Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 216­237, 2003
 2003 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/03/$30.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(02)00062-2
MOTION PICTURE IMPACTS
ON DESTINATION IMAGES
Hyounggon Kim
Texas A&M University, USA
Sarah L. Richardson
California State University-Chico, USA
Abstract: This study employed an experimental design to assess the extent to which viewing
a specific popular motion picture altered cognitive and affective images of the place it
depicted, as well as familiarity with, and interest in visiting it. A conceptual framework, which
introduces the concept of vicarious experience through empathy, is introduced, and the role
of empathy in explaining perceptual change is explored. Implications of the study pertain
to the development of theoretical understandings about the relationships of movies--as a
form of popular culture--to destination images. Additionally, marketing ideas associated
with these relationships are discussed. Keywords: popular culture, motion pictures, desti-
nation image, empathy, vicarious experience.  2003 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd.
Résumé: Les impacts du cinéma sur les images de destination. Cette étude a utilisé un
mode`le expérimental pour évaluer le degré auquel la vision d'un film populaire déterminé
modifierait les images cognitives et affectives du lieu qu'il représentait ainsi que sa familiarité
et l'intére^t pour visiter ce lieu. On présente un cadre conceptuel basé sur la notion de
l'expérience par procuration liée a` l'empathie, et on examine le ro^le de l'empathie pour
expliquer le changement de perceptions. Les implications de l'étude se rapportent au
développement de la compréhension théorique de la relation entre cinéma--en tant que
forme de la culture populaire--et les images de destination. De plus, on présente des idées
de marketing associées a` cette relation. Mots-clés: culture populaire, cinéma, image de desti-
nation, empathie, expérience par procuration.  2003 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd.
INTRODUCTION
Image has emerged as a crucial marketing concept in the tourism
industry. It influences tourism related attitudes and behaviors vari-
ously, by confirming/reinforcing existing, creating new, and changing
them (Seaton 1989). In the tourism field, image research has reflected
several different perspectives. These include the relationship of image
to destination choice (Fakeye and Crompton 1991; Goodrich 1978;
Mayo and Jarvis 1981), the image formation process (Baloglu and
McClearly 1999; Fakeye and Crompton 1991; Gartner 1993; Gunn
Hyounggon Kim (Department of Recreation, Park and Tourism Sciences, Texas A&M Uni-
versity, College Station TX 77843-2261, USA. Email <hkim@rpts.tamu.edu>) conducts
research on culture, festivals, and heritage tourism. Sarah Richardson is Assistant Professor
with the Department of Recreation and Parks Management at California State University,
Chico. Her research interests include wildlife and community-based tourism.
216
217KIM AND RICHARDSON
1972), image modification and change (Chon 1991; Pearce 1982), and
image measurement (Echtner and Brent Ritchie 1991; Gartner 1993).
This paper is concerned with the process of image formation. Several
researchers have suggested different frameworks for understanding
this process. Gunn (1972), one of the first researchers to conceptualize
the image formation process, separated this process into two types:
organic and induced images. The former are formed from sources not
directly associated with tourism interests, such as newspaper reports
and movies; induced images derive from the conscious effort of mar-
keters to develop, promote and advertise their destinations. Gartner
(1993) viewed the image formation process as a continuum consisting
of eight different agents: overt induced I agent (referring to traditional
forms of advertising); overt induced II agent (information received
from tour operators); covert induced I agent (second-party endorse-
ment of products through traditional forms of advertising); covert
induced II agent (second-party endorsement through unbiased reports
such as newspaper articles); autonomous agent (news and popular
culture); unsolicited organic agent (unsolicited information received
from friends and relatives); solicited organic agent (solicited infor-
mation received from friends and relatives); and organic agent
(actual visitation).
Among these, the role of autonomous image formation agents
appears to have particularly powerful effects on destination image for-
mation. News coverage and popular culture (as in films, television pro-
grams, and literature) can provide substantial information about a
place in a short period of time. Additionally, people are likely to evalu-
ate the information as relatively unbiased when compared to tra-
ditional advertising. Further, news and popular culture products are
so deeply embedded in every day life that they are likely to have high
market penetration. Thus, portrayals of places in news and popular
culture can alter an area's image dramatically, even in a short period
of time. Although few empirical studies of effects of popular culture
on image formation have been conducted, considerable anecdotal evi-
dence suggests a strong relationship. For example, it has been sug-
gested that the Disney-driven culture, consisting of films, songs, and
resorts, has impacted Americans' way of seeing nature and place
(Margaret 1996).
Motion pictures are an important element of popular culture. They
impact on many people in a short period and few would deny that
movie-going is a major leisure activity throughout the world. According
to Brown and Singhal (1993), the impact of popular films and tele-
vision programs on individual and societal beliefs and behaviors will
continue to increase as cable television and video use diffuse rapidly.
Likewise, Butler (1990) argued that what is shown in movies, videos,
and television will become even more important than print media in
shaping images of, and visitation to, places, due to expanding accessi-
bility and high credibility of these information sources. Similarly, Scho-
field (1996) suggested that contemporary tourists' organic images of
places are shaped through the vicarious consumption of film and tele-
vision without the perceived bias of promotional material.
