custom by which a widower marries the sister of the deceased wife. state (nation-state): Complex sociopolitical system that administers a territory and populace with substantial contrasts in occupation, wealth, prestige, and power. An independent, centrally organized political unit, a government. status: Any position that determines where someone fits in society; may be ascribed or achieved. stereotypes: Fixed ideas—often unfavorable—about what members of a group are like. stratification: Characteristic of a system with socioeconomic strata; see also stratum. stratum: One of two or more groups that contrast in regard to social status and access to strategic resources. Each stratum includes people of both sexes and all ages. style shifts: Variations in speech in different contexts. subcultures: Different cultural symbol-based traditions associated with subgroups in the same complex society. subgroups: Languages within a taxonomy of related languages that are most closely related. subordinate: The lower, or underprivileged, group in a stratified system. superordinate: The upper, or privileged, group in a stratified system. survey research: Characteristic research procedure among social scientists other than anthropologists. Studies society through sampling, statistical analysis, and impersonal data collection. symbol: Something, verbal or nonverbal, that arbitrarily and by convention stands for something else, with which it has no necessary or natural connection. G-10 Glossary syntax: The arrangement and order of words in phrases and sentences. systemic perspective: View that changes have multiple consequences, some unforeseen. taboo: Prohibition backed by supernatural sanctions. text: Something that is creatively "read," interpreted, and assigned meaning by each person who receives it; includes any media-borne image, such as Carnival. transhumance: One of two variants of pastoralism; part of the population moves seasonally with the herds while the other part remains in home villages. tribe: Form of sociopolitical organization usually based on horticulture or pastoralism. Socioeconomic stratification and centralized rule are absent in tribes, and there is no means of enforcing political decisions. typology, sociopolitical: See sociopolitical typology. underdifferentiation: Planning fallacy of viewing less developed countries as an undifferentiated group; ignoring cultural diversity and adopting a uniform approach (often ethnocentric) for very different types of project beneficiaries. unilineal descent: Matrilineal or patrilineal descent. universal: Something that exists in every culture. variables: Attributes (e.g., sex, age, height, weight) that differ from one person or case to the next. vertical mobility: Upward or downward change in a persons social status. village head: Leadership position in a village (as among the Yanomami, where the head is always a man); has limited authority; leads by example and persuasion. wealth: All a persons material assets, including income, land, and other types of property; the basis of economic status. 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Credits Photos Front matter xvii: © Barbara Salz Chapter 1 4: © Daina Seaward/Photo Researchers; 6: © Will & Deni Mclntyre/Corbis Images; 9: © Charles Harbutt/Actuality, Inc.; 17: Professor Marietta Baba, Michigan State University Chapter 2 24: © AP/Wide World Photos; 31: © British Library of Political & Economics Science/London School of Economics and Political Science; 38: Author photo Chapter 3 42 (left): © Jason Homa/Getty Images; 42 (right): © Ted Spiegel/Corbis Images; 46 (top): © H. Armstrong Roberts/Retrofile.com; 49: © Kim Newton/ Woodfin Camp & Associates Chapter 4 68: © PJ. Griffiths/Magnum Photos; 70 (all): Conrad P. Kottak Chapter 5 91: © Lonny Shavelson; 98: © Jim Goldberg/Magnum Photos Chapter 6 112: © D. Halleux/Bios/Peter Arnold; 114: © Chin Ki Au/© UNEP/Peter Arnold; 127: Elbridge W. Merrill Collection/Alaska State Library and Archives [#PCA57-028] Chapter 7 134: © Sarah Leen/National Geographic Image Collection; 141: © Burt Glinn/Magnum Photos; 147: © John A. 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Chapter 5 89: Figure 5.1, From Aspects of Language, 3rd Edition by Bolinger, Figure 2.1. Copyright © 1981. Reprinted with permission of Heinle, a division of Thomson Learning: www.thomsonrights.com. Fax 800 730-2215. 104: "In a Publishing Coup, Books in 'Unwritten' Languages" by John Noble Wilford form The New York Times, December 31, 1991, p. B5. Copyright © 1991 The New York Times Co. Reprinted by permission. Chapter 6 110: Figure 6.1, Adapted from a map by Ray Sim, in Goran Burenhult, ed., Encyclopedia of Humankind: People of the Stone Age, p. 193. Copyright 1933. Reprinted by permission of Weldon Owen Pty Ltd. Chapter 7 155: "Chat Rooms, Bedouin Style" by Hen Prusher reproduced with permission from the April 26, 2000 issue of The Christian Science Monitor. Copyright © 2000 The Christian Science Monitor (www.csmonitor.com). All rights reserved. Credits C-3 Chapter 9 204: "Indonesia's Matriarchal Minangkabau Offer an Alternative Social System" by Pam Kosty from May 9, 2002, eurekalert.org. Reprinted by permission of Pam Kosty, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Chapter 10 215: Table 10.1, From The Ritual Process by Victor Turner. Copyright © 1969 by Aldine Publishers. Reprinted by permission of AldineTransaction, a division of Transaction Publishers. 221: Table 10.3, Reprinted by permission of Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance, www.religioustolerance.org. 222: Table 10.4, From www.adherents.com. Reprinted by permission. 226: "Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally" by Brian Handwerk from National Geographic News, October 24, 2003 from news.national geographic.com. Reprinted by permission. Chapter 11 240: Table 11.1, From Introduction to the World System Perspective, lie by Thomas Shannon. Copyright © 1989, 1996 by Westview Press. Reprinted by permission of Westview Press, a member of Perseus Books, L.L.C. 241: Table 11.2, From Anthropology and Contemporary Human Problems by John H. Bodley. Copyright © 1985. Reprinted by permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies. 243: "Bones Reveal Some Truth in Noble Savage Myth" by Jack Lucentini as appeared in Washington Post, April 14, 2002, p. A9. Chapter 13 282: "Cultural Diversity Highest in Resource-Rich Areas, Study Says" by Stefan Lovgren from National Geographic News, March 17, 2004 from news.nationalgeographic.com. Reprinted by permission. Index Italicized page numbers refer to figures, illustrations, and tables. ABC, 78 Abrago, 56 Abraham, 167 Abuse of women, 196-197 Academic anthropology, 8-10, 9 Accommodation, 73-77, 206 assimilation, 73 multiculturalism/ethnic identity, 74-77, 75, 76 plural society, 73-74 Acculturation, 54, 269-270, G-l Ache Indians, 109 Achieved status, 61, 61, 153, G-l Adam and Eve, 165, 167 Adaptation, 3, G-l Adaptive behavior, 47 Adaptive strategies, 107-117, 135 agriculture, 108, 113-116,114 foraging, 108-111,110 horticulture, 108, 111-113, 112 industrialization, 108, 233-235 key terms, 132 pastoralism, 108, 116-117 and potlatching, 128 summary, 131 Adat philosophy, 206 Adherents.com, 221 Adoption, 171 Adultery, 138 Advanced chiefdoms, 146 Affection, displays of, 56-57 Affinals, 173 Afghanistan, 217-218 Africa adaptive strategies in, 109 and colonialism, 250 gender stratification in, 200 marriages in, 174-176 and medical anthropology, 13-14 pastoralism in, 117 and urban anthropology, 12 African