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@inproceedings{1459538,
author = {Dočekal, Mojmír and Dotlačil, Jakub},
address = {Edinburgh},
booktitle = {Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 21},
editor = {Robert Truswell, Chris Cummins, Caroline Heycock, Brian Rabern, and Hannah Rohde},
keywords = {formal semantics; Neg-raising; Czech; experimental semantics},
howpublished = {elektronická verze "online"},
language = {eng},
location = {Edinburgh},
pages = {387-399},
publisher = {University of Edinburgh},
title = {When is not-believing believing that not?},
url = {https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/DRjNjViN/index.html},
year = {2018}
}
TY - JOUR
ID - 1459538
AU - Dočekal, Mojmír - Dotlačil, Jakub
PY - 2018
TI - When is not-believing believing that not?
PB - University of Edinburgh
CY - Edinburgh
KW - formal semantics
KW - Neg-raising
KW - Czech
KW - experimental semantics
UR - https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/DRjNjViN/index.html
N2 - We present two experiments that studied the licensing conditions of two Czech expressions in neg-raising and non-neg-raising environments: ani jeden ‘even one’ and az do ‘until’. English counterparts of these expressions are often treated as belonging to the same class, that of strict NPIs. However, our experiments revealed subtle differences between the two expressions, which we argue could be explained if we assume that only ani jeden ‘even one’ is a strict NPI, while a az do ‘until’ is an expression sensitive to durativity of the predicate it modifies. The experiments furthermore showed that mood affects licensing of both ani jeden ‘even one’ and a az do ‘until’ under neg-raising predicates.
ER -
DOČEKAL, Mojmír a Jakub DOTLAČIL. When is not-believing believing that not?. Online. In Robert Truswell, Chris Cummins, Caroline Heycock, Brian Rabern, and Hannah Rohde. \textit{Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 21}. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 2018, s.~387-399.
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