218 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
Several researchers have found that certain motion pictures
increased the awareness of the places they depicted and had tourist-
inducing effects (Riley and Van Doren 1992; Tooke and Barker 1996;
Riley, Baker and Van Doren 1998). For example, the Scottish Tourist
Board conducted a survey in the Stirling area depicted in the film
Braveheart. The results of this research indicated that seeing the film
had a considerable influence on tourists' decisions to come to the Stir-
ling area and to visit certain attractions and destinations portrayed in
the film (Stewart 1997). Recognizing that movies can enhance aware-
ness of places and affect decision-making processes, marketers are
increasingly working with film producers to promote their destinations
as possible film locations (The Economist 1998; Rosen 1997; Seaton
and Hay 1998). However, despite recognition that place images can
be developed through depiction in film, the processes by which motion
pictures influence destination images and related decision-making
have not been widely examined. Accordingly, the study reported in this
paper explored how popular motion pictures, as autonomous image
formation agents, influence viewers' perceptions of places they portray-
ed.
POPULAR MOTION PICTURES AND DESTINATION IMAGES
Despite its importance in understanding and predicting tourist
behavior, the concept of image has not been understood in a unified
way. Pearce commented that "image is one of those terms that will
not go away, a term with vague and shifting meanings" (1988:162).
Numerous scholars have offered somewhat different definitions of des-
tination image. Hunt (1975) described it as perceptions held by poten-
tial tourists about an area. Crompton (1979) defined image as the sum
of beliefs, impressions, ideas, and perceptions that people hold of
objects, behaviors, and events. More recently, Echtner and Ritchie pro-
posed that "image is not only the individual traits or qualities but also
the total impression an entity makes on the minds of others" (1991:4).
Collectively, it seems that most such literature describes a totality of
impressions, beliefs, ideas, expectations, and feelings accumulated
towards a place over time.
One of the most significant roles of destination image is its impact
on the tourism decision-making process. Many researchers have clearly
illustrated that perceptions of destinations and purchase decisions are
positively correlated (Mayo 1973; Mayo and Jarvis 1981), indicating
that the image of an area is a critical selection factor (Woodside and
Lysonski 1989). Because of its importance in predicting tourism
behavior, numerous studies have been conducted. Topics that have
been studied include the components of imagery (Dann 1996; Gartner
1993), relationships between actual visitation and images (Ahmed
1991; Chon 1991; Milman and Pizam 1995; Oppermann 1996), effects
of geographic distance (Crompton 1979; Fakeye and Crompton 1991;
Hunt 1975), influences of news coverage and cultural events
(Anderson, Prentice and Guerin 1997; Gartner and Shen 1992; Pren-
tice and Anderson 2000), and the destination images held by tourism
219KIM AND RICHARDSON
interest groups other than tourists (Alhemoud and Armstrong 1996;
McLellan and Foushee 1983; Oppermann 1996; Schroeder 1996).
Image and Popular Culture
Popular culture encompasses film, literature, song, art, photography,
and other sorts of media, including mass media, which convey and
reflect widely accepted values and symbols. Unlike elite or fringe cul-
ture, which influences small elements of a population, popular culture
reinforces and reflects patterns of communication and consumption
for a mass audience. Its role in building place imagery in the context
of tourism has been clearly expressed by Urry:
Places are chosen to be gazed upon because there is an anticipation....
Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of
non-tourist practices, such as film, TV, literature, magazines, records
and videos, which construct and reinforce that gaze...the viewing of
tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning, with
a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape
than is normally found in everyday life. People linger over such gaze
which is then visually objectified or captured through photographs,
postcards, films, models and so on. These enable the gaze to be end-
lessly reproduced and recaptured (1990:3).
As Urry suggests, the symbolic domain of popular culture is
important to the construction of place imagery. Influences of various
forms of popular culture on place images have been studied. Butler
(1990) pointed to the historical importance of oral and literary media
as the primary ways that people became aware of places beyond their
immediate world of direct experience, prior to electronic media. Her-
bert (1996); Newby (1981), and Squire (1994, 1992) have specifically
explored the role of literature. Seaton (1998) referred to the ways that
"imaginative literature" influenced images of, and travel to, Scotland
as early as the 1700s. Today, literature not only plays a critical role in
directly shaping place images, but also fosters the creation of films,
songs, plays, and tourism promotions.
As film and television viewing continues to expand, so too will their
influence on place images. Although those developed through these
media may be artificial, they influence tourism marketers and con-
sumers to a great extent. As noted by Morgan and Pritchard, the power
of constructed reality is likely to dominate any sense of objective reality.
They contend that "in some cases, depiction on television may even
alter the reality of a place and television shows have been catalysts
for the recreation of places as living environments and tourism sites"
(Morgan and Pritchard 1998:71). That is, the popular view of a place
offered by media may prompt that place to recreate its own identity
in this image. Hall (1997) refers to such dynamics as part of the "the
circuit of culture". In the circuit of culture, language, including the
visual language of television, films, and other mass media, provides
representations that produce meanings. These meanings regulate
social practices, influence people's conduct, and consequently have
real practical effects. In particular, movies, as visual language, have
220 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
been one of the major vehicles to construct and transmit meaning,
often of places with which people do not have first hand experience.
Conceptual Framework
Although popular motion pictures appear to alter visitation to tour-
ism areas, there has been little empirical investigation of the ways that
they affect place images and destination choices. Better theoretical
understanding of the impacts of movies on destination perceptions will
enhance knowledge about the image formation process as it relates to
popular culture and bridge the gap between intuitive belief and
empirical evidence. The study reported here contributes to this under-
standing.
A conceptual framework that describes relationships between movie
viewing and selected destination-related constructs is proposed and
tested. The constructs are destination images, as well as familiarity and
interest in visiting. Two components of destination images are
explored: the cognitive which describes beliefs about place attributes
and the affective which suggests emotions evoked by a place. The con-
cept of empathy, which provides for vicarious experience with a place,
is introduced and explored as a linkage between movie viewing and
the other tourism-related constructs.