American English Vernacular (AAEV), 99-102 African Americans, 60 and ethnic conflict, 78 and gender stratification, 197 and hypodescent rule, 64-65 and language, 90, 99-102 and multiculturalism, 74 African National Congress (ANC), 228 Age grades, 144-145 Age sets, 144-145, G-l Agency, 47-48 Agnates, 169, 175 Agriculture, 108, 113-116, 114, 135, G-l cost-benefit analysis of, 114-115 and gender, 194-196, 195 and independent invention, 55 intensification of, 115-116 and irrigation; see Irrigation Agta (Philippine people), 192 Ahmed, Akbar, 270 AIDS, 13 Ainu, 67 Alaska, 109 Alaska Native Language Center, 104 Algeria, 251-252 Alienation, 120-122 Amazonia, 147 American Anthropological Association (AAA), 5, 22, 140, 281 Code of Ethics, 23-24 American Indians; see Native Americans Anderson, Barbara, 14 Anderson, Benedict, 72 Andes, 146 Androgyny, 216 Angelou, Maya, 99 Angkor (Cambodia), 277 Animism, 209-210, G-l Anthropology and education, 10- 11, G-l Antibiotics, 15, 75 Anxiety, 211-213, 212 Apartheid, 77, 228 Apes, 87-88 Apical ancestors, 165-167, 166 Appadurai, Arjun, 278-279 Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 67 Apple, 16 Applied anthropology, 5-21, 6, 256, G-l and academic anthropology, 8-10, 9 and business, 16-19,17 careers in, 17-19 and education, 10-11 and medical anthropology, 13-16, 15 role of applied anthropologists, 7-8 and urban anthropology, 11- 13 Arabs, 79, 167 Archaeological anthropology, 3-4, G-l research methods in, 24-30 1-1 1-2 Index Archaic states, 146, 148, 149, 150, 152-153 Arembepe (Brazil) and cultural imperialism, 275 ethnographic field techniques in, 26-28, 33-34, 37-39, 38 and gender, 187 and globalization, 55 marriages in, 168, 180-182 and modern world system, 230 race in, 69 Argonauts of the Western Pacific (Malinowski), 30 Arranged marriages, 196 Asani, AH, 226-228 Ascribed status, 61,6/, 69, 153, G-l Asexuality, 201 Asia adaptive strategies in, 109 and colonialism, 250 gender stratification in, 200 and urban anthropology, 12 Asian Americans, 60, 65, 74, 100 Assault on Paradise (Kottak), 180 Assimilation, 67, 73, G-l forced, 73, 78 Athenian Greece, 50 Australia, 79, 252 Australian aborigines, 109, 110,216 Authoritarian regimes, 254 Authority, 133 Azande (African people), 202 Aztecs, 220, 248 Baba, Marietta, 17 Baha'i faith, 221,227,222 Bahia (Brazil), 38, 261 Balanced reciprocity, 125, G-l Bali (Indonesia), 24 Bands, 110-111, 135, 136-146, 152, G-l big man, 140-142 foraging bands, 136-138 nomadic politics, 145-146 pantribal sodalities and age sets, 142-145 village head, 139-140 Bangkok (Thailand), 214 Bangladesh, 227, 252 Bargaining, 124 Barnett, Steve, 19 Barth, Fredrik, 60, 73-74 Baseball magic, 212, 212, 213 Basque Americans, 81 Basques, 76, 78, 80-82, 81 Basseri tribe, 117, 145 Basseria, 81 Batman, 277 Battered women, 197 BBC English, 96 Belize, 146 Bellah, Robert, 220 Beloit College, 19 Bengal, 227 Berdaches, 173 Bernard, H. Russell, 104-105 Bestiality, 202 Betsileos, 2 and cultural particularity, 53-54 descent groups in, 167 and gender stratification, 195-196 and key cultural consultants, 28 and marriage, 178-179 and modes of production, 118-119 and religion, 218, 226 and scarcity, 129-130 Bible, 165, 167, 251,273, 276 Bifocality, 34 Big man, 140-142, 141, 150, 224-225, G-l Big Wife, 178 Bilateral societies, 197 Bilingual education programs, 10-11, 100, 104 Bilingualism, 95 Biological anthropology, 4, 4, G-l Biological paternity, 169 Biomedicine, 14-16, 15 Biracial marriages, 66, 67 Bisexuality, 201 Black English Vernacular (BEV), 99-100 "Black identity," 72-73 Blacks; see African Americans Blood feuds, 138, 153 Bodley, John, 252-253 Bolivia, 146 Bolshevik Revolution, 254 Bonobos, 203 "Born-again" Christians, 220 Bororo (African people), 186 Boserup, Esther, 260 Bosnia, 159 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 78 Bourdieu, Pierre, 99, 272 Bourgeoisie, 236, G-2 Bourque, Susan, 185 Braudel, Fernand, 230-231 Brazil, 1-2 adaptive strategies in, 109 assimilation in, 73 cultural exchange in, 270, 275-278 and cultural imperialism, 275 displays of affection in, 56-57 domestic violence in, 197 ethnographic field techniques in, 26-28, 33-34, 37-39, 38 and gender, 187 and globalization, 55 and innovation strategies, 265-266 marriages in, 168, 180-182 means of production in, 120 medical anthropology in, 15 and modern world system, 230,233 nonverbal communication in, 87 political systems in, 139-140 race in, 69 religion in, 217, 271 social races in, 69-71, 70 team research in, 33-34 Brer Rabbit, 273 Bretons, 76 Brideprice, 174, G-2 Bridewealth, 174-175, 176, 202, G-2 British Empire, 248-250, 248, 249 Buddhism, 214, 220-221, 221,222 Buganda (Uganda), 152, 179 Bumba Meu Boi festival, 275 Buraku, 68-69 Burakumin, 67-69, 68 Burger King, 265 Burr, Katherine, 19 Burundi, 251 Bush, George H. W., 99, 142 Bush, George W., 142 "Bushmen" (African people), 109, 136 Business settings, 16-19, 17 California, 81-82, 99-100, 115,233 Caloric staples, 115 Can Tho Rice Research Institute, 259 Canada and colonialism, 252 domestic violence in, 197 Index 1-3 families in, 161, 163, 163 foragers in, 109 gender stratification in, 197 and modern world system, 241 multiculturalism in, 74-76, 79 and urban anthropology, 11 Candombl6, 28 Cantwell, Maria, 46 Capital, 232, 234, G-2 Capitalist world economy, 232, 236-237, G-2 and cargo cults, 225 Careers in anthropology, 17-19 Cargo cults, 224-225, 225, 270, G-2 Caribbean, 147, 200 Caribbean English Creole, 101 Carneiro, Robert, 146 Carnival, 273-274, 274, 275,276 Carter, Jimmy, 99 Caste systems, 170-171, 238, G-2 Castration, 216 Catalonia (Spain), 76 Catholicism, 221, 222, 223,271 and international culture, 49, 49 symbols of, 44 Cattle rustling, 126, 130, 144 CBS News Poll, 78 Census taking, 33, 36, 129 Center for Ethnographic Research, 19 Ceremonial fund, 123 Chambers, Erve, 5 Cheganca (danceplay), 275 Chemical fertilizers, 257 Cherokee Indians, 124 Chicanos; see Mexican Americans Chiefdoms, 135, 146-151, G-2 political and economic systems in, 147-148, 147, 152 social status in, 148-149 status systems in, 149-151,150 Chiefly redistribution, 148 Child care, 161, 189-190,189 Chimpanzees, 44, 203 China chiefdoms in, 146 and communism, 254 irrigation in, 114 and modern world system, 241,247 pidgins, 90 polygyny in, 179 Chinese folk religion, 220, 221 Chomsky, Noam, 90 Christianity, 217, 220-225, 221, 222, 271-272 Chukchee, 110,219 Circumcision, 51,213, 214 Citicorp, 19 Citizens for Responsible Growth (Clemson, S.C.), 134 Civil marriages, 168, 180 Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century (Braudel), 230-231 Clans, 165, 167-168, G-2 Clark, Wesley, 142 Class consciousness, 236 Classical Greece, 50 Climate change, 47 Clinton, Bill, 99, 142 Clitoridectomy, 51, 196 Closed class systems, 237-239 caste systems, 238 slavery, 238-239, 238 Code of Ethics (AAA), 23-24 Cohen, Yehudi, 107-108, 111 Cold War, 55 Collateral households, 161 Collective liminality, 214-215 Colombia, 147 Colonial applied anthropology, 8 Colonialism, 79, 239, 247-268, G-2 British, 248-250, 248, 249 and cultural exchange, 270 and ethnic groups, 72 French, 250-251, 250, 21A and identity, 251 and Java, 258 key terms, 268 and language, 90 postcolonial studies, 252 and religion, 222 summary, 266-268 Color terminology, 92-94, 96 Colson, Elizabeth, 33 Columbia University, 9, 33, 37 Columbus, Christopher, 231-232, 243 Common-law marriage, 168,180 Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), 79 Communal religions, 219, 220, G-2 Communism, 79, 253, 254-255, 255, G-2 Communist Party, 254-255, 255 