How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's
generalisation

J 2017

How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation

CAHA, Pavel

Základní údaje

Originální název

How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation

Autoři

CAHA, Pavel (203 Česká republika, garant, domácí)

Vydání

Glossa : a journal of general linguistics, 2017, 2397-1835

Další údaje

Jazyk

angličtina

Typ výsledku

Článek v odborném periodiku

Obor

60203 Linguistics

Stát vydavatele

Velká Británie a Severní Irsko

Utajení

není předmětem státního či obchodního tajemství

Odkazy

URL

Kód RIV

RIV/00216224:14210/17:00094806

Organizační jednotka

Filozofická fakulta

DOI

http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.348

UT WoS

000415685600002

Klíčová slova česky

ABA; Blansitova generalizace; lineární kontiguita; Nanosyntax; prostorové pády; synkretismus

Klíčová slova anglicky

ABA; Blansitt's generalization; linear contiguity; Nanosyntax; spatial case; syncretism

Štítky

rivok

Příznaky

Mezinárodní význam, Recenzováno

Změněno: 6. 3. 2018 14:34, Mgr. Marie Skřivanová

Anotace

V originále

In this paper, I provide an account for the so-called Blansitt›s generalisation (Blansitt 1988). The generalisation says that in the linear sequence dative—allative—locative, only adjacent functions may be marked the same. In previous work (Bobaljik 2012; Starke 2009; Caha 2009), analogous *ABA patterns have been encoded by the so-called feature cumulation. Feature cumulation means that the amount of features characteristic for individual categories monotonically grows in the order given in any such sequence. However, Blansitt observes that in the case of datives, allatives and locatives, the allative (which is in the middle) tends to be composed of the dative and the locative, so the account based on cumulation does not work. The present paper thus argues for a different representation of the underlying categories, namely as containing (abstractly) the features a, ab and b respectively (following in part Bobaljik & Sauerland 2017). I refer to this as the “overlapping” decomposition. When such a decomposition is combined with the Superset Principle (Starke 2009), it yields both the *ABA restriction and the observed syncretism and containment patterns.

Návaznosti

GA17-10144S, projekt VaV

Název: Lineární kontiguita v jazyce

Investor: Grantová agentura ČR, Lineární kontiguita v jazyce

Citovat

CAHA, Pavel. How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation. Glossa : a journal of general linguistics. 2017, roč. 2, č. 1, s. 84-115. ISSN 2397-1835. Dostupné z: https://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.348.

@article{1384234,
   author = {Caha, Pavel},
   article_number = {1},
   doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.348},
   keywords = {ABA; Blansitt's generalization; linear contiguity; Nanosyntax; spatial case; syncretism},
   language = {eng},
   issn = {2397-1835},
   journal = {Glossa : a journal of general linguistics},
   title = {How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation},
   url = {https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/abstract/10.5334/gjgl.348/},
   volume = {2},
   year = {2017}
}

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JF  - Glossa : a journal of general linguistics
VL  - 2
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KW  - ABA
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KW  - linear contiguity
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KW  - syncretism
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N2  - In this paper, I provide an account for the so-called Blansitt›s generalisation (Blansitt 1988). The generalisation says that in the linear sequence dative—allative—locative, only adjacent functions may be marked the same. In previous work (Bobaljik 2012; Starke 2009; Caha 2009), analogous *ABA patterns have been encoded by the so-called feature cumulation. Feature cumulation means that the amount of features characteristic for individual categories monotonically grows in the order given in any such sequence. However, Blansitt observes that in the case of datives, allatives and locatives, the allative (which is in the middle) tends to be composed of the dative and the locative, so the account based on cumulation does not work. The present paper thus argues for a different representation of the underlying categories, namely as containing (abstractly) the features a, ab and b respectively (following in part Bobaljik & Sauerland 2017). I refer to this as the “overlapping” decomposition. When such a decomposition is combined with the Superset Principle (Starke 2009), it yields both the *ABA restriction and the observed syncretism and containment patterns.
ER  -

CAHA, Pavel. How (not) to derive a *ABA: the case of Blansitt's generalisation. \textit{Glossa : a journal of general linguistics}. 2017, roč.~2, č.~1, s.~84-115. ISSN~2397-1835. Dostupné z: https://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.348.

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