Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence
from Czech

k 2020

Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech

DOČEKAL, Mojmír

Basic information

Original name

Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech

Authors

DOČEKAL, Mojmír

Edition

Degree Expressions and Polarity Effects (DegPol2020), 9.-10.3.2020, Berlín, 2020

Other information

Language

English

Type of outcome

Presentations at conferences

Field of Study

60200 6.2 Languages and Literature

Country of publisher

Germany

Confidentiality degree

is not subject to a state or trade secret

References:

URL

Organization unit

Faculty of Arts

Keywords in English

modified numerals; experiments

Abstract

In the original language

Background. Previous research on modified numerals established some widely accepted contrasts between comparative modifiers (CM) and superlative modifiers (SM) (see Büring 2008; Geurts and Nouwen 2007; Nouwen 2015; Mayr 2013; Schwarz 2016 a.o.), such as: (i) CM don’t but SM do giveraise to obligatory ignorance implicatures; (ii) CM can scope over or under existential modals (EM)but SM have to outscope them. Ano more than Numconstruction (NMC), where negation and comparison are combined in a way exemplified by an English sentence (1) from Nouwen (2008), to this day the most developed formal treatment of NMC, is then claimed to allow both scopes w.r.t.EM (Nouwen 2008) and to have scalar bounding inference, signalling speaker’s well-informedness (ibid), since English no more construction (unlike class B modifiers) give raise to equality readings like (=50) for (1). Such claims seem to be supported by the comparative morphology of NMC. I bring new experimental and corpus evidence against both claims, showing that (cross-linguistically) (i)NMC can be interpreted only with wider scope then EM; (ii) NMC is compatible (mostly) only with speaker’s insecurity (or so-called variation) readings as SM. The experimental and corpus evidence comes from Czech as it was observed before that Slavic languages (unlike English) generally don’t support speaker’s well-informedness NMC interpretation (Dočekal 2017).

Links

MUNI/A/0873/2019, interní kód MU

Name: Podpora výzkumu studentů na MU - obecná jazykovědy a baltistika 2020

Investor: Masaryk University, Category A

Cite

DOČEKAL, Mojmír. Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech. In Degree Expressions and Polarity Effects (DegPol2020), 9.-10.3.2020, Berlín. 2020.

@proceedings{1661358,
   author = {Dočekal, Mojmír},
   booktitle = {Degree Expressions and Polarity Effects (DegPol2020), 9.-10.3.2020, Berlín},
   keywords = {modified numerals; experiments},
   language = {eng},
   title = {Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech},
   url = {https://www.leibniz-zas.de/de/das-zas/veranstaltungen/details/events/5883-degree-expressions-and-polarity-eff},
   year = {2020}
}

TY  - CONF
ID  - 1661358
AU  - Dočekal, Mojmír
PY  - 2020
TI  - Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech
KW  - modified numerals
KW  - experiments
UR  - https://www.leibniz-zas.de/de/das-zas/veranstaltungen/details/events/5883-degree-expressions-and-polarity-eff
N2  - Background. Previous research on modified numerals established some widely accepted contrasts between comparative modifiers (CM) and superlative modifiers (SM) (see Büring 2008; Geurts and Nouwen 2007; Nouwen 2015; Mayr 2013; Schwarz 2016 a.o.), such as: (i) CM don’t but SM do giveraise to obligatory ignorance implicatures; (ii) CM can scope over or under existential modals (EM)but SM have to outscope them. Ano more than Numconstruction (NMC), where negation and comparison are combined in a way exemplified by an English sentence (1) from Nouwen (2008), to this day the most developed formal treatment of NMC, is then claimed to allow both scopes w.r.t.EM (Nouwen 2008) and to have scalar bounding inference, signalling speaker’s well-informedness (ibid), since English no more construction (unlike class B modifiers) give raise to equality readings like (=50) for (1). Such claims seem to be supported by the comparative morphology of NMC. I bring new experimental and corpus evidence against both claims, showing that (cross-linguistically) (i)NMC can be interpreted only with wider scope then EM; (ii) NMC is compatible (mostly) only with speaker’s insecurity (or so-called variation) readings as SM. The experimental and corpus evidence comes from Czech as it was observed before that Slavic languages (unlike English) generally don’t support speaker’s well-informedness NMC interpretation (Dočekal 2017).
ER  -

DOČEKAL, Mojmír. Against class A treatment of no more : experimental evidence from Czech. In \textit{Degree Expressions and Polarity Effects (DegPol2020), 9.-10.3.2020, Berlín}. 2020.

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