Communitas, 209, 214-215, G-2 Complex chiefdoms, 147 Complex societies, 37, G-2 Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED), 281 Confucianism, 220, 221 Conservation, 270-27'1 Conservatism, 253 Contact, 269-272 Contagious magic, 211 Contested values, 48 Convergent cultural evolution; see Cultural convergence Conversation, 25, 27-28 Cooperatives, 262, 263 Core, 232, G-2 Core nations, 232-233, 237, 239, 240, 270 Core values, 47, G-2 Cornell University, 33 Correlations, 110, G-2 Corruption, 256 Corsicans, 76 Cost-benefit analysis, 114-115 Cotton production, 232, 234 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (UN), 51 Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (UN), 51 Creole languages, 90, 101 Crusades, 217 Cuban Americans, 62, 62 Cultivation, 111-116 agriculture, 113-116, 114 horticulture, 111-113, 112 Cults, 215-216 cargo cults, 224-225, 225,270 Cultural anthropologists, 3, G-2 Cultural brokers, 16 Cultural capital, 150; see also Prestige Cultural colonialism, 78-79, 79, G-2 Index Cultural consultants, 26, 28, 29, G-3 Cultural convergence, G-3 Cultural ecology, 127 Cultural exchange, 269-285 contact and domination, 269- 272 development and environmentalism, 270- 271 religious change, 271-272 continuance of diversity, 281- 282 and cultural diversity, 282- 284 key terms, 285 making and remaking culture, 276-279 indigenizing popular culture, 276, 277 popular culture, 276 transnationalism, 278- 279, 279 world system of images, 277-278 people in motion, 279- 281,280 resistance and survival, 272-275, 276 cultural imperialism, 274-275 "weapons of the weak," 272-274 summary, 284-285 Cultural ideal, 48, 146, 161 Cultural imperialism, 274-275, G-3 Cultural learning, 42 Cultural relativism, 50-52, G-3 Cultural resource management (CRM), 7 Cultural rights, 51, G-3 Culturally compatible development, 261, 265-266 Culture, 2-3, 41-58, G-3 defined, 41-52 adaptive/maladaptive, 47 all-encompassing, 45 and cultural relativism, 50-52 and ethnocentrism, 50-52 and human rights, 51-52 and individual, 47-48 integrated, 45^47, 46, 53 learned, 41-43,42 levels of, 48-50, 49 and nature, 44-45 shared, 43 symbolic, 43-44 and globalization, 55-56 key terms, 58 and language, 90-94 focal vocabulary, 92-94, 93, 94 nonverbal communication, 87-88 preservation of diversity, 104-105 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 91-92 and mechanisms of change, 54-55 and particularities, 52, 53-54 and physical contact, 56-57 summary, 57-58 universals and generalities, 52-53 Culture shock, 37-39 Curers, 14, 16, 219, G-3 Custody of children, 177 Dakar (Senegal), 73 Daughter languages, 102, G-3 Decolonization, 250 Deforestation, 115, 242, 271 Demonstrated descent, 167 Department stores, 97-98 Descent, 65, 165-168, G-3 descent groups, 165-167, 166, 174-175, G-3 and gender stratification, 195 in Madagascar, 264-265 lineages, clans, and residence rules, 165, 167-168 Developing countries; see Third World Development, 252-254 and environmentalism, 270-271 and intervention philosophy, 252-253 and neoliberalism, 253-254 Development anthropology, 256- 261, G-3 and equity, 260-261 and green revolution, 257- 260, 259 and innovation strategies, 261-265, 262 overinnovation, 261-263, 270 Third World models for, 264-265 underdifferentiation, 263, 270 key terms, 268 summary, 266-268 Dialects and colonialism, 251 midwestern, 85-86, 90 "region-free," 89 and sociolinguistics, 96, 99, 102 Diary, 26 Diaspora, 281, G-3 Dickens, Charles, 236 Differential access, 149, G-3 Diffusion, 49, 54, G-3 Diglossia, 95, 102, G-3 Direct diffusion, 54 Direct rule, 251 Discourse, 273 Discrimination, 77, 82, G-3 and Haitian Americans, 76 in Japan, 67-69, 67 Disease, 13-14, 30, 45, 140, G-3 Disease-theory systems, 14 Disraeli, Benjamin, 249 Distribution, 123-129 Divorce and bridewealth, 174 cross-cultural, 176-178 and gender stratification, 195 and Hopi Indians, 177 in Japan, 67 and matriarchy, 205-206 and plural marriage, 168, 178 in United States, 45, 163,164 Diwaniyas, 155-156 DNA, 171 Domestic system of production, 234, 235,236 Domestic violence, 196-197 Domestic-public dichotomy, 191, 193, 197, G-3 Domination, 269-272 Dominican Republic, 280 Double standards, 190-191, 190,191, 195 Dowry, 174, G-3 Dowry murders, 196 Dunn, Janet, 34 Durable alliances, 175-176, 176 Dürkheim, Emile, 25, 209, 216, 217 East Africa, 126, 251 Ebonics, 99-102 Ecological anthropology, 127-128 Ecological morality, 270 Ecological niches, 74 Index 1-5 Economic anthropology, 117,122-123 Economic systems, 117-122, 135 alienation in industrial economies, 120-122 economizing and maximization, 122- 123, 127 exchange principles, 123- 129 coexistence of, 126 market principle, 124 potlatching, 126-129 reciprocity, 124-126, 130 redistribution, 124 key terms, 132 means of production, 119-120 modes of production, 117- 119 in nonindustrial societies, 118- 119, 118 and scarcity, 129-130 summary, 131 Economizing, 122-123 Economy, 117, G-3 Ecuador, 33, 105 Education, 10-11 Efe (African people), 109 Effervescence, 209, 216, 217 Egalitarian societies, 111, 124- 125, 137, 138-139 Egypt, 13, 146, 247 Elders, 111 Electronic mass media, 277-278 Elites, 149, 154-155 Emancipation Proclamation, 153 Emic research strategy, 29-30, G-3 Emotionalistic disease theories, 14 Enculturation, 41, 86, G-3 Endogamy, 169-171, G-3 Energy consumption, 241,241 Enforcement, 152, 154 Engels, Friedrich, 254 England; see Great Britain English language, 88-90, 89; see also Language Environmental diversity, 115 Environmentalism, 270-271 Equity, 260-261, G-3 Erickson, Ken, 19 Eskimos, 65, 92, 109, 110,137 ETA (Euskadi Ta Azkatasuna), 80, 82 Ethical dilemmas, 257 Ethics, 8, 22-24, 39 Ethnic conflict, roots of, 77- 80 ethnic competition, 77-78 oppression, aftermaths of, 78- 80 prejudice and discrimination, 77 Ethnic expulsion, 78-79 Ethnic groups, 59-63, 60, 61, 62, 63, 72-73, G-3 Basques, 80-82, 81 and race, 63-64, 67-68 Ethnic identities, 74-77, 75, 76 Ethnic revival, 76 Ethnic salads, 77 Ethnic tolerance, 73-77 assimilation, 73 multiculturalism/ethnic identity, 74-77, 75, 76 plural society, 73-74 Ethnicity, 59-84, G-4 and colonialism, 251 and conflict, 77-80 ethnic competition, 77-78 oppression, aftermaths of, 78-80 prejudice and discrimination, 77 and ethnic groups, 59-63, 60, 61, 62, 63, 72-73 Basques, 80-82, 81 key terms, 84 and race, 63-64, 67-68 and social races, 64-71 hypodescent rule, 64-67, 66 in Japan, 67-69,68 phenotype and fluidity, 69-71, 70 summary, 82-84 tolerance and accommodation, 73-77 assimilation, 73 multiculturalism/ethnic identity, 74-77, 75, 76 plural society, 73-74 Ethnocentrism, 7, 50-52, G-4 Ethnocide, 78, 270-271, G-4 Ethnographic present, 32 Ethnographic realism, 30 Ethnography, 2, 3, 9, 23, G^l in business settings, 16-17, 17 field techniques of, 25-35 conversation, interviewing, and interview schedules, 25, 27-28 evolution of, 30-32, 31 genealogical method, 25, 28 key cultural consultants, 26, 28 life histories, 26, 29 local beliefs and perceptions, comparative study of, 26, 29-30 longitudinal research, 26, 33 multitimed and multisited, 33, 34-35 participant observation, 25-27 problem-oriented research, 26, 32 team research, 26, 33-34 and gender, 186-191, 188, 189,190, 191 Ethnology, 3, G-4 Ethnomedicine, 51 Etic research strategy, 29-30, G-4 Etoro (Papua New Guinea people), 50, 201-203 Europe; see also names of European countries and cargo cults, 224-225 chiefdoms in, 148 and dowry, 174 gender stratification in, 197, 200 and modern world system, 231-233, 234-235, 239 and transnationalism, 121 European Union (EU), 55 Evangelicals, 