Cognitive and Affective Components. Destination images have been
described as consisting of both cognitive and affective components
(Baloglu and Brinberg 1997; Gartner 1993; Dann 1996). Gartner
(1993) regarded the former as the evaluation of the known attributes
of the object. The latter refers to subjective feelings about the object
(Baloglu and Brinberg 1997). Consistent with these definitions, studies
on affective qualities have focused on emotional responses to places
and environmental features, while the other have focused on the evalu-
ation of physical attributes of places.
Environmental psychology literature provides a conceptual under-
standing of the affective component of places (Russel 1980; Russel and
Pratt 1980; Russel and Snodgrass 1987). The first study by Russel
argued that an affective state occurs only as the final result of the cogni-
tive process. Information about an environment is first interpreted and
made meaningful cognitively, then used to categorize the internal,
emotional state. That is, interpretation of information rather than
information itself produces an affective state. The 1987 study argued
that affective quality of places plays a very crucial role in everyday
decision-making, particularly when a place itself becomes an object of
choice. Thus, in tourism contexts, evaluation of affective qualities of
places might become even more important than objective, perceptible
properties of places.
According to Gartner (1993), the interrelationship of cognitive and
affective image components eventually determines the predisposition
for visiting a destination. Despite the importance of both, most desti-
nation image studies have emphasized the cognitive component by
focusing on the tangible qualities of places. Only a few (Baloglu and
221KIM AND RICHARDSON
Brinberg 1997; Baloglu and McClearly 2000) have attempted to meas-
ure the affective component of places.
Vicarious Experience through Movie Viewing. As much of the desti-
nation image literature reveals, actual visitation to a place often causes
people to changes their images of it. After they have visited a place,
they tend to gain more complex cognitive knowledge about it. Most
researchers seem to presume that people can experience a destination
only through actual visitation, which leads to forming more realistic
images of it. However, much cinematic literature implicitly suggests
that people can experience a place vicariously by identifying with the
characters (Metz 1982). According to the latter source, a film provides
viewers perceptual hallucination through vision and sound reproduc-
ing systems. By following the electronic eye that represents the perspec-
tives of various characters in the film, spectators identify themselves
with the film characters. Thus, the cinema may be seen as a forum that
offers a cast of characters from among whom the spectator chooses a
party for identification (Friedberg 1990).
The notion of "vicarious experience" can be understood through
the concept of empathy. This term suggests a visceral feeling about
someone else's life which allows an individual to participate in the "pos-
ture, motion, and sensations" of someone or something other than the
self (Stern 1994). This empathic response is likely to occur when
people watch dramatic events. Iser (1978) suggests that plot and
character, fundamental elements of drama, engage the viewer's
imagination and empathy. Often, those exposed to drama completely
immerse themselves the situation (albeit artificial) and react to the
actors as if they were real persons in their immediate environment.
In advertising research, the effectiveness of advertising drama on
eliciting empathic responses from viewers has been widely acknowl-
edged. Viewers come to understand the product experiences portrayed
in advertisements by vicarious participation in the experiences of
advertisement characters (Boller 1990). Deighton and Hoch (1993)
identified three ways that advertising dramas persuade viewers: by
drawing audiences into an experiential situation, by engendering
empathic emotional responses, and by stimulating inference. The level
of empathic experience with advertising drama is often measured in
terms of how much viewers believed they vicariously participated in
the experiences of advertisement characters. Empirical results suggest
that the level is related to the attitude toward the brand featured in
the advertisements (Boller 1990; Boller and Olson 1991).
In certain types of place-oriented movies, viewers are offered the
opportunity to learn about the place by imaginatively participating in
the place-related experiences of the characters. Thus, the audience
exposed to a film should not be regarded as a mere observer but as
an active information processor, vicariously experiencing the world in
the film. In this sense, it is not unreasonable to consider vicarious
experiences with a destination featured in a film as another type of
destination experience. As suggested by the advertising literature, the
level of empathic involvement in movie watching represents how inten-
222 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
sive the experience with the place may be. Thus, it can be inferred
that the level of empathic involvement with film characters can affect
the perceptions viewers have of the place depicted in the film.
Familiarity. Movies familiarize audiences with places and attractions
featured in them. Riley and Van Doren contended that "Extended
exposure to attractions through the medium of film allows potential
tourists to gather information and vicarious knowledge, therefore low-
ering the anxiety levels caused by anticipated risk" (1992:269). Thus,
it is proposed that observing a movie can increase the degree of famili-
arity with the places it portrays.
As tourists become more familiar with a destination, they are more
likely to have specific knowledge about holiday opportunities. This
knowledge can provide a feeling of security and comfort, which can
lead to increased confidence in destination choice and an actual
vacation experience less threatening and more comfortable (Olsen,
McAlexander and Roberts 1986). However, as noted by MacKay and
Fesenmaier (1997) familiarity might also have negative effects. They
introduced the concept of "optimal familiarity", indicating that desti-
nation familiarity and attractiveness are positively related to a point,
after which they are negatively related because the novelty of travel
is reduced.
In marketing literature, familiarity has been found to be an
important factor influencing consumers' decision-making process. Lar-
oche, Kim and Zhou (1996) found that knowledge of brand influences
a consumer's attitudes toward it, which in turn affects his/her inten-
tion to buy. Wedel, Vries, Bijimolt, Krijnen and Leeflang (1996) noted
that a consumer's familiarity with a brand affects perceptions of its
attributes, with those who are more familiar with it likely to use more
complex attributes in their decision-making.