220, 223, 271 Eve, 165, 167 Ex votos, 217 Exchange principles, 123-129 coexistence of, 126 market principle, 124 potlatching, 126-129, 127 reciprocity, 124-126, 130 redistribution, 124 Exogamy, 111, 165, 169, G-4 Expanded family households, 161 Extended family households, 159-161,160, G-4 Extradomestic labor, 195, G-4 Extramarital sex, 191, 195 Facial expressions, 87 Factory workers, 121-122, 197, 235-236 Faith healers, 217 1-6 Index Families, 158-183 changes in, 161-164, 162, 163 and descent, 165-168 descent groups, 165-167, 166 extended, 159-161, 160 and foraging, 164-165 and industrialism, 161 key terms, 183 lineages, clans, and residence rules, 167-168 and marriage; see Marriage nuclear, 53, 137, 159-161 summary, 182-183 Family farms, 81, 124, 263 Family of orientation, 159, 161, 163, G-4 Family of procreation, 159, 161, Fantdstico (television program), 275 Faulkner, Robert, 19 Female genital mutilation, 51 Female infanticide, 196 Feminine Mystique, The (Friedan), 199 Feminization of poverty, 200 Ferguson, James, 34-35 Ferguson, R. Brian, 244 Festivals, 275 Field notes, 26 Field techniques of ethnography, 25-35 conversation, interviewing, and interview schedules, 25-26, 27-28 evolution of, 30-32, 31 genealogical method, 25, 28 key cultural consultants, 26, 28 life histories, 26, 29 local beliefs and perceptions, comparative study of, 26, 29-30 longitudinal research, 26, 33 multitimed and multisited, 33,34-35 participant observation, 25-27 problem-oriented research, 26, 32 team research, 26, 33-34 First World, 79, 254; see also names of First World countries Fiscal systems, 152, 154-155, G-4 Fisheries projects, 261 Fiske, John, 276 Flemish language, 95 Focal vocabulary, 92-94, 93, 94, G-4 Food production, G-4 adaptive strategies, 111-116 agriculture, 113-116, 114 foraging, 108-111, 770 horticulture, 111-113, 112 pastoralism, 116-117 and political systems, 135-136, 152 Foraging, 108-111, 110, 135 and families, 164-165 and gender, 191-192 and generalized reciprocity, 125 and potlatching, 127, 129 and religion, 219 Foraging bands, 136-138, 164-165, 177 Force, 210 Forced assimilation, 73, 78 Forced diffusion, 54 Ford, Gerald, 99 Forensic anthropology, 6 Fossil fuels, 241, 241 Foster, George, 14 Foucault, Michel, 272 France and colonialism, 250-251, 250, 274 ethnic groups in, 72, 79-80 gender stratification in, 195 language in, 104 and modern world system, 234,241 Francis of Assisi, Saint, 275 Franco, Francisco, 78, 80,274 Franke, Richard, 257 Fraternal polyandry, 168 Free trade, 253-254 French language, 88 French Revolution (1789), 80 Fried, Morton, 133-134 Friedan, Betty, 199 Fundamentalism, 206, 223,227 Gay men, 171-173 Geertz, Clifford, 30-31, 42 Gender, 4, 5, 184-207,186 and agriculture, 194-196,195 in chiefdoms, 150 and diwaniyas in Kuwait, 155-156 and foraging, 191-192 and horticulture, 192-194 and industrialism, 197-200,198,199 and feminization of poverty, 200 key terms, 207 and matriarchy, 204-206, 205 patriarchy and violence, 196-197 recurrent patterns, 186-191, 188,189,190,191 and sexual orientation, 201-204 and speech contrasts, 96-97 summary, 206-207 variability of, 201 Gender roles, 185, 196, 197, G-4 Gender stereotypes, 185, G-4 Gender stratification, 185-186, 190-191, G-4 and green revolution, 260 and matrilineal-matrilocal societies, 192-193 and patrilineal-patrilocal societies, 193-194 Genealogical method, 25, 28, G-4 Genealogies, 148-149, 165-167, 166, 180 General anthropology, 3-5, G-t Generalities, 52-53, G-4 Generalized reciprocity, 125, G-4 Genetics, 257-260 Genitor, 161, 168, 171, G^t Genocide, 242, 251, 270 German language, 95, 102 Germany, 8 and modern world system, 233, 240, 241 and multiculturalism, 72, 79 Globalization, 55-56, G-4 and alienation, 120-121 and cultural exchange, 278-279, 279 and modern world system, 233 and multiculturalism, 75-76, 80 Gmelch, George, 212 Gods Must Be Crazy, The (film), 279 Golden Rule, 218 Gorillas, 44 Index 1-7 Gramsci, Antonio, 272 Great Britain and colonialism, 8, 248-250, 248, 249 and development, 252 ethnic groups in, 72, 79 and international culture, 49 and language, 96 and modern world system, 232,234-235, 235, 240, 241 political systems in, 153 Great Depression, 253 Green revolution, 257-260, 259, G-4 Gregoire, Christine, 46 Guatemala, 146 Gullah Creole, 90, 101 Gupta, Akhil, 34-35 Gwembe District (Zambia), 33 Haitian Americans, 76 Hallmark Cards, 17, 19 Handsome Lake religion, 223,271 Hanseatic Group, 19 Hard Times (Dickens), 236 Harris, Marvin, 29 Harvard University, 33, 226 Hauser Design, 19 Health care systems, 14, G-4 Heaven's Gate cult, 216 Hegemonic reading, 276 Hegemony, 272, G-4 Henry, Jules, 10 Herders; see Pastoralism Heterosexuality, 50, 201, 203 Hidatsa Indians, 187 Hidden transcripts, 272-273, G-5 High German, 102 Himalayan cultures, 168 Hindi language, 90 Hinduism, 220-221,22/, 222, 227 Hindus, 79 Hispanic Americans as ethnic group, 10-11, 60, 62, 62, 63, 64 and hypodescent rule, 65-66, 66 and language, 100 and multiculturalism, 74, 75 Historical linguistics, 102-104, 103, G-5 Hockey, 93, 93, 94 Hoebel, E. A., 137 Holistic science, 2, G-5 Home-handicraft system, 234, 235, 236 Hominids, 3, G-5 Homonyms, 101-102 Homophobia, 56 Homosexuality, 50, 201-202 Hopi Indians, 91, 9/, 177 Horses, 126, 143-144 Horticulture, 108, 111-113, 112, G-5 and gender, 192-194 and reciprocity, 125, 126 and tribes, 135, 138- 139, 140 and village head, 139- 140 Host countries, 23-24 Human diversity, 2-3 "Human nature," 44^-5, 111 Human rights, 51-52, 197, G-5 Hunting, 109, 143-144 Hutu (African people), 251 Hybrids, 257-260 Hypodescent rule, 64-67, 66, 69, G-5 IBM, 16, 233 Ideal culture, 48, 146, 161 Ifugaos, 113-114 Igbo (African people), 173,179 Illness, 13-16, 30, G-5 Illness-causation theories, 14 Ilongot (Philippine people), 186 Imagined communities, 72-73 Imitative magic, 211 Immigrants and cultural exchange, 280 and ethnic groups assimilation, 73 Basque Americans, 81-82 conflict, 77-78 expulsion, 12, 79 multiculturalism, 75-76 and gender stratification, 197 and language, 103 and modern world system, 233 Imperialism, 239, 247, G-5; see also Colonialism Inalienable rights, 51 Incas, 105, 247-248 Incest, 169, 169, G-5 Increased equity, 260 Independent invention, 55, G-5 India chiefdoms in, 146 and colonialism, 79, 250, 252 domestic violence in, 196 families in caste system, 170-171 dowry, 174 polyandry, 178, 180 gender stratification in, 4, 196 and modern world system, 233,241 modes of production in, 118 Indigenized popular culture, 276, 277, G-5 Indigenous languages, 104-105 Indigenous peoples, 243-245, 271, 280, G-5 Indirect diffusion, 54 Indirect rule, 251 Individualism, 43, 47^48 Indochina, 251 Indonesia, 24; see also names of Indonesian countries and colonialism, 252 matriarchy in, 204-206, 205 religion in, 227 Indus River Valley, 146 Industrial Revolution, 116, 233-235, G-5 Industrialization, 108 and alienation, 120-122 and degradation, 242-243, 242 and families, 161 and gender, 197-200, 198,199 and feminization of poverty, 200 and medical anthropology, 15 and modern world system, 233-235 and scarcity, 130 and stratification, 236-237 and urban anthropology, 11 Infanticide, 196 Infertility, 175 Infibulation, 51 Informants; see Key cultural consultants Informed consent, 23, G-5 1-8 Index Innovation strategies, 261-265, 262 culturally appropriate marketing, 265-266 overinnovation, 261-263, 270 Third World models for, 264-265 underdifferentiation, 263, 270 Intellectual property rights (IPR), 51, G-5 Intensive agriculture, 115-116 Inter-American Development Bank, 253 Interest groups, 134, 134 International culture, 49, 49, G-5 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 253 Internet, 35 Interpretive anthropology, 30-31 Interracial marriages, 66, 67 Intervention philosophy, 252-253,258, 271, G-5 Interview schedules, 27-28, 129, G-5 Interviewing, 25-26 Intrinsic racism, 67 Inuit, 109,110, 137-138, 191; see also Eskimos IR-8 rice, 257 Iran, 117, 145-146, 223,272 Iraq, 146 Ireland, 250 Irian Jaya (Indonesia), 140,141 Iroquois Indians, 223-224, 271 Irrigation, 10, 113-114,114, 154, 195,260 Islam, 220-223,227, 222 and cultural exchange, 271-272, 273 expansion of, 226-228 and matriarchy, 206 and social control, 217 Islamabad (Pakistan), 36 Islamic Revolution, 223 El-Issa, Shamlan, 156 Ivato (Madagascar), 28 Jackson, Jesse, 99 Jainism, 221,222 Japan, 8 as First World country, 79 and modern world system, 240, 240 nonverbal communication in, 88 race in, 67-69, 68 and transnationalism, 121 Japanese language, 88, 96 Jati, 170 Java, 227, 257-260 Jenkins, Leigh, 91 Jesus, 223-224 Jews, 79, 165, 167, 172 Jihads, 217, 272 Jones, Doug, 34 Jones, Valerie, 164 Judaism, 218, 221,222, 271 Judiciary, 151, 153 Ju/'hoansi San, 109, 192 Kalahari Desert (Africa), 109, 136 Kaluli (Papua New Guinea), 271 Kanchipuram (India), 118 Kanuri (African people), 178 Kapauku (New Guinea people), 140-142, 141 Kayapo Indians, 271 Kelly, Raymond C, 202 Kemper, Robert, 281 Kent, Susan, 136 Kenya, 144, 252 Key cultural consultants, 26, 28, 29, G-5 Keynes, John Maynard, 253 Keynesian economics, 253 Il-khan, 145-146 Kinesics, 87, G-5 King, Rodney, 78 Kinsey report, 202 Kinship, 158-183 and bands, 110-111, 135 changes in, 161-164, 162,163 and chiefdoms, 148-150 and descent, 165-168 descent groups, 165-167,166 and domestic violence, 197 and extended families, 159-161, 160 and foraging, 164-165 and gender stratification, 195-196 and genealogical method, 28 and industrialism, 161 key terms, 183 lineages, clans, and residence rules, 167-168 and marriage; see Marriage and modes of production, 117 and nuclear families, 53, 159-161 and political systems, 152 and reciprocity, 124-125 and social security, 180-182 summary, 182-183 and urban anthropology, 12 Kinship calculation, G-5 Kipling, Rudyard, 250 Klimek, David E., 57 Koran, 217, 227 Korean Americans, 77-78 Koss, Michael, 19 Kottak, Conrad, 38 Kottak, Isabel Wagley, 33 Krauss, Michael E., 104 Kuikuru Indians, 113 Kurds, 72 Kuria (African people), 126 Kuwait, 155-156 Kuwait University, 156 Kwakiutl Indians, 126-129 Labor as means of production, 119-120 and modern world system, 233 Labov, William, 97-98 Laguerre, Michel, 76 Laissez-faire economics, 253 Lakher (Asian people), 169, 169 Lakoff, Robin, 96 Land as means of production, 119 Language, 85-106 and cultural exchange, 283-284 and ethnic groups, 72, 78, 80-81 and historical linguistics, 102-104,103 key terms, 106 preservation of linguistic/ cultural diversity, 104-105 and sociolinguistics, 7, 94-102 Black English Vernacular (BEV), 99-100 gender speech contrasts, 96- 97 and linguistic diversity within nations, 94-96, 95 stratification and symbolic domination, 97- 99, 98 structure of, 88-90 Index 1-9 summary, 105-106 as symbol, 43-44 thought and culture, 90-94 focal vocabulary, 92-94, 93, 94 nonverbal communication, 87-88 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 91-92 Laplanders, 116 Latin Americans, 14 Latinos, 62, 62, 65, 78; see also Hispanic Americans Law, 137, 151, 153, G-5 Law of supply and demand, 124 Leach, Edmund, 171-172 Lee, Richard, 109, 136 Lenski, Gerhard, 237 Lesbians, 171-173, 172 Leveling mechanisms, 218, G-5 Levirate, 176,176, G-6 Levy, Jerome, 177 Lexicon, 88, 93, G-6 Life histories, 26, 29, G-6 Liminality, 214-215, 214, 215, G-6 Lineages, 165-168, G-6 Linguistic anthropology, 4-5, 86, G-6 Linguistic diversity within nations, 94-96, 95 preservation of, 104-105 "Linguistic market," 99 Linguistic relativity, 99 Linguistic Society of America (LSA), 100 Liturgical orders, 213 Local descent groups, 167 Longitudinal research, 26, 33, G-6 Lord of the Rings, The, 276 Los Angeles (Calif.), 12-13, 64, 74, 78 Lottery winners, 151 Lovedu (African people), 173 Low English Proficiency (LEP) students, 100 Luzon (Philippines), 186 Mace, Ruth, 282 Macy's, 97-98 Madagascar, 1-2 adaptive strategies in, 109,772 chiefdorns in, 150 and colonialism, 252 cultural particularity in, 53-54 descent groups in, 167 gender stratification in, 195-196 and innovation strategies, 264 interview schedules in, 27 key cultural consultants in, 28 marriage in, 178-179 modes of production in, 118-119,77S nonverbal communication in, 87-88 religion in, 226 scarcity in, 129-130 social control in, 218 and soul loss, 14 Madonna, 276 Magic, 211, G-6 Magicoreligious specialists, 14 Maize, 108 Majority groups, 63, 79, G-6 in Japan, 67-69 Malabar Coast (India), 160 Maladaptive behavior, 47 Malaysia, 109, 120-121, 125, 193, 252, 273 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 8, 26, 30, 31, 34, 212-213 Mana, 210-211, G-6 Manifest biology, 71 Manioc, 108 "Manly-hearted woman," 173 Manufacturing, 120 Margolis, Maxine, 198-199 Marind-anim (Papua New Guinea people), 50 Marital rights, 171-173 Market principle, 124, G-6 Marketing, 265-266 Marriage, 168-171 cross-cultural, 174-176 bridewealth and dowry, 174- 175 durable alliances, 175-176 and divorce; see Divorce durable alliances, 175- 176, 776 endogamy, 169-171 caste systems, 170-171 incest and exogamy, 169, 769 key terms, 183 marital rights and same-sex marriage, 171-173, 772 and Nayars, 160 plural, 168, 175, 178-180 polyandry, 175, 180 polygyny, 175, 178-179, 779 and social security, 180-182 summary, 182-183 in United States, 45, 163 Marx, Karl, 121, 236-237, 254 Masai (African people), 144, 145 Mass communication and cultural exchange cultural imperialism, 274-275 popular culture, 276 world system of images, 277-278 and ethnographic field techniques, 34-35 and globalization, 55 and language, 95-96, 102 Massachusetts, 172-173 Masturbation, 202-203 Matai system, 12 Mater, G-6 Maters, 171 Matriarchy, 204-206 Matrikin, 177 Matrilineal descent, 165, 766, G-6 and bridewealth, 174 and divorce, 177 and domestic violence, 197 and gender stratification, 192-193, 196 and Hopi Indians, 177 and Iroquois Indians, 223 and Nayars, 160-161 and residence rules, 167 Matrilocality, 168, 176, 177, 192-193, G-6 Maximization, 122-123, 127 Maya Indians, 12 Mbuti (African people), 109, 126 McCain, John, 142 McDonalds, 265-266 Mead, Margaret, 24 Means of production, 119-120, G-6 Mecca, 227 Medical anthropology, 13-16, 75, G-6 Melanesia, 210-211, 224-225, 225; see also Papua New Guinea Melting pots, 76-77 Men; see Gender Menarche, 190 Mende (African people), 145 Menopause, 190 1-10 Index Menstruation, 190 Merina state, 264 Mesoamerica, 146 Mesopotamia, 146 Mexican Americans, 62, 62 Mexico chiefdoms in, 146 independent invention in, 55 linguistic diversity in, 104-105 and modern world system, 233 sexual orientation in, 201 team research in, 33 and urban anthropology, 12 Mickey Mouse dolls, 231 Microenculturation, 16 Middle East first farmers in, 108 independent invention in, 55 pastoralism in, 117 plural societies in, 73-74 Midwestern dialects, 85-86, 90 Mihrab, 227 Miller, Barbara, 196 Minangkabau (Indonesian people), 204-206, 205 Minimal pairs, 88 Minority groups, 62-63, 79, G-6 in Japan, 67-69 Miracle rice, 257-258, 259 Mission civilisatrice, 251, 252 Missionaries, 251, 271 Missionization, 222, 271 Mode of production, G-6 Modern world system, 230-246, 231 and cultural exchange, 279, 279 emergence of, 231-233 and industrialization, 233-235 key terms, 246 and