Despite widespread acknowledgement of the importance of famili-
arity to tourism decision-making, there is neither unified agreement
nor enough discussion about the ways familiarity can be defined. Most
of the literature equates familiarity with a destination as previous visi-
tation (Milman and Pizam 1995). More recently, Baloglu (2001) cri-
tiqued previous approaches to the destination familiarity concept and
proposed that experiential (previous exposure) and informational
(amount of information used) dimensions be incorporated. Although
he used only a behavioral measure of familiarity in his study, he points
to the need to examine multidimensional aspects of human experience
and the variety of ways that people may develop a cognitive under-
standing and affective feeling toward a place. For this reason, the
underlying assumption, adopted in previous literature, that people
with previous visit experience are familiar with the place and those
without such exposure are not, does not appear to be suitable to cap-
ture varying degrees and kinds of human experience. Thus, in this
study, the concept of familiarity was treated as an attitudinal variable.
As previously mentioned, popular motion pictures and television
programs have been linked to increases in tourist numbers at places
they depict (Corliss 1999; Riley et al 1998; Riley and Van Doren 1992;
223KIM AND RICHARDSON
Tooke and Baker 1996; Watson and Galle 2000). This suggests that
these media can be a catalyst of tourism interest and demand by stimul-
ating people's curiosity for filmed locations. Thus, the impact of movie-
watching on the level of interest in visiting such places was also inte-
grated into this study.
Research Hypotheses and Study Methods
Based on the conceptual framework described in this study, five
hypotheses were considered:
Ha 1: Perceived destination images of a place will be significantly different
between subjects exposed to the film and those not.
Ha 2: Interest in visiting the place depicted in a selected film will be significantly
different between subjects exposed to the film and not.
Ha 3: The degree of empathic involvement with film characters will be signifi-
cantly related to perceived destination images.
Ha 4: The degree of empathic involvement with film characters will be positively
related to the degree of perceived familiarity with the place depicted in a selec-
ted film.
Ha 5: The perceived degree of familiarity with the destination will be signifi-
cantly higher for subjects exposed to a selected film than those not.
The study was conducted using a posttest only control group experi-
mental design. Unlike some such procedures, a pretest is not included
in this design (Campbell and Stanley 1963). These latter are often
implemented because it is difficult giving up "knowing for sure" that
the experimental and control groups are equal before the experi-
mental treatment. However equality of the subjects can be
accomplished through random assignment of them. An advantage of
this study's design is that it eliminates pretesting effects, including
effects of prior observation on later observation and of potential sensit-
ization of subjects to experimental manipulation (Parasuraman 1986).
Since these effects might have significantly distorted the results of this
study, the posttest only control group design was deemed desirable for
the study's validity.
The experimental and control treatments were major motion pic-
tures. A popular motion picture was defined as a film produced for the
entertainment of the general public employing plot and characters.
Considering the possible preferences of subjects (college students) and
purpose (to identify the impacts of a movie on place images), place
oriented movies which were likely to appeal the students' taste were
used as a major criterion. Accordingly, the movie Before Sunrise,
released at theaters in 1995, was selected as the experimental treat-
ment. Insights from two focus groups and a pretest helped with the
selection of this film. The movie depicts the romantic experiences of
a young American man and a young French woman, both University
students, who meet on a train, get off together in Vienna, and spend
a day exploring Vienna and falling in love. Throughout the movie,
many of Vienna's historical and cultural attractions provide a back-
224 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
ground to the interactions of the young tourists. Thus, perceptual
changes associated with Vienna were of primary interest to this study.
For the control group, the movie Groundhog Day was selected. This
movie was shot in a small town in Pennsylvania and did not contain
any material that could confound the image of Vienna.
The sample size needed for this experiment was determined using
power analysis. Ninety subjects were required to analyze the data at a
5% of  level and 95% power level with a two-tailed t-test, using an
effect size .50 (Kraemer and Thiemann 1988). However, considering
the possibility of losing subjects, such as through "no-shows" and inva-
lid questionnaires, a larger sample size was preferred. Thus, 109 under-
graduate students who had not previously viewed the movie Before Sun-
rise were selected from a film introduction class at a major US
university. Those who had previously visited Vienna were not con-
trolled before selection of samples so as to disguise the intent of the
study before the experiment. The 109 subjects were assigned to two
groups (experimental and control) using a randomization table. As a
result, the experimental and control groups consisted of 55 and 54
students, respectively.
The two groups watched their movies concurrently in two different
classrooms at a multi-media center equipped with theater quality
screen and sound. Subjects completed a questionnaire immediately fol-
lowing the movie. Due to incomplete questionnaires (10 subjects), pre-
vious visitation to Vienna (5 subjects), and incomplete participation in
the experiment (2 subjects), a total of 17 were dropped from the study
sample. Because the exclusion of those subjects was not due to the
nature of experimental manipulations, it is not believed that this sig-
nificantly affected the validity of study design. Consequently, 92 usable
responses (53 experimental and 39 control) were available at the end
of the experiment, meeting the criteria for statistical estimation for
data analysis. No statistically significant differences were found
between the two groups in terms of age and grade level (most were
in their first or second year of university), though a chi-square test
showed that the control group had a significantly higher number of
female subjects. In order to identify the possible effects of gender on
the results of study, two-way ANOVA tests were run on all the depen-
dent variables. The results indicated that there were neither significant
gender main effects nor gender-group interactive effects on the depen-
dent variables, which eliminated the possibility that unequally distrib-
uted gender might bias the results of the study.
To measure the cognitive component of participants' images of
Vienna, the scale items developed by Baloglu and McClearly (1999)
were used with some modifications. These items refer to historical and
natural attractions, atmosphere of the destination, and lifestyle of local
people. After some changes in wording, 13 image attributes, which
were measured using a five-point Likert type scale, were included in
the questionnaire.
Affective evaluations of Vienna were measured using earlier scales
(Russel 1980; Russel and Pratt 1980; Russel and Snodgrass 1987). Their
utility to the study of destinations has been explored by Baloglu and
225KIM AND RICHARDSON
Brinberg (1997). Four 10-item scales assessed the following bipolar
affective dimensions of places: arousing-sleepy, exciting-gloomy,
pleasant-unpleasant, and relaxing-distressing. As suggested by Russel
and his colleagues, eight interval positions were provided for rating
the extent to which each adjective described feelings towards Vienna.
Subjects' responses to negatively keyed items (such as sleepy, gloomy,
unpleasant, and distressing) were multiplied by 1, and all responses
within a single dimension were then summed. This procedure pro-
duced the four 10-item scales.
Empathy was measured using an eight-item, five-point Likert scale
known as the VEDA (Viewer Empathy In Response To Drama Ads)
scale (Boller 1990; Boller and Olson 1991). Its original scale consists
of items such as "While watching the commercial, I felt as if the charac-
ters' thoughts and feelings were my own." The wording of these items
was changed to fit into the movie-viewing context rather than the
advertisement-viewing situation. Scores on each of the individual items
were summed to create the final measure.
Familiarity with Vienna was measured using a four item seven-point
bipolar scale that focused on the physical environment and Viennase
lifestyle. The selection and wording of items were determined through
a discussion with expert panel members, comprised of academicians
experienced with scale development. The final variable, level of inter-
est in visiting Vienna, was measured using a one item 10-point
bipolar scale.
Results: Variables and Descriptive Findings
Cognitive Image. Principal components analysis with varimax
rotation was performed on the cognitive image items to identify dimen-
sions underlying these 13 items. To examine first the suitability of the
data for factor analysis, Kaiser's measures of sampling adequacy were
checked for the overall data set and each variable (Stevens 1996). Over-
all, this was .748, which is acceptable (Kaiser 1974). However, one item
was unacceptable (.51; "Good Value for Travel Expenditure") and was
eliminated, thereby increasing the overall adequacy measurement to
.773.
The remaining 12 items were entered into the principal components
analysis. According to statistical criteria, an eigenvalue of 1.0 was util-
ized for factor extraction and loadings of .50 were used for item
inclusion (Carmines and Zeller 1979; Stevens 1996). One item (good
climate) was dropped because of a low factor loading score (.43). The
exclusion of the item increased the level of variance explained from
56.20% to 59.21%. Thus, the 11 cognitive image items from the ques-
tionnaire resulted in three factors that accounted for 59.21% of the
total variance (Table 1). Factors were labeled based on highly loaded
items and the common characteristics when grouped together. Thus,
they were labeled as cultural/natural attractions (Factor I), community
characteristics/infrastructure (Factor II), and basic needs/comfort
(Factor III). Table 2 shows that eigenvalues of these factors ranged
226 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
Table 1. Factor Analysis of Cognitive Image Itemsa
Experimental Control Factor Eigen % of
Group Group Loading Value Variance
(n=53)Mean (n=39)Mean
(SD) (SD)
Factor I: Cultural/Natural 2.46 22.40
Attractions (.72)b
Beautiful scenery/Natural 3.54 (.84) 3.33 (.70) .78
attractions
Interesting cultural 3.73 (.76) 3.48 (.72) .67
attractions
Interesting historical 4.28 (.66) 4.07 (.62) .73
attractions
Good nighttime 3.22 (.80) 3.69 (.65) .66
entertainment
Factor II: Community 2.44 22.19
Characteristics/Infrastructure
(.76)b
Good quality of 3.83 (.75) 3.41 (.63) .80
transportation
Personal safety 3.49 (.95) 3.33 (.57) .69
Unpolluted/unspoiled 4.30 (.84) 4.05 (.75) .64
environment
Interesting and friendly 3.56 (.84) 3.51 (.75) .76
local people
Factor III: Basic 1.60 14.61
Needs/Comfort (.55)b
Suitable accommodations 3.94 (.88) 3.51 (.75) .81
Appealing local food 3.13 (.73) 3.43 (.59) .58
(cuisine)
Standard hygiene and 3.83 (.72) 3.48 (.72) .66
cleanliness
59.21%
a
Scale:1=Strongly Disagree and 5=Strongly Agree.
b
Number in parentheses indicates Cronbach's coefficient alpha.
from 1.60 to 2.46 and most of the loadings were greater than .60, indi-
cating a good correlation between the items and the factor on which
they loaded. Cronbach's alpha coefficients were analyzed to check the
internal consistency of the scale and coefficients were above the satis-
factory level (above .70) in cultural/natural attractions and community
characteristics/infrastructure. Only the basic needs/comforts factor
showed a relatively low reliability score (.55), likely because of the
smaller number of items included in the factor. Conventionally, it has
been shown that as the number of items increases, so does also the
alpha value; and acceptable levels of alpha value can be as low as .50
for scales consisting of a small number of items (Carmines and Zeller
1979). The three factors were used as the cognitive image variables in
subsequent analyses associated with hypothesis testing.