noble savage, 243-245 and stratification, 235-239 industrial, 236-237 open and closed class systems, 237-239 summary, 245-246 today, 239-243, 240, 241 and industrial degradation, 242-243, 242 Modes of production, 117-119,118 Mohammed, Prophet, 227 Mongolian People s Republic, 160 Monkeys, 87-88 Monocrop production, 232 Monotheism, 210, 219, 220, G-6 Montana, 113 Morphemes, 88 Morphology, 88, G-6 Moses, 273, 276 Mosques, 227, 271 Motivation, 122, 128 Mpakafo, 129 Muhammadyya, 227 Multiculturalism, 74-77, 75, 76, G-6 Multiethnic states, 72 Multinational corporations, 258, 270, 278 Multiracial marriages, 66, 67 Multitimed/multisited ethnographic research, 33,34-35 Multivariate theory, G-6 Murdock, G. P., 136 Murray, Patty, 46 Muslims, 13,79, 159,217, 226-228, 271-272 Nahdlatul Ulama, 227 Nähnu language, 104 Nakasone, Yasuhiro, 67 Nation, 72-73, G-6; see also States National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 65 National Council of La Raza, 65 National culture, 48-49, G-6 National Organization of Women (NOW), 199 Nationalities, 72-73, 80, 81, 206, G-7 Nation-states, G-6; see also States and colonialism, 79-80 and ethnic groups, 72-73 and foragers, 108 and pastoralism, 145 political systems in, 140, 145 Native Americans, 5, 8, 60 adaptive strategies of, 109, 116 and berdaches, 173 as ethnic group, 10, 71 and ethnographic field techniques, 25 and families, 165 and gender, 187 and hypodescent rule, 65 languages of, 91-92, 91 and modern world system, 243-245 and negative reciprocity, 126 and pantribal sodalities, 143-144 and religion, 213, 216, 217 and same-sex marriages, 172-173 Native Australians, 109, 110, 216 Native literacy programs, 104-105 Nativistic movements, 223-224 Naturalistic disease theories, 14 Nature, 282 Nature and culture, 44-45 Navajo Indians, 117 Nayars, 53, 160-161, 190 Nazi Germany, 50 Ndembu (African people), 214 Neandertals, 209 Negative reciprocity, 125-126, 130, G-7 Negeri Sembilan (Malaysia), 193 Negritude, 72-73 Neofascism, 79 Neoliberalism, 253-254, 255, G-7 Neolocality, 161, 196, G-7 Nepal, 178, 180 New Deal, 253 New World; see South America New York City, 74, 85, 97 New York Times, 64, 78, 233 Nigeria, 233, 242, 252, 278 Nightline, 78 Noble savage, 243-245 Nomadism, 117, 136-137, G-7 Nonindustrial societies, 118-119, 118 Nonsettler postcolonies, 252 Nonverbal communication, 87-88 Norman Conquest, 104 North America, 15-16, 18; see also names of North American countries North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 55 North Korea, 254 Index 1-11 North Pacific Coast, 108, 126-129, 127 Nosso Senhor do Bomfim, 217 Notes and Queries on Anthropology, 168 Novels, 72 Nuclear families, 137, 159-161, G-7 and domestic violence, 196 and foraging, 164-165 and gender stratification, 195 and innovation strategies, 263 and Nayars, 53 Nuer (African people), 92,168 Oakland (Calif.), 99-100 Oaxacans, 104 Observation; see Participant observation Office, 148, G-7 Ohio State University, 243 Okinawans, 67 O'Leary, Chris, 34 Olympian religions, 219, 220, G-7 101 Tower (Taipei, Taiwan), 279 Ong, Aihwa, 121, 186, 196 Ontario (Canada), 172 Open class systems, 237-239, G-7 Oppression, aftermaths of, 78-80 Oraibi pueblo, 177 Otterbein, Keith R, 244 Outsourcing, 233 Overinnovation, 261-263, 270, G-7 Pacific Islanders, 60, 65 Pagel, Mark, 282-283 Pakistan census taking in, 36 chiefdoms in, 146 and colonialism, 79, 252 domestic violence in, 196 plural societies in, 73-74 Panama, 147 Pantheons, 220 Pantribal sodalities, 142-145, G-7 Papua New Guinea big man in, 140-142, 141, 224-225 cultural exchange in, 283 gender stratification in, 193-194, 194 languages of, 54, 90, 93-94 and modern world system, 232 pantribal sodalities in, 143 religion in, 210, 224 sexual orientation in, 50, 201-203 tribal cultivators in, 138 Parantins, 275 Participant observation, 9, 25-27, G-7 Particularities, 52, 53-54, G-7 Pastoralism, 108, 116-117, 135, 144, 145, G-7 Patagonia, 109 Paternalism, 250 Paternity, 171 Paters, 168, 171, G-7 Patriarchy, 196-197, G-7 Patrikin, 169 Patrilineal descent, 165-167, 166, G-7 and bridewealth, 174-175 and divorce, 177 and domestic violence, 197 and gender stratification, 193-194, 194 and Lakher (Asian people), 169,169 and residence rules; see Patrilocality Patrilineal-patrilocal complex, 193-194,194, 196-197, G-7 Patrilocality, 159, 160, 167, 174-176, 177, G-7 and gender stratification, 193-194, 194, 195, 196 and religion, 218 Pawnee Indians, 187 PBS, 278 Peasants, 123, G-7 and cultural exchange, 273 and fiscal systems, 155 and gender stratification, 195,196 and green revolution, 258-260 Penis fencing, 203 Pentecostals, 220 Periphery nations, 232-233, 237, 240, 270, G-7 Permanent political regulation, 148 Personalistic disease theories, 14 Peru, 33, 113, 146, 271 Pesticides, 257 Peters, John Durham, 34 Phenotypes, 69-71, 70, G-7 Philippines, 109, 113, 186 Phipps, Susie Guillory, 65 Phonemes, 88, 89, 90, G-7 Phonemics, 89-90, G-7 Phonetics, 89-90, 89, G-7 Phonology, 88, 100-101, G-7 Physical anthropology, 4, 4, G-7 research methods in, 24-30 Physical contact, 56-57 Pidgins, 54, 90, 101 PIE (Proto-Indo-European) family tree, 102, 103 Plains Indians, 116, 126, 143-144,213 Plantation systems, 232, 238,273 Plattdeusch (Low German), 102 Plural marriages, 168, 175, 178-180, G-7 polyandry, 175, 180 polygyny, 175, 178-179, 179 Plural society, 73-74, G-7 Poland, 256 Polanyi, Karl, 123 Political systems, 133-157 bands and tribes, 136-146, 152 big man, 140-142, 141 foraging bands, 136-138 nomadic politics, 145-146 pantribal sodalities and age grades, 142-145 tribal cultivators, 138-139 village head, 139-140 chiefdoms, 146-151, 152 political and economic systems in, 147-148,147 social status in, 148-149 status systems in, 149-151 defined, 133-134, 134 Diwaniyas in Kuwait, 155-156 key terms, 157 states, 151-155, 152 enforcement, 152, 154 fiscal systems, 152, 154-155 judiciary, 151, 153 population control, 152-153 summary, 156-157 types and trends of, 134-136 Polities, 134, 137 Polyandry 175, 180, 190, G-8 Polygamy, 175, G-8 1-12 Index Polygyny, 175, 178-179, 179, G-8 and agriculture, 195 and domestic violence, 197 and gender stratification, 190 Polynesia, 88, 147-149, 210 Polytheism, 210, 219, 220, G-8 Popular culture, 45, 276 indigenizing of, 276, 277 Population control, 151, 152-153 Population growth in Third World cities, 11 in United States, 75-76 Poro, 145 Portuguese language, 91-92 Pospisil, Leopold, 140 Postcolonial, G-8 Postcolonial studies, 252 Postmarital residence rules; see Matrilocality; Patrilocality Postmodern, 281, G-8 Postmodernism, 281, G-8 Postmodernity, 281, G-8 Postsocialist transitions, 255-256 Potlatching, 126-129, 127, G-8 Poverty, 15-16, 161, 164, 200, 256 Power, 133, 150, 150, 237, G-8 in chiefdoms and states, 149-150 and language, 98, 99 Practice theory, 47^18 Practicing anthropologists, 5-6, 6; see also Applied anthropology Prejudice, 77, G-8 Premarital sex, 190, 190 Prestige, 150,150, 237, G-8 in chiefdoms and states, 149-150, 151 in foraging bands. 