227KIM AND RICHARDSON
Table 2. Composite Measures of Affective Imagesa
Dimension Experimental Control Group Total
Group (n=53) (n=39) (n=92)
Mean (SD) Mean (SD)
Arousing­Sleepy Quality (.75)b
.70 (.79) .66 (.79) .68 (.79)
Exciting­Gloomy Quality (.84)b
1.41 (.74) 1.51 (.92) 1.45 (.82)
Pleasant­Unpleasant Quality (90)b
2.16 (.73) 1.86 (.89) 2.03 (.81)
Relaxing­Distressing Quality (.81)b
1.74 (.72) 1.06 (.80) 1.45 (.82)
a
Scale: 1=Extremely Inaccurate and 8=Extremely Accurate.
b
Number in parentheses indicates Cronbach's alpha coefficient.
Affective Image. The examination of descriptive statistics revealed
that both experimental and control groups rated higher on positive
items and lower on negative items, indicating both groups evaluated
Vienna as a relatively positive place. Affective image scores were calcu-
lated according to the instructions provided by Russel and Pratt
(1980). From each dimension, scores on positively and negatively
keyed items were totalled separately. The sums of positive items were
then subtracted from those of negative ones. For example, in the case
of the pleasant­unpleasant dimension, rating scores of five positive
items (pleasant, nice, pleasing, pretty, and beautiful) were summed.
Scores of five negative items (dissatisfying, displeasing, repulsive,
unpleasant, and uncomfortable) were also calculated. Then, the total
of positive bipolar items was subtracted from that of negatives within
a same dimension. This procedure produced four bipolar dimensions
(arousing-sleepy, exciting-boring, pleasant­unpleasant, and relaxing­
distressing) capturing affective image of Vienna (Table 2), which were
used as the four affective image variables in subsequent analyses.
Empathy. Because the control group did not receive an experi-
mental treatment (Before Sunrise), the empathy scale was analyzed only
for the experimental group. Principal components analysis, conducted
to assess the unidimensionality of the scale, indicated that all eight
items of the empathy scale loaded on a single factor. Cronbach's alpha
coefficient was .87, indicating that this scale had high internal consist-
ency among items. Therefore, it was deemed appropriate for a com-
posite empathy score to be calculated and used as the measure of
empathy in this study. The overall mean score was 3.70, indicating that
the respondents showed moderate empathic involvement with the film
characters (Table 3).
Familiarity. Descriptive statistics for four familiarity items are
reported in Table 4. Overall, all the subjects rated low (below 2.0)
here, indicating that respondents did not consider Vienna a familiar
place. Standard deviations also showed small dispersion of the
responses on these items. Principal components analysis suggested that
all four items were loaded on one factor and a Cronbach's alpha coef-
228 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
Table 3. Descriptive Statistics of Empathy Scale Itemsa
Item Scale Experimental Group
(n=53)Mean (SD)
Empathy (.87)b
I tried to understand the characters in the movie by 1­5 3.71 (.98)
imagining how things look from their perspective
I really got involved with the feelings of the 1­5 3.79 (1.0)
characters in the movie
While watching the movie, I easily put myself in the 1­5 3.73 (1.1)
place of one of the leading characters
While watching the movie, I felt as if the characters' 1­5 3.16 (1.2)
thoughts and feelings were my own
While watching the movie, I imagined how I would 1­5 4.26 (.81)
feel if the events in the story were happening to me
While watching the movie, I tried to imagine what 1­5 3.73 (1.0)
the characters were thinking
I became very involved in what the characters were 1­5 3.79 (1.0)
experiencing throughout the story
While watching the movie, I experienced many of 1­5 3.45 (1.1)
the same feelings that the characters portrayed
Grand Mean 3.70 (.76)
a
Scale: 1=Strongly Disagree and 5=Strongly Agree.
b
Number in parentheses indicates Cronbach's alpha coefficient. The empathy was meas-
ured only to the experimental group.
ficient of .79 indicated high internal consistency of items. Thus, it was
deemed reasonable to use a composite score of these items as a meas-
ure of the familiarity concept in this study.
Results: Hypotheses Testing
Hypotheses were tested using Pearson correlations and independent
sample t-tests. Across all the hypotheses, findings were considered sig-
nificant at the .05 level.
Hypothesis 1: Perceived destination images of Vienna will be significantly
different between subjects exposed to the film "Before Sunrise" and not. To test
the impact of the experimental treatment on place image, the differ-
ences in cognitive and affective image components between experi-
mental and control groups were measured using t-tests (Table 5). All
three cognitive image variables (factors) showed statistically significant
differences between the experimental and control groups. In parti-
cular, the basic needs/comfort factor was negatively affected by the
experimental treatment (Before Sunrise) while the other two were posi-
tively influenced by the movie. Affective image variables showed some-
what different results. Of the four affective image variables, only the
relaxing­distressing dimension was found to be significantly different
between the experimental and control groups. Those who were
exposed to the movie evaluated Vienna more favorably on this dimen-
229KIM AND RICHARDSON
Table 4. Descriptive Statistics of Familiarity Itemsa
Item Scale Experimental Group Control Group
(n=53) (n=39)
Mean (SD) Mean (SD)
Familiarity (.79)b
How familiar are you with the 1­7 1.45 (.99) 1.28 (.75)
lifestyle of people in Vienna?
How familiar are you with 1­7 1.84 (1.0) 1.89 (1.2)
cultural / historical attractions in
Vienna?
How familiar are you with 1­7 2.15 (1.3) 2.15 (1.6)
Landscape in Vienna?
How familiar are you nighttime 1­7 1.66 (1.2) 1.30 (.42)
entertainment in Vienna?
Total 1.77 (.89) 1.66 (.79)
a
Scale: 1=Not at all Familiar and 7=Extremely Familiar.
b
Number in parentheses indicates a Cronbach's alpha coefficient.
sion compared to those not exposed to it. Thus, a total of four image
variables (three cognitive and one affective) out of a possible seven
showed significant differences between the two groups. Thus, Hypoth-
esis 1 was partially supported.
Hypothesis 2: Interest in visiting Vienna will be significantly different between
subjects exposed to the film and those not. Again t-tests were performed to
measure the mean difference between experimental and control
groups in their interest in visiting Vienna. The result shows that there
was a statistically significant difference (p<.01) between the groups.
Subjects who had viewed the movie expressed a higher degree of inter-
est in visiting Vienna than those who did not. Thus, Hypothesis 2
was supported.
Table 5. Differences between Experimental and Control Groups
df t-value
Cognitive Image:
Cultural/Natural Attractions 90 2.60a
Community Characteristics/Infrastructure 90 2.50a
Basic Needs/Comfort 90 4.12b
Affective Image:
Arousing­Sleepy 90 .213
Exciting­Boring 90 .580
Pleasant­Unpleasant 90 1.76
Relaxing­Distressing 90 4.23b
a
t-value is statistically significant at the .05 level (2-tailed).
b
t-value is statistically significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).
230 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
Hypothesis 3: The degree of empathy will be significantly related to perceived
destination images. To test this hypothesis, correlation analyses between
the degree of empathic involvement with the film characters and cog-
nitive and affective image components (total of seven variables) were
conducted. The result suggests that empathic involvement with the
film characters was not related to any of the cognitive variables. For
the affective, two dimensions showed significant relationships with
empathic involvement: arousing­sleepy (p<.01) and exciting­boring
(p<.05). Thus, Hypothesis 3 was not fully supported since only two out
of seven correlations were statistically significant.
Hypothesis 4. The degree of empathy will be positively related to the degree
of perceived familiarity with Vienna. Again correlation analysis was under-
taken in order to test this hypothesis. The result shows that the degree
of empathic involvement with the film characters was not correlated
to perceived familiarity with Vienna (p<.57). Based on this finding,
Hypothesis 4 was rejected.
Hypothesis 5. Perceived degree of familiarity with Vienna will be significantly
higher for subjects who are exposed to the film than for those who are not exposed.
T-tests were run to determine the mean difference in familiarity
between experimental and control groups. The result indicates there
were no significant differences between the two groups in their per-
ceived familiarity with Vienna (p<.52). Thus, Hypothesis 5 was rejected.
Consequently, hypothesis testing revealed several findings in terms
of impacts of a movie on destination perceptions (Figure 1). The solid
arrows indicate statistically significant relationships while the dotted
ones represent relationships that were not statistically significant in
this study.
Figure 1. Results of Hypothesis Testing within Conceptual Model
231KIM AND RICHARDSON
CONCLUSION
The primary purpose of the study was to investigate influences of a
popular motion picture on viewers' perceptions of the depicted place.
Key findings of the study can be summarized in three ways: the movie
significantly affected some of the destination image components and
interest in visiting Vienna; the level of empathic involvement with the
film characters was not significantly associated with either component
(cognitive or affective) of destination image or with familiarity; and the
movie did not enhance the degree of familiarity with the destination
portrayed in it.
Some of the findings were contrary to expectations, particularly
those related to empathy. Since this is the first study to examine the
influence of empathic involvement with film characters on destination
image changes, it is hard to find any evidence to contradict or offer
additional insight to the results. Thus, it should be concluded that
empathic involvement, at least as measured in this study, is not the
main cause for viewers to change their perceptions of locations
depicted in films. This finding raises questions about the role of vicari-
ous experience in shaping images of places. While this process has
been previously cited as important to understanding influences of mov-
ies on images (Riley and Van Doren 1992), the efficacy of this construct
remains unclear. It may be that the construct of vicarious experience
is not as closely tied to empathic involvement as has been suggested in
the marketing literature. Instead, more direct (rather than vicarious)
participation with a place may occur through movie viewing. That is,
subjects may feel that they are personally and more directly drawn into
the "presence" of a place, rather than experiencing it through the eyes
of another.
In terms of the movie's influence on cognitive and affective images,
changes to these components seemed to be consistent with the content
of the film. All three cognitive factors and one affective dimension
were associated with the way Vienna was depicted. Thus, it can be
argued that the specific content of the movie can significantly affect
the viewers' image of a place portrayed in the film, in both positive
and negative directions.
The experimental and control groups did not show any significant
differences in terms of degree of familiarity with Vienna, indicating
that exposure to the place through the movie did not enhance audi-
ences' degree of familiarity with Vienna. This unexpected result can
be explained in two ways. One, given that familiarity was oper-
ationalized here as an attitudinal variable measuring psychological
closeness, it may be that fictional depiction of a place does not foster
that psychological mindset. Additionally, the importance of a multidi-
mensional measure of familiarity has been previously discussed. It may
be that both behavioral and attitudinal components are important to
capturing familiarity. Other factors, such as actual visitation and word
of mouth, which are not associated with fictional depictions, may also
be more influential in shaping familiarity. Two, it is possible to infer
that a short exposure to a place through observing a movie might not
232 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
be salient enough to enhance the perceived degree of familiarity with
the place. Perhaps, this sense of a place can be enhanced through
repeated exposures to that place through film and other sources
over time.