111, 138 and gender stratification, 186, 193 and language, 98, 99, 102 and potlatching, 127-128 vs. status, 60 Priesthoods, 220 Primates, 87-88, 203 Primitive Culture (Tylor), 41 Private-public contrast, 191 Privatization, 255 Problem-oriented ethnography, 26, 32 Production; see Modes of production Profit motive, 122, 124, 127 Progeny price, 174, G-8 Proletarianization, 236 Proletariat, 236-239, G-10 Prostitution, 13 Protestantism, 221, 223, 235, 271 Protolanguage, 102, G-8 "Psychic unity of man," 52 Psychoanalysis, 14 Public archaeology, 7; see also Applied anthropology Public transcripts, 272, G-8 Public-private dichotomy, 256 Puerto Rican Americans, 10, 62, 62 "Pygmies," 109, 110, 126 Qashqai, 117, 145-146 Quakers, 172 Quecha language, 105 Quechua language, 105 Queen Mother, 205 Questionnaire, 27 Race, 63-64, G-8; see also Ethnicity and social races, 64-71 hypodescent rule, 64-67, 66 in Japan, 67-69, 68 phenotype and fluidity, 69-71, 70 Racial classification, 65-66, 66, 69, 71 Racism, 63, 67, 76, 250, G-8 Il-rah, 145 Random sample, 36, G-8 Rapaport's rule, 283 Rapport, 26, 97 Reagan, Ronald, 99, 142 Real culture, 48 Reciprocity, 124-126, 130, G-8 Redfield, Robert, 11-12 Redistribution, 124, 148, G-8 Reflexive ethnography, 31-32 Refugees, 79, G-8 Regional speech patterns, 85-86 Reichs, Kathy, 6 "Relationship of affinity," 171,173 Relationships between cultures, 74 Religion, 209-229, G-8 and change, 223-225 cargo cults, 224-225, 225,270 in cultural exchange, 271-272 revitalization movements, 223-224 expressions of, 209-216 animism, 209-210 magic, 211 mana and taboo, 210-211 rites of passage, 213-216, 214,215 rituals, 213 totemism, 216 uncertainty, anxiety, solace, 211-213,212 key terms, 229 kinds of, 219-220,2/9 and marriage, 168 secular rituals, 226 and social control, 217-218 summary, 228-229 world, 220-222, 221, 222 Remarriage, 177 Rent fund, 123 Replacement fund, 123 Report, 97 Research methods, 24-40, 24 and culture shock, 37-39 ethnographic field techniques, 25-35 conversation, interviewing, and interview schedules, 25, 27-28 evolution of, 30-32, 31 genealogical method, 25, 28 key cultural consultants, 26, 28 life histories, 26, 29 local beliefs and perceptions, comparative study of, 26,29-30 longitudinal research, 26, 33 multitimed and multisited, 33, 34-35 participant observation, 25-27 problem-oriented research, 26, 32 team research, 26, 33-34 key terms, 40 summary of, 39-40 survey research, 35-37, 36 Residence rules, 167-168 Resistance, 272-275, 276 Index 1-13 Resource concentration, 282-284 Respondents, 35 Revitalization movements, 223-224, 271, G-8 Rickford, John, 100 Rites of passage, 213-216, 214, 215, G-8 Rituals, 213, 216, 226, G-8 Robertson, Jennifer, 67 Rolling Stones, 276 Roman Catholicism; see Catholicism Romantic love, 174, 177-178 Roosevelt, Franklin, 253 Rosaldo, Michelle, 186 Roxo, Guilherme, 38 Rural-urban continuum, 11-12 Russia, 79, 241, 254-256, 255 Rutgers University, 244 Rwanda, 251 S. Kleins, 97-98 Al-Sabah, Jaber, 156 Saks Fifth Avenue, 97-98 Salinas Pedraza, Jesus, 104-105 Salish Indians, 126-129 Salts, 113, 115 Salvador (Bahia), 217 Salvage ethnography, 30, 32 Same-sex marriages, 168, 171-173, 172 Samis, 116 Samoan Americans, 12-13 Sample, 35-36, G-9 Samurai, 69 San (African people), 109, 110, 136-137, 279 Sanday, Peggy Reeves, 204-206, 205 Sapir, Edward, 91 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 91-92, G-9 Scarcity, 122, 129-130, 193 Schistosomiasis, 13 Scientific medicine, 15, 15, G-9 Scots, 76 Scott, James, 272-273 Scudder, Thayer, 33 Second World, 79, 254-256 and communism, 254-255 and postsocialist transitions, 255-256 Secret societies, 145 Secularism, 226 Sedentism, 115, 127 Semai (Malaysian people), 125 Semantics, 93, G-9 Seminomadic foragers, 136-137 Semiperiphery nations, 232-233, 237, 240, 240, 270, G-9 Seniority, 149-150 Seoul (Korea), 49 September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, 218 Service, Elman, 134-135 Settlement hierarchy, G-9 Settler postcolonies, 252 Sexual dimorphism, 185, G-9 Sexual orientation, 201-204, G-9 Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), 13-14 Shahadah, 226 Shamans, 14, 137,219,2/9, 221, G-9 Shifting cultivation, 113 Shinto, 222 Shock phase, 270 Shoshone Indians, 165 Shwara language, 105 Sierra Leone, 145 Sikhism, 221, 221, 222 Silent trade, 126 Single-parent families, 163, 164, 200 Sitka (Alaska), 127 Situational negotiation of social identity, 62 Slash-and-burn techniques, 112, 112 Slavery, 238-239, 238, G-9 and modern world system, 231,232 in United States, 153, 197, 273,276 Smiling, 78, 87 Smith, Adam, 253 Smitherman, Geneva, 101 Social control, 217-218 Social fund, 123 Social indicators, 37 Social paternity, 168—169 Social race, G-9 Social races, 64—71 hypodescent rule, 64-67, 66 in Japan,67-69, 68 phenotype and fluidity, 69-71, 70 Social security, 180-182 Social statuses, 60-61, 61 in chiefdoms and states, 148-149, 153 and language, 88 and same-sex marriage, 173 shifting of, 61-63, 61, 62, 63 Socialism, 79, 236, 254-255 Society, 2, G-9 Society of Friends, 172 Sociolinguistics, 7, 94-102, G-9 Black English Vernacular (BEV), 99-100 gender speech contrasts, 96-97 and linguistic diversity within nations, 94-96, 95 stratification and symbolic domination, 97-99, 98 Sociopolitical typology, 135, G-9 Sodality; see Pantribal sodalities Solace, 211-213,2/2 Song battles, 138 Sororate, 175-176, 176, G-9 Soul loss, 14 South Africa, 228, 252 South America, 109, 113, 116-117; see also names of South American countries Soviet Union, 55, 79, 254-255,255,271 Spain, 72, 78, 80, 195 Spanish Civil War (1936), 80 Spanish language, 90, 95 Specialization, 115, 119-120 Speech sounds, 88-90; see also Language Spirit possession, 14, 16, 121-122 Sports terminology, 93, 93, 94, 96 Sri Lanka, 180, 231, 252 Standard English Proficiency programs, 100 Standard English (SE), 86, 89, 89, 96, 99-102 Stanish, Charles, 244 Star Wars, 210 State University of New York-Buffalo, 244 States, G-9 and agriculture, 116 and peasants, 123 political systems in, 135, 151- 155, 152 enforcement, 152, 154 fiscal systems, 152, 154-155 judiciary, 151, 153 population control, 151, 152- 153 status systems in, 149-151, 150 1-14 Index Status, 60-61, 61, G-9 and dowry, 174 and gender stratification, 195-196 and religion, 218 Status shifting, 61-63, 62, 63 Status systems, 149-151 STDs (sexually transmitted diseases), 13-14 Steckel, Richard H., 243 Stereotypes, 77, G-9 Stipulated descent, 167 Stoler, Ann, 185, 260 Stone Age, 136-137 Stonehenge, 147, 148 Stratification, G-9 in chiefdoms and states, 149-151,150 and equity, 261 gender, 185-186 in Japan, 69-70 in Java, 258 and language, 97-99, 98 and modern world system, 235-239 industrial, 236-237 open and closed class systems, 237-239 Stratum, 149-150, G-9 Stratum endogamy, 149 Style shifts, 95, G-9 Subcultures, 49-50, 60, G-9 Subgroups, G-9 Subgroups of language, 102 Subordinate stratum, 150, G-9 Subsistence fund, 122-123 Sudan, 168, 202, 272 Sufi, 227 Sugarcane, 232 Suharto, 258 Sukarno, 258 Sukuma (African people), 251 Sumatra, 227 Summer Field Studies Program in Anthropology, 33 Sumptuary goods, 155 Superordinate stratum, 150, G-9 Supply and demand, law of, 124 Survey research, 35-37, 36, G-9 Survival, 272-275 Susto, 14 Suttles, Wayne, 128 Swat (Pakistan), 73-74 Swing activities, 187 Symbiosis, 116 Symbolic capital, 99 Symbolic domination, 97-99, 98 Symbols, 42, G-9 Syntax, 88, G-10 Systemic perspective, G-10 Taboos, 169, 193, 211, G-10 Taipei (Taiwan), 279 Taliban Movement, 217-218 Tannen, Deborah, 87, 97 Tanzania, 251 Taoism, 222 Tarawads, 160-161 Taxation, 123, 126, 154 Taxonomy of languages, 102-103,103 Taylor, Carol, 16 "Teach-ins," 9 Team research, 26, 33-34 Technology and cultural imperialism, 274-275 and green revolution, 257-260 as means of production, 120 and modern world system, 233 and preservation of linguistic/ cultural diversity, 104-105 Telecommunications, 233 Ten Commandments, 218 Terracing, 114, 114 Terrorism, 153 Text, 276, G-10 Theft, 126, 130, 138, 144 Third World, 79, 254 and anthropology, 11,18 and cultural exchange, 269-285 contact and domination, 269- 272 development and environmentalism, 270- 271 religious change, 271-272 resistance and survival, 272-275 and development, 252-254 and green revolution, 257-260 and innovation strategies, 261-265 models for, 264-265 Thought and language, 90- 94 focal vocabulary, 92-94 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 91- 92 Tibet, 178, 180 Titiev, Mischa, 177 Tiwi (Australian people), 178 Tlingit Indians, 127 Tolerance, 73-77 assimilation, 73 multiculturalism/ethnic identity, 74-77, 75, 76 plural society, 73-74 Tonowi, 140-142, 141 Tools as means of production, 119-120 Totalitarian regimes, 254 Totemism, 167, 216 Tourmalines, 130 Trade and gender stratification, 192 and language, 90 and modern world system, 232-233 and neoliberalism, 253-254 and states, 154 Trade unions, 236 Trans-Fly region (Papua New Guinea), 50, 202 Transhumance, 117, G-10 Transnationalism, 80, 120-121,278-279,279 Transportation, 75 Transvestism, 202, 219 Tribal cultivators, 138-139 Tribalism, 251 Tribes, 135, 136-146,152, G-10 big man, 140-142 nomadic politics, 145-146 pantribal sodalities and age sets, 142-145 tribal cultivators, 138-139 village head, 139-140 Trickster tales, 273 Trobriand Islanders, 30, 31, 34, 212 Tropical foragers, 115, 191 Tropical horticulturalists, 115,138 Turkana (African people), 117 Turner, Victor, 209 Tutsi (African people), 251 TV Globo, 278 Tylor, Edward Burnett, 41,209-210 Typology, G-10 Tzintzuntzan (Mexico), 281 Uganda, 78, 117, 152, 179 Uighur (Turkic people), 179 Uncertainty, 211-213, 212 Underdifferentiation, 256, 263, 270, G-10 Understanding Popular Culture (Fiske), 276 Index 1-15 Unilineal descent, 165, G-10 Unilocal rules of postmarital residence, 168 Unitarians, 172 United Nations, 11,51 Charter, 51 Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED), 281 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 51 Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 51 High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 36 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 51 United States Census Bureau, 65-66, 66, 75 chiefdoms in, 147 displays of affection in, 56-57 domestic violence in, 197 families in, 161-164, 162, 163, 164 and same-sex marriages, 171-173, 772 gender stratification in, 197-200, 79S, 799 and modern world system, 233,240-241,240, 247 multiculturalism in, 74-76, 75, 76, 79 sexual orientation in, 201-202 and transnationalism, 121 and urban anthropology, 11 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN), 51 Universal grammar, 90 Universals, 52-53, G-10 University of Alaska-Fairbanks, 104 University of California-Los Angeles, 244 University of California-Santa Barbara, 243 University of Florida-Gainesville, 104 University of Illinois, 33, 105 University of Indonesia, 258 University of Michigan, 34 University of New Mexico, 19 University of Pennsylvania, 204 University of South Florida, 19 Untouchables, 170 Urban anthropology, 11-13 Vanuatu (Melanesia), 225 Variables, 36, G-10 Varna, 170 Vasques Kinchokpe, Freddy, 280 Vayda, Andrew, 128 Venezuela, 120 Vermont, 173 Vernaculars, 100 Vertical mobility, 239, G-10 Vietnam, 259 Vietnam War, 8, 9 Village head, 139-140, G-10 Village Headmaster, The (television program), 278 Violence and Native Americans, 243-245 and patriarchy, 196-197 Vision quests, 213 "Voodoo dolls," 211 Wagley, Charles, 64 Walker, Philip L., 243 Wallace, Anthony F. C, 209, 219-220,279 Wal-Mart Super Centers, 134 Warfare and gender stratification, 192-193, 196, 198 and Native Americans, 144, 243-245 and states, 153 in Sudan, 202 Warren, Kay, 185 Warsaw Pact nations, 79, 254 Wealth, 150, 750, 237, G-10 in chiefdoms and states, 149-150, 757 and language, 98, 99 Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 253 "Weapons of the weak," 272-274 Weaver, Jered, 272 Weber, Max, 150, 750, 236-237 Wedel, Janine, 256 Weights and measures, 154 West Africa; see also names of West African countries and colonialism, 251 and innovation strategies, 263 marriages in, 173 and nigritude, 72-73 pidgins, 54, 90 West African languages, 101 West Sumatra (Indonesia), 204, 205 Western medicine, 14-16, 75 Westernization, 8, 269-270, G-10 White, Leslie, 43^14 White man's burden, 249, 251, 252 Whitten, Norman, 105 Whorf, Benjamin Lee, 91 Wife stealing, 138 William Ponty school (Dakar, Senegal), 73 Witchcraft accusations, 218 Women; see Gender Women factory workers, 121-122, 197, 795 Women's rights movements, 197, 199 Working class, 236-237, G-10 World Bank, 253, 256 World Conference of Indigenous Peoples (Rio de Janeiro), 281 World Cup, 49 World religions, 220-222, 227,222 World stratification system, 237 World Summit on Sustainable Development (Johannesburg, South Africa), 280 World system of images, 277-278 World Trade Organization (WTO), 55 World War I, 72, 239 World War II, 7-8, 73, 198-199, 79S, 250-251 World-rejecting religions, 220 World-system theory, 239 Wudu, 13 Xerox, 16 Yanomami Indians, 120, 139-140, 193, 196 Yeltsin, Boris, 255 Yugoslavia, 159 Yurchak, Alexei, 256 Zadruga, 159-160 Zambia, 33, 214 Zimbabwe, 252 Zoroastrianism, 222 department of prehistoric archaeology of the near east IAM/FA masaryk university 3S rilten by one of the prominent scholars in the field, this concise, up-to-date introduction to cultural anthropology carefully balances coverage of core topics and contemporary changes in the field. Since no single or monolithic theoretical perspective orients this book, instructors with a wide range of views and approaches can use it effectively. The text highlights the increasingly transnational, multilocal, and longitudinal perspectives of anthropology and includes discussions of ethnicity and nationalism in a global context, as well as of diversity and multiculturalisin in North America. The combination of brevity and readability makes Mirror for Humanity a perfect match for cultural anthropology courses that use readings or ethnographies along with a main text. Features of the Fifth Edition • Charts, tables, and statistics have been updated with the most recent figures available. Five new end-of-chapter boxes are included to bring home the relevance of anthropology to current issues and events. • New information includes urban growth in developing countries, greater attention to diversity in contemporary North America, culture and the individual, cultural particularities and patterns of culture, globalization, Basque ethnicity, ebonies, Creole languages, an added case study of industrial alienation, new case material on divorce, legal actions regarding same-sex marriage, the expansion of Islam, new examples of magical and religious behavior in the contemporary United States, and new sections on neoliberalism, Communism and its fall, and postsocialist transitions. What instructors are sayinc about Miuhoh for Humanity This book is exceedingly clear, easy to understand, and instantly engaging. I really appreciate the author's personal, informal-yet-academically sound writing style. I feel drawn in, almost like a friend is talking to me. I know that my students would appreciate that! Because this book is intended for an introductory student audience, it is exactly right! Larisa Lee Broyles, California State University, San Bernardino I find [Mirrorfor Humanity] to be very readable and overall a strong introductory text. The new materials on gender, fieldwork, and ethics are timely and appropriate. Katherine Hirschfeld, University of Oklahoma Visit the Mirror for Humanity Online Learning Center Website at www.miihe.com/KOITAKMEIlS 9 780073"53C www.r The McGraw-Hill Companie McGraw-Hill Higher Education