The findings from this study support and expand upon previous
research and have unique marketing implications. First, this study pro-
vided some empirical evidence that a popular motion picture could
significantly influence destination image. This finding implicitly sup-
ports Gartner's (1993) argument that autonomous image formation
agents (such as popular culture and news) can change destination
images in a short time period. Second, there have been several studies
that identified an increase in popularity of locations depicted in films,
which suggests the potential of place specific movies to serve as tourism
attractors (Riley and Van Doren 1992; Riley et al 1998; Tooke and
Baker 1996). Findings from these studies appear to be limited to
descriptive understandings of the functions of movies in the context
of tourism and do not offer theoretical insight to why these phenom-
ena occur. Some of the findings generated by this study, such as those
related to the nature of image change, partly explain extra tourism
induced by movies and suggest that a motion picture could be an effec-
tive tool to change place images and affect the audiences' interest in
visiting the place.
This study, as a third point, expanded understanding of image by
measuring both cognitive and affective components. With the excep-
tion of Baloglu and Brinberg (1997), most destination image literature
seems to have overlooked affective dimensions, although the existence
of an affective component has been acknowledged (Baloglu and
McClearly 1999; Dann 1996; Gartner 1993). This study suggests that
both cognitive and affective images can influence destination percep-
tions, indicating that researchers need to consider both components.
From a marketing standpoint, the study findings suggest that the
content of a movie can be related to destination image formation, with
change either positive or negative. Unlike other traditional promotion
tools, destination marketers are not likely to have control about the
way a place is portrayed in the motion pictures. Thus, it is important
to develop or adjust their image management strategy depending on
the way the place is projected. Although not investigated in this study,
it is very likely that different types of movies attract different audience
segments, which in turn implies that a destination marketer might be
able to predict the possible tourism segment attracted by the film.
Therefore, analyzing the content of the movie and identifying possible
symbols portrayed in it will enable destination marketers to make
appropriate plans.
It is apparent from this study that further research is needed to bet-
ter comprehend relationships between movies and tourism. A variety
of issues were not clarified by this study. First, the concept of empathy
was not found to be an effective theoretical linkage between film view-
ing and perception changes of depicted places. Thus, further attention
to an appropriate theoretical framework for understanding how movie
viewing changes place images is needed. Second, the concept of famili-
233KIM AND RICHARDSON
arity needs further consideration. As mentioned earlier, improved
measures that consider both behavioral and attitudinal aspects should
be explored in future research. Third, this study did not consider the
role of audiences' emotion beyond the empathy construct within the
conceptual framework. It is possible to infer that either positive or
negative emotional experiences, such as happiness or sadness, caused
by observing a movie might affect the destination-related variables of
this study. For this reason, the impacts of emotional experience, along
with empathic involvement, should also be analyzed.
Fourth, this study did not take audiences' characteristics into
account in analyzing the impacts of movie on destination perception
changes. Baloglu and McClearly (1999) suggested that the destination
images are likely to be formed as a function of both perceiver charac-
teristics (demographics and motivations) and stimuli. Thus, future
research should explore the interrelationship between audiences'
characteristics and perception change through movie watching. Fifth,
from the methodological perspective, a laboratory experiment was
employed in this study to accomplish the proposed purposes. However,
this comes with inherent weaknesses in terms of external validity of
the study findings. It is not certain that what is drawn from the study
can be generalized to "real world" situations. An actual movie-going
situation might be very different from the experimental situation. For
example, in most cases, movie viewing is done voluntarily to seek enter-
tainment, which might affect viewers' emotions and degrees of involve-
ment in the film. Additionally, an actual movie-going situation would
likely include a more diverse audience (for example, in terms of age,
occupation, and other characteristics) than that associated with the
experiment reported here. Therefore, future research should include
field experiments conducted in natural settings, such as commercial
movie theater, to increase the external validity of the study findings.
Sixth, the study did not explore the extent to which changes to images
were enduring, a factor which would offer insight to the role of movies
in later tourism decision-making.
Finally, this study employed only one specific type of movie to ident-
ify impacts on viewer perceptions. Future research needs to employ
diverse types with different themes in order to test the extent to which
perceived impacts, and variables which influence them, can vary. To
this end, both qualitative research approaches (which can offer insight
to topics including semiotics, individual experience, and cultural
meanings associated with film-place relationships) and quantitative
methods (which can help investigate efficacies of theoretical
orientations) can advance understanding.
It is anticipated that the phenomenon of movie-induced tourism will
continue to grow as participation in leisure pursuits by emerging global
markets expands, and film and other forms of mass media are inter-
nationally distributed and viewed. Popular motion pictures may be
particularly critical elements of popular culture in creating place
images since they often serve to mystify places by imbuing them with
myth and meaning through drama. This generates audience involve-
ment and consumption, thus allowing meaning to be created from the
234 MOVIE-INDUCED IMAGE
representation. As demonstrated by research associated with the movie
Braveheart (Seaton and Hay 1998), it is not the objective reality of the
place (much of Braveheart was actually filmed in Ireland, though tour-
ists indicated that they came to Scotland to visit places depicted in
the film), but instead the meaning it represents that transforms places
depicted in motion pictures to symbolically meaningful tourist attrac-
tions.
One of the significant characteristics of popular culture resides in
mass consumption and sharing ideas within a given society. In this
sense, the influence of popular culture in an increasingly global society
is expanding exposure to, and interest in, destinations. For this reason,
relationships of film, and other forms of popular culture, to tourism
must be further critiqued, researched, and